Elite Research Articles

Gender and support for undemocratic politicians

Several studies have examined whether attitudinal factors make people more willing to accept political elites violating basic democratic norms. However, the role of more basic socio-demographic characteristics, such as gender, remains underexplored. This may be a mistake, as studies suggest that these influence the evaluation of democratic transgressions. We focus on the role of gender in evaluations of democratic transgressions and re-examine data from two conjoint experiments conducted in Finland. We examine whether the gender of the politician violating democratic norms matters, whether the gender of the person judging the democratic violations matters, and whether it matters for the evaluation of the democratic violation when both the candidate and the respondent are of the same gender. Our results indicate that gender plays at best a limited role, as we find no evidence that candidate gender or the gender of the respondent matters for the evaluations.

Personnel Changes After 2024 Presidential Election and Renewal in the Political Elite

Personnel Changes After 2024 Presidential Election and Renewal in the Political Elite

Weak party system institutionalization and autocratization: evidence from Tunisia

ABSTRACT Why do party systems remain weak in transitioning countries in ways that can hamper the democratization process? We answer this question through a case study of Tunisia, which was the only success story of the Arab uprisings. Tunisia has experienced a process of autocratization since President Saied's presidential coup in 2021. Utilizing a historical institutionalist framework, we conducted interviews with 15 leaders from the major political parties. We find that, in contrast to conventional wisdom, the strong party institutionalization under authoritarian rule did not lead to an institutionalized party system after authoritarian rule ended. We attribute this dynamic to the inability of regime-successor parties to institutionalize, perpetuating democratic vulnerabilities inherited from authoritarian rule. We also find that too-powerful civil societies can be detrimental to transitions. The labour union, UGTT, acted as a de facto veto player and limited the ability of cabinets to implement reforms. Furthermore, leftist parties could not benefit from the UGTT's base. The 2011 revolution was a critical juncture that could have facilitated the establishment of an institutionalized party system. However, the political elite's institutional choices put additional challenges on parties. The weakness of the party system in turn contributed to President Saied's self-coup and dismantling of Tunisia's democratic institutions.

From Confidence to Convenience: Changes in Voting Systems, Donald Trump, and Voter Confidence

Abstract A growing body of research indicates that voters’ perceptions of the electoral system change when the means of administering elections change. As some electoral jurisdictions have moved to systems designed to increase voter convenience, little is known about whether convenience is achieved at the expense of confidence. Utah’s rollout of Vote by Mail (VBM) occurred county by county across five federal elections, and the three most populous counties adopted all VBM elections successively in 2014, 2016, and 2018. This meaningful variance in voter experience with VBM allows us to model the relationship between experience with VBM and voter confidence. We find that the switch to a more convenient system of voting came at the expense of diminished confidence in the voting process. However, experience with VBM is positively related to confidence such that the loss in confidence can be recouped over time. To capture this dynamic relative to other factors, we also estimate the effects of partisanship and the messages of political elites. In the aftermath of the 2020 election, the effect of partisanship on voter confidence changed compared to just two years earlier. Elite messages appear to be especially negative for Trump voters after 2020. More experience with VBM acts as a bulwark against those negative messages, almost completely attenuating the negative effects of Trump’s fraud claims among his voters with the highest levels of VBM experience.

Fuentes privadas y gubernamentales para el estudio de decisiones de grupo y medidas confidenciales: el régimen sonorense y el uso del servicio consular en el espionaje de exiliados durante la década de 1920

In this article we propose to analyze the private and governmental collections of a political elite that controlled government agencies during the 1920s. Through the prosopographic method and the triangulation of information contained in the Archivo Particular Abelardo L. Rodríguez, Fideicomiso Archivo Plutarco Elías Calles-Fernando Torreblanca and Archivo Histórico Genaro Estrada, we document the ruling group’s perceptions of internal and external problems, their fears, information gathering, and actions implemented through the consular service to overthrow opposition groups in exile in the United States.

Indo-Persian Identities in Medieval Muslim Deccan

Between the 14th and 17th centuries, the Deccan Plateau region saw the emergence of Muslim sultanates (Bahmani, Ahmednagar, Bidar, Golconda, Bijapur, Berar, Bijapur) whose political, religious, intellectual, and artistic elites are deeply imbued with the Persian language and culture. They thus continue a long tradition of the dynasties that appeared in the east of the Muslim world, since the 9th century (Samanids, Ghaznavids, Ghurids, Khwarazmshahs, Ilkhanids, Timurids), as well as the Muslim political power ruling northern India, between the 13th and the 16th centuries (Delhi Sultanate). In all of this, regardless of the origin of the political-military elites who were in power (Turks, Afghans, Caucasians, Iranians, Indians converted to Islam), Persian becomes both the political-administrative language and the language of culture. Our study aims to provide an insight into the ways in which this Persian reference was disseminated, developed, assumed in the Bahmani Sultanate, and then in the other five sultanates that emerged after its dissolution (1527). For over three centuries, the dynasties in power patronized a very rich cultural life, where traditional Persian elements, brought here by scholars, religious people, Sufis, poets, artists coming from the Middle East and Central Asia, were shaped and adapted to the realities of the Indian environment. These symbioses were especially visible in art (primarily in miniatures) and in the development of new artistic expressions within what is called Indo-Islamic architecture.

Bad governance in Australia and how to mitigate it

AbstractWe argue that new public management (NPM) and other processes have led to adverse selection and agency rent problems within the political elite in Australia. The politicisation of the public service and the rise of careerist politicians have led to the de‐separation of what was once two distinct career paths within the political elite. This has changed the decision premise of the advisory system for policy formation and implementation, leading to worse public policy, even policy disasters. We recommend that some of the principles of the Westminster form of government be updated and re‐instituted for political elites within the structures of the Australian government. We canvass four reforms: return to merit appointments and promotion for public servants; a return to tenure for senior public servants; an enhanced push for descriptive representation within the career public service; and a formal role for staffers with centralised appointments, inability to instruct public servants, and restrictions on political and policy roles once leaving public service. These are designed to end the distrust, perceived corruption, and poor governance in the Australian government.Points for practitioners Having separate career paths for non‐elected policy elites and elected elites is vital for information transmission and good governance. Each should operate with separate decision premises and work together in creative tension. NPM practices have weakened the separate career paths of public servants and politicians, leading to adverse selection and agency rent for both. The Westminster system has a logic that has been diluted or weakened within the Australian government, leading to poorer policy and policy disasters. The paper presents four areas for reform.

Why is immigration important to you? A revisit to public issue salience and elite cues

AbstractExtensive media coverage of immigration, that is, media salience, has been thought to heighten anti‐immigrant attitudes among native‐born citizens by creating an information environment that portrays immigration as society's greatest problem. However, past empirical findings on the relationship between media salience and anti‐immigrant attitudes have been mixed. Some studies have observed that media salience increases hostility towards immigrants, while others have found it has no significant influence. This study investigates the underlying reasons for these inconsistent findings and demonstrates the need to revisit the meaning of issue importance. It employs the concept of public issue salience, the perception that immigration is the most important problem or concern about immigration, to find evidence. It argues that when the immigrant issue is a pivotal point of political competition, the immigration issue signals conflicts, connoting negativity so public issue salience and anti‐immigrant attitudes are closely related. On the other hand, in an environment where political elites reach a consensus, the immigration issue remains neutral so that they can be disentangled. The scope of media salience changes accordingly as well. This study chooses the United Kingdom and Germany for comparative research due to their similarities in immigration histories and the success of far‐right parties as well as differences in their major political parties' reactions to the issue. I match individual‐level longitudinal survey data to media article data and find clear country differences. In the United Kingdom, where political parties are polarized over the issue, public issue salience and anti‐immigrant attitudes are closely related so that media salience heightens them. In Germany, where political elites across different ideologies hold welcoming stances, their relationship is moderate. Media salience merely increases the perceived importance and does not increase anti‐immigrant attitudes. Contributions and implications are discussed with respect to political elites' role.

MUTUAL PERCEPTION OF THE GREAT POWERS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE GENESIS OF THE WORLD WAR II (THE CASE OF SOVIET-FRENCH RELATIONS)

Perception in international relations has long been studied in political science, but historians have not paid suffi cient attention to it so far. Meanwhile, looking at known events through its prism allows us to draw new conclusions about their origins. The prehistory of World War II and its key episode — the failure of attempts to deter Hitler’s aggression in Europe through the joint eff orts of France and the Soviet Union — can serve as a fruitful field for testing this approach. For the military and political elites of France, the USSR was dangerous due to its unpredictability, but an internally fragile. This presumption leveled all the successes of the Soviet leadership in modernizing the country and the armed forces in the eyes of the French. The increased military danger in Europe after 1933 prompted Paris merely to offer Moscow the role of an ordinary participant in the system of collective security, which was based on the experience of World War I and designed as a new model for the development of international relations and minimization of conflicts between countries. The Soviet government viewed France as a leading imperialist power that prioritized anti-Soviet goals, but had a situational interest in limiting German expansion. At the same time, Moscow believed that Soviet-French cooperation could be effective only as an equal strategic alliance aimed at deterring a potential aggressor. This approach was rejected by French diplomacy, which followed the policy of appeasement. It was a source of a deep crisis in bilateral relations at the time of the 1938 Munich agreements. The collapse of appeasement in early 1939 led to a sharp turn by the French government to strategic planning for a possible war and created a window of opportunity for an agreement with the USSR. However, the inertia of old prejudices deprived the tripartite Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations in the spring and summer of 1939 of their practical content and opened the way for a Soviet-German agreement

A generational shift: how partisan alignment and the rise of social issues have produced a generation of Democrats

ABSTRACT American political elites are today more neatly divided on a wider range of issues than at any other point in the postwar era. How have these trends affected the political socialization of American youth? We argue that two distinctive aspects of US polarization, namely ideological alignment and the emergence of non-economic issues, have formed the foundation of a generational shift in favor of the Democratic party. We find that Millennials and Gen Z display levels of ideological alignment across economic, civil rights, and moral domains that are equal to or greater than previous generations. Their liberal positions on moral and civil rights issues are not only strongly predictive of vote choice, but also tend to offset any conservative positions on economic issues – in contrast to the way previous generations resolved such ideological tensions. As such, the push for a non-economic political agenda – a popular strategy in the last few decades, especially among Republicans – might well benefit the Democrats electorally as older generations are replaced.

“The revolution born out of a swear”: populist humour, carnivalization, and mass protest in Romania

ABSTRACT This article aims to make two contributions. First, at a theoretical level, I briefly outline an embedded narrative approach to populism, which is critical of treating it solely as an ideology or ontologizing it. This alternative approach provides a better understanding of the connection between populism, humour, and insults. Second, at an empirical level, I argue that the 2018 mass protests against the political elite in Romania were unique in that they turned a gendered and violent insult into a guiding political slogan, reiterated across both high and popular culture. Influential intellectuals, such as Gabriel Liiceanu, the most reputed public philosopher in Romania, proclaimed that this was a “swear (înjurătură) that unites us all” inspiring a new anti-communist “revolution”. By examining both the political imagination of the “institutional intellectuals” and popular artefacts (from T-shirts to popular songs), I interpret the Romanian protests and the role of “bad language” and populist humour as an expression of the carnivalization of politics and the intensification of antagonism in post-communist Romania.

Specific features of constructing the memory and identity politics in modern Kyrgyzstan

Objectives. The relevance of studying this topic is that memory and identity politics, or historical politics, affect the awareness of the national, cultural, civic identity of the population, which is an important factor in the consolidation of society. The purpose of this study is the analysis of political activity which is aimed at the development of national identity. Methods. When writing the paper, the following methods were used: structural and functional, dialectical, and logical. Results: As a result of the study, it was found that at present the Kyrgyz political elite needs to create a political programme for long-term memory, since there is no specific national policy regarding this. Such a programme should be created in the form of a single political and legal document at the state level. It will be able to ensure systematic, progressive growth based on an understanding of common goals, assuming spiritual unity, which will contribute to the development of a sense of national identity. Conclusions. Due attention should be paid to the development of the museum sphere. It is also important to investigate interethnic relations and the development of terminology of ethno-national identity. The practical significance of this study lies in the fact that all theoretical provisions, conclusions, and recommendations can be used to create a programme that will be aimed at developing collective memory and a sense of national identity

Exploring the Impact of Political Patronage Networks on Financial Stability: Lebanon’s 2019 Economic Crisis

Amid Lebanon’s multifaceted economic crisis, this paper explores the intricate dynamics between political patronage networks and financial stability. Grounded in the theoretical frameworks of New Institutional Economics (NIE) and Project Management (PM), the study delves into how entrenched political elites and patronage networks have shaped Lebanon’s financial system, exacerbating vulnerabilities and perpetuating the ongoing crisis. Utilizing qualitative methods including in-depth interviews, document analysis, and case studies, the research illuminates the pivotal role of political actors and their vested interests in economic policies and financial institutions. The findings reveal systemic governance failures, crony capitalism, and institutional decay as underlying causes of Lebanon’s economic stress. In response, the paper proposes a comprehensive framework for governance reform that integrates insights from NIE and PM, emphasizing structured planning, accountability mechanisms, and institutional strengthening. The purpose of this study is not only to contribute to a nuanced understanding of Lebanon’s challenges but also to offer actionable insights for policymakers, academics, and stakeholders to address the root causes of the crisis and pave the way for sustainable economic recovery and revitalization.

Genieys, William & Darviche, Mohammad-Saïd (2023). Elites, Policies and State Reconfiguration. Transforming the French Welfare Regime. Cham: Switzerland. 198 Seiten. ISBN: 978-3-031-41582-1.

This book takes the hierarchical political system in France as a starting point to analyze the influence of elites on the reconfiguration of state and policy processes. Major reform developments in social policy are attributed to actors’ biographies and changing constellations. While the book thereby offers a detailed account of social policy reforms and individual backgrounds, it lacks a theoretical connection to the broader public policy research literature beyond elite sociology and path dependency. Thereby, a systematic and theoretically guided identification of mechanisms that link actor dynamics and policy outcomes is missing. Nevertheless, the impressively comprehensive interview data from several decades provides invaluable insights into influential actors within the state, serving as a resource for researchers, lecturers, and practitioners.

The Implications of Autochthony-Based Victimization for Reparative Justice in Africa

The concept of autochthony or ‘indigeneity’ has been employed in multiple contexts across Africa and refers to people with historical connections to particular territories. It can be manipulated by political elites who demonize perceived ‘allochthonous’ minorities or ‘outsiders’. Though autochthony-related violence is often considered to constitute or resemble genocide or ‘ethnic cleansing’, the contested nature of these concepts necessitates further consideration of the impact of such violence beyond the genocide lens. This essay explores the potential implications of such hostilities and violence for ‘restorative’ or ‘reparative’ justice. It focuses on the examples of the protracted violence in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Central African Republic (CAR), where both peace and justice seem elusive for many communities, and the missed opportunities to foster reparative justice for victims of the last major conflict in Côte d’Ivoire (2010–11). In focusing on victims of autochthony-related violence, this essay considers the potential specific, multilayered, and intersecting needs of such victims and the challenges they may face within the context of any broader, comprehensive processes of reparative justice. Given the challenges that this essay highlights, it concludes by recommending that scholars further consider a conceptualization of reparative justice encompassing the multilayered experiences of autochthony-based victimization.

Iraq's Authoritarian Democracies: A Conceptual Framework through Tawfiq al-Suwaydi's Political Memoirs

Abstract Political memoirs have been typically utilized for their historical reference, neglecting the wide array of conceptualizations of the political sphere and the state that politicians' narratives represent. Critical discourse analysis methodologies, by focusing on perceptions and interpretations of discourse, provide the tools to uncover these conceptualizations of elites and those that represent the state. This is particularly important in states like Iraq, which struggle against hybridity, where the democratic system is actioned through authoritarianist tendencies that define the political sphere. This manipulation of an otherwise democratic structure requires an analysis of the conceptual framework that informs the manipulation. The political memoirs of Tawfiq al-Suwaydi, an Iraqi PM on multiple occasions throughout the Monarchy Era, cover significantly more than identity construction, confirmation of historical narratives, and his defenses. The discursive foundation of the state and the way it is actioned against a democratic system is qualified throughout his writing. In his narration, we will see a significant outpour of fundamentally authoritarian views of rule rooted in efficiency through domination and absolute control. Meanwhile, the democratic system was conceptualized as serving the purpose of appeasing an otherwise inconsolable people. This article highlights the way memoirs of political elites, through the justificatory and analytical language, are gateways to understanding the perceptions of rule upon which their mode of operation, and so the foundation of hybridity, is based. This aims to further illuminate oppressive continuities within the Iraqi political sphere as we have seen a return to a similar form of hybridity post-2003.

Commanding heights: the role of wealthy ‘starchitects’ in city remaking

Censuses of the world’s super-rich now include among their ranks several architects whose personal financial position stems from their status as influential ‘starchitects’. We discuss the economic, political and social forces that concentrate fortunes in the hands of a professional elite who are increasingly also members of a global wealth elite. The rise of such starchitects exemplifies how capital flows are generative of subsidiary but important classes of professional agents who have accumulated significant fortunes as a result of city (re)making. Thus a select few in this field possess the kind of ‘money power’ that is generative of a capacity to direct changes in the built environment. Courted by city administrations and super-rich clients starchitects are increasingly charged with delivering symbolic projects that reinforce expansionary circulations of capital. We develop a concept sketch of how a global cadre of starchitects and their practices are fundamentally aligned with the shift of many cities to plan star-driven vehicles in order to capture capital. We discuss three elements that are crucial in determining the agency of starchitects: first, economic and political constraints or opportunities; second, normative conditions within industry and city institutional contexts; and, third, the important role of professional and power networks.

Sites of the Memory of the Serbian Nation in Kosovo and the Place of Kosovo in the Collective Memory of the Serbs

Drawing on the conceptual framework of sites of memory and collective memory, the study examines Kosovo as a crucial site of Serbian national memory, focusing on the historic Battle of Kosovo in 1389. Through a qualitative analysis based on primary and secondary sources, it addresses the question of why, when, and how Kosovo became a prominent part of the Serbian collective memory. In this regard, the study explores the contribution of the Serbian Orthodox Church, historical narratives, myths, monuments, memorials, songs, poems, and other cultural expressions in both achieving and maintaining Kosovo's distinctive position within the collective memory of the Serbian nation. Moreover, the study explores Serbian perceptions and socially constructed images related to Kosovo, the Battle of Kosovo, and the national heroes central to this significant event. Finally, it scrutinizes the resurgence of the Kosovo narrative for political objectives orchestrated by Serbian political elites, with particular attention given to the influence of Slobodan Milosevic.

A new geopolitical stalemate: revisiting the EU’s neighbourhood policy in Georgia

ABSTRACT This article examines the EU’s neighbourhood policy, focusing on the extent of its role in instigating democracy promotion and responding to the security challenges in Georgia. It argues that although the EU has a positive impact with its normative undertaking, it remains short of answering the geopolitical expectations of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. In Georgia, the EU’s constraints arise from the interplay between internal (domestic) and external (strategic) factors that need to be addressed to resolve the persistent challenges related to the democracy-security nexus in the country. While internally the problems emanating from the challenges of the dominant political party system translated into the Georgian political elite’s reluctance to implement necessary reforms, the external dynamics stem from the deteriorating strategic situation in the region and the EU’s ambiguous positioning in responding to the security needs of the country.

Revolts and Political Regimes: The Enduring Perils to Established Political Orders

This paper delves into the profound impact of societal uprisings, fueled by a complex interplay of politico-economic factors, in reshaping or toppling political regimes. It becomes apparent that violent opposition to a regime often arises from the calculated maneuvers of dominant political elites, who adeptly wield various tools to stoke a fervent desire for political liberty among the populace, challenging the existing order. This phenomenon was starkly evident during the oppressive reign of Siyad Barre, where segments of Somali society were mobilized from grassroots levels, driven by a collective yearning to break free from the shackles of tyranny and repression. The revolts of that era shared a common goal: either dismantling the dictatorial machinery or compelling its abandonment, while simultaneously advocating for the establishment of a democratic system that would empower individuals to exercise their constitutionally guaranteed rights. However, even in the absence of overt repression, revolts against entrenched systems often persist, driven by underlying political agendas that could potentially be pursued through non-violent means. This paper further examines a recent uprising in Somaliland, drawing parallels from historical revolts witnessed during Siyad Barre's regime, where power consolidation and fear tactics were employed to maintain control. These uprisings typically unfold under the orchestration of political elites who have played pivotal roles in Somalia's political landscape since the early 1980s. During this period, certain Somali politicians defected from the Siyad government, rallying their constituents for armed resistance against dictatorial rule. While the circumstances surrounding these revolts may vary, they share commonalities that warrant thorough exploration. However, it's essential to note the diverse motives driving each uprising. Some seek to completely withdraw from the existing system, while others aim to force reforms or remove those in power altogether.