Geopolitical Space Research Articles

Geopolitical Security Concerns: A Catalyst for Russia’s Reengagement of Africa in Relations

Russia, also in the garb of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, had a record of a long-standing relations with Africa, the relationship that incidentally took a cold turn at the instance of the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, as Russia prioritized stabilizing its domestic issues as the successor of the Soviet’s legacy. The emergence of the 21st century came with the post-Cold War security threat to Russian geopolitical space especially from its cold war rivals and hostile bordering states thus, prompting the conscientious efforts by Russia to review its foreign policy towards African alignment. The new Russia-Africa relations have generated a lot of interest by researchers, who have addressed the issue from a wide range of views, some of which included political, ideology, technical and economic. Cognizant of the geopolitical security concerns, which is observed as the primary basis for its new African relations, this research aims to examine Russian reengagement of Africa in relations adopting geostrategic theory. Data are gathered from secondary sources. The research is qualitative and framed within the scope of Russia-Africa security relations from 2014, following its annexation of Crimea, which marked a new phase of hostility between Russia and some North Atlantic Treaty Organisation allied countries. To achieve its strategic goal in Africa, Russia needs to pursue a comprehensive cooperation in other areas of direct investment that could offer African countries reciprocal paybacks that meet their national interests farther than concentrating on military aspect to achieving a personal goal.

TRENDS OF GLOBAL REGIONALIZATION IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE MODERN SECURITY SPACE

One of the most expected manifestations of globalization has become a noticeable intensification of regionalization trends, which are characterized by the dominance of locally oriented values and priorities. The purpose of the article is the analysis of methodological approaches to the study of the modern stage of the development of globalization transformations in the world, which was called "global regionalization", the representation of conceptual guidelines for its study in the context of modern spatial paradigms, the rethinking of the categories of territoriality and regionalism, tracing the influence of global regionalization trends on the development of modern security strategies. The research hypothesis is focused on defending the priority role of global regionalization in the processes of forming the axial coordinates of the new system of structuring of the global world, creating mechanisms of geopolitical balance and security, determining the main trends and factors of fragmentation of the geopolitical space. It has been proven that the ruptures in regional structures caused by neo-turbulence are accompanied by an intense but not problem-free "superstructure" of the global level over the system of international relations. Significant acceleration of the pace of transformational changes under the influence of military conflicts and confrontations conditions the perception of the world system as a global-regional dynamic object and rethinking of existing theories of security development. The study of the content and forms of territorialization using the methodological tools of global regionalism will make it possible to integrate both theoretical approaches to the understanding of the modern stage of the development of globalization processes, and to actualize regional practices related to the safety of human life in the modern global-regional space.

Геополитические реалии российско-американских отношений

The article examines the key aspects of the geopolitical realities in Russian-American relations at the present stage. The current state of the global system of international contacts is analyzed. Particular attention is paid to the factors determining the strategic interests of Russia and the United States, as well as the impact of regional conflicts on the dynamics of interaction between the two powers. The economic, military-political and information aspects of the confrontation are being investigated. Based on a comprehensive analysis, practical recommendations are offered for stabilizing Russian-American relations and adapting the system of international contacts to the realities of the emerging multipolar world. It is noted that Russia in the modern geopolitical space has several vectors of development, characterized by an increasing influence on global processes determined by strategies for the realization of national interests in the context of a transforming system of international relations. The complexity and inconsistency of modern relations between the two powers is emphasized, as well as the need to find ways of cooperation to solve global problems.

Формирование национального бренда России в контексте соответствия его структурных элементов социально-экономической стратегии развития страны

The authors see the relevance of the research topic in the following: geopolitical events have led to the fact that in the eyes of the world community, Russia's national brand has lost its stability, the country's image has significantly decreased, and the attitude towards Russians from the same ordinary citizens of some countries has worsened. Research shows that all this is predetermined by the high level of subjectivity of the information that people around the world receive regarding Russia's actions and motives in recent years. Therefore, the tasks of improving Russia's media communication policy on the territory of other states, positioning the socio-economic vectors of the country's development through the prism of national branding come to the fore. In this regard, the authors have set and solved the following tasks: 1) identify the structure and content of the national brand of Russia; 2) determine the elemental composition of the mechanism for the formation and promotion of the national brand in the changing geopolitical reality. The results of the study are that: 1) the structure of the national brand has been identified, which is multi-dimensional and multicomponent, but its key element is the media culture of Russian and Western media, other media that broadcast a consistent image of Russia and form public opinion regarding the key elements of the national brand, which makes it possible to position the country on the world stage, demonstrate political, economic and image advantages; 2) the elemental composition of the mechanism for the formation of the national brand of Russia has been determined, which includes: a number of indicators – cultural, social, political, conjunctural and economic, values of patriotism, trust in government and its legitimacy, social capital, communicative capital, semantic integrity, which allows launching state programs aimed at ensuring the operation of the mechanism and creating prerequisites sustainability and global positioning of the national brand of Russia. Thus, it seems possible to state that a national brand is not only a semantic reflection of the national code and identity, but also the basis for representing the socio-economic priorities and directions of the country's strategic development in the geopolitical space.

Kazakhstan’s foreign policy strategy within the framework of Central Asian integration

ABSTRACT This study analyzes the evolution of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy strategy in relation to regional integration initiatives in Central Asia and the influence of global power to it. The geopolitical space of Central Asia, also known as Turkestan, consists of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan. Using historical, institutional, and value-normative approaches, this article examines the development of Kazakhstan’s strategy after independence through its participation in multilateral frameworks like the Central Asian Union, CACO, SCO, as well as bilateral partnerships. The key trend identified is a shift from reliance on multilateral mechanisms to prioritizing bilateral relations within the region, driven by pragmatism and economic considerations. However, persisting challenges like regional instability may require Kazakhstan to reengage in multilateral cooperation on shared issues. By mapping Kazakhstan’s changing strategy, this study provides useful insights into a secondary power’s navigation of major power interests while seeking greater leadership in its region. It contributes to scholarship on Central Asian cooperation and the foreign policy options of states in this area. The analysis will interest researchers in regional studies, ethnography, and comparative politics, as well as general readers interested in Kazakhstan’s evolving strategic priorities.

Drivers of Arab Countries’ Growing Interest to the Eurasian Geopolitical Space

Facing the dynamic development of diversified contacts between Russia and the Arab world amidst the steadily increasing political and economic interest of Arab countries[1] in the Eurasian geopolitical space, an adequate assessment of the causes and the strength potential of such growth has acquired particular importance. This enables us to hedge both political and business risks by predicting scenarios for the future development, and, which is even more important, to address effectively challenges and problems. The successful implementation of the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation approved on March 31, 2023 in the medium and long terms depends on the survivability of the new paradigm of relations between Russia and the Arab countries, regardless of the anti-Russia Western sanctions. This fully correlates with Russian efforts to promote integration processes in Eurasia, primarily under the within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as well as outside Eurasia with the involvement of big Eurasian states (India, China) and the non-Eurasian “rising powers” (Brazil, South Africa, etc.) on the BRICS platform. The comprehensive analysis of the factors which have been stimulating the interest of the Arab countries in Eurasia, complementing the already existing sporadic domestic and foreign studies, is intended to form a list of arguments in favor of proving the hypothesis of the strategic, rather than purely tactical nature of the intentions of Arab elites to cooperate with Russia and other Eurasian states. Such arguments imply among other things the common perception by Russia and the Arabs of the current historical transition from the unipolar to a multipolar world.

Eurasian Civilization: Conceptual Geo-Economic Framework in the Context of a New World Order

The article is based upon the authors presentation at the All-Russian Conference with international participation “The Concept of the Russian Civilization” held at the School of Public Administration of Lomonosov Moscow State University on January 22–23, 2024. In addition to the basic propositions of the presentation the article contains certain ideas and methodological hypothesis regarding the framework for defining the limits of the Eurasian geopolitical space taking into consideration the on-going global and regional transformations. The successful integration of the geo-economic macro-region “Larger Eurasia” as a part of the economic regionalization in the contemporary political environment of competition of values means considering a wider array of factors beyond geo-economics: history, including the history of economic development, culture as well as the social aspects. The author promotes the position in favor of the integration of the mechanisms that are based upon the Eurasian theory and advanced mechanisms that form the economic and governing basis for the formation of the geoeconomic macro-regions. The trend for the formation of geoeconomic macro-regions was slowed down by the West but non dismantled completely. Those factors are directly involved in the issue of Eurasian frontier and the mechanism of its geo-economic demarcation. Special attention in the article is paid to the issue of the Western border (frontier) of Eurasia. The issue is addressed basing on the authors hypothesis about the existence of “Dnieper proto-fault” that integrates civilizational (socio-cultural) and spatial geo-economic aspects. The fundamental transformations’ potential including the force which lies in this proto-fault has already manifested itself during the Special military operation that Russia has started in February 2022.The effective analysis is needed not only for the interdisciplinary approach but flexible and creative adaptation of the philosophical heritage of founders of the Eurasian theory updating it to the newly emerged reality and relevant to the special, geography-based political and economic architecture.

НАУЧНО-ОБРАЗОВАТЕЛЬНОЕ ПРОСТРАНСТВО В НОВЫХ ГЕОПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ РЕАЛИЯХ СОВРЕМЕННОГО МИРА: ТЕНДЕНЦИИ И ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ

The relevance of the topic is related to the need to determine Russia’s place in the modern educational space, taking into account the challenges that determine the current situation in the world. The statement of the problem and the scope of this article are determined by the need to understand the processes of transformation of the education system throughout the world and in Russia. The methodological basis of this study is an approach that combines a number of general scientific and special research methods, which made it possible to study the raised problem systematically and, as a result, present the author’s forecast for the development of the educational space. Currently, the scientific and educational space should not be considered in the categories of “openness”, “equality” and “accessibility”. This approach, which idealizes the modern scientific and educational space, is erroneous, since it does not provide a clear understanding of the meaning of competitive relations in the modern education system. The modern scientific and educational space is a hierarchical system of various educational spaces (global, regional, national), the development trend of which is regionalization, as a result of which the educational space is reformatted under the influence of the politicization of educational activities. Currently, Russia is becoming one of the centers of power in the global geopolitical space, which determines the attractiveness of the Russian educational system, contributing to the transformation of Russia into one of the leaders of the modern educational space.

The Kremlin and the principle of self- determination

The paper attempts to analyze the principle of self-determination in the international agenda focusing on Moscow´s foreign policy since Gorbachev´s rejection of the Nagorno Karabagh Autonomous Region constitutional request to separate from the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan in February 1988 through the successive crises in the Kosovo, the Caucasus and Ukraine. The central argument sustains that the apparent rejection to the principle of self-determination must be understood in the context of Moscow´s continued drive for hegemony in the geopolitical space of Eurasia, and more specifically, in the ex-Soviet space.

Tracing the Feminist Maternal in a European Context: A Review

“What might motherhood and Europe have to do with one another?” is a question posed by Lisa Baraitser in the Foreword to the collection, Motherhood in Literature and Culture: Interdisciplinary Perspectives from Europe. The question is certainly pertinent at a time when the very concept of Europe as a geopolitical space and an imaginary construct is being interrogated and critiqued from both within and without the carefully policed borders of the European Union project. It is also pertinent given the increased amount of scholarship on the maternal produced by scholars occupying various transnational locations and positionalities, working to deconstruct unitary and essentialist ideas about mothers and motherhood. The possibility of identifying a specifically European maternal theoretical and lived space thus invites us to carefully theorize the diversity of European contexts, a diversity that is often occluded or elided by easy references to Eurocentric bias in feminist research, as well as the dis/continuities between European-based and Anglo-American feminist scholarship on the maternal. And yet, precisely because the work of mothering always unfolds within specific micro and macro geographic, social, cultural, and ideological spaces, the question merits closer attention. In this essay I consider the cluster of three books delineating the contours of an Italian, as well as a more broadly conceptualized European, philosophy of the maternal in light of these evolving academic and experiential realities.

RUSSIAN-MONGOLIAN RELATIONS: A NEW STAGE

The article characterizes the current stage of Russian-Mongolian cooperation, reveals the factors and conditions that determined the new stage of bilateral interaction after 2010. The development of cooperation is conditioned by the needs of regional interaction and the need to solve the problems of internal socio-economic process of Russia and Mongolia. The authors note that the expansion of trade and economic relations with Russia is important for Mongolia for several reasons, including diversification of the public economy, prevention of unipolar orientation of foreign economic activity and the need to solve internal socio-economic problems. The article emphasizes Mongolia’s transit potential and its role in Russia-China relations.The authors separately note that Mongolia faces economic development challenges, including low GDP and high unemployment. In this regard, the Mongolian government is implementing policies and programs aimed at economic development, employment and reducing unemployment and poverty.The intensification of relations between the two countries in the context of Russian interests contributes to the expansion of functional geopolitical space, helps to overcome the artificial isolation constructed by the West, as well as increases the transit opportunities for Russia.

THE RIVALRY OF REGIONAL AND NON-REGIONAL ACTORS IN CENTRAL ASIA IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CONCEPT OF EURASIANISM

The purpose of this research paper is to study Central Asia in the geopolitical space of Eurasia and the influence of extra-regional actors in the context of the “big game”. As a result of modern global political and socio-economic transformations in Russian science, forgotten ideas are being renewed, which marked the guidelines for the further development of the state, aimed at combating global challenges of our time, preventing interfaith and interethnic conflicts, uniting peoples, preserving national and territorial unity, and creating a vast and strong state. After the cold War, cultural geopolitical concepts were reinterpreted. Among them was the concept of Eurasianism, which has deep historical roots for the peoples of the region, including Central Asia in the context of the “Big Game” in Eurasia. The authors concluded that after the collapse of the USSR, the geopolitical situation in Central Asia underwent drastic changes. The importance of this region is reflected in the geopolitical theories of various world scientists, including the classics of geopolitics, including the concept of Eurasianism. The existing contradictions in the region and the struggle between the great powers for leadership are shaping global and regional instability in Central Asia.

International legal aspects of regulation of forced migration

The article examines the peculiarities of the legal regulation of the international legal regulation of forced migration and the determination of prospects for its development. The opinion is expressed that the emergence of new technical means and methods of production, means of communication, changes in the social sphere of states, deformation of the geopolitical space and many other factors of a socio-economic and political nature caused the growth of migration flows in the world. It has been established that the state policy in the field of population migration is designed to ensure the regulation of population migration movements, overcoming their negative consequences both for the international community, each country in general, and each migrant in particular.
 It is noted that the Universal Mechanism for the Protection of the Rights of Forced Migrants is based on the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees of 1951 and the Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees of 1967. In addition, it is emphasized that an important role in ensuring the international protection of refugees and asylum seekers is also played by the Recommendations acts adopted within individual UN bodies, as well as other universal documents supplementing the specified legal array.
 Based on the analysis of scientific points of view and legislation, the author comes to the conclusion that the main norms of international and regional acts in the field of forced migration, which serve as guidelines for domestic systems of legislation and law enforcement, as well as for global tools for solving the problems of forced migration in general, are the principles non-discrimination, non-refoulement, family unity, interstate cooperation, international solidarity and observance of the best interests of the child. The need to create effective mechanisms for the implementation of international legal documents in the field of forced migration, to strengthen the international responsibility of states, and to determine the optimal methods of final or long-term solutions to the refugee problem was noted.

The Siliguri Corridor: A Historical Analysis of Geo-Political Vulnerability in Eastern India

The Siliguri Corridor, a mostly geo-strategic term often associated with the security architecture of eastern India, is an important geo-political space that has received special attention from experts on security, strategy and foreign policy ever since India’s independence. It has been touted as one of the most vulnerable areas of India from a security perspective, as well as the gateway to the country’s north-east and by extension, towards Southeast Asia. The current structure and geography of this corridor is a result of gradual additions as well as losses of territory in its history. This includes various policies implemented under the British colonial rule in India, followed by subsequent treaties after independence. This paper studies the genesis of the Siliguri Corridor and in the process makes an attempt to understand the historical background of settlement, migration and development of the areas which compose this corridor. It also analyzes the impact of colonialism and its contributions towards the continuing security dynamics in the region. To achieve this, a detailed study of the addition of these areas into the Indian subcontinent throughout various stages of its history has been focused upon. The paper also contributes towards addressing the dearth of literature in understanding the exact area and geographical extent of the corridor with the objective of highlighting its structural composition to add to the discourse on its security which so far has been limited to the widely discussed idea that at its narrowest, the corridor is only about 20 to 22 kilometers wide.

‘Writing’ and sustaining Asian regionalism: interpreting the official discourse of ASEAN

ABSTRACT This article considers ASEAN from the perspective of regional identity-building and organizational fixity. This ten-nation bloc is generally considered a well-intentioned but flawed exemplar of inter-state community building. The article analyses how ASEAN has been ‘fixed’ as a social and political fact within the Asian geopolitical space. It reflects on the survivability of ASEAN as a social fact despite the centrifugal pressures of national interests and the impact of global forces. The findings indicate that ASEAN has achieved the effects of fixity and stability by constructing an interior political imaginary through a multifaceted discursive strategy. ASEAN’s ‘constitutive outside’ includes, inter alia, the transversal differentiation of its imagined interiority from external entities and political spaces, the focus on diachronically defined regional problem solving, the imperative of development, and through the emphasis on intra-mural connectivity along lower-level policy-making. The implications for the study of ASEAN and regional organizations are considered. Critically, the increasing salience of more functional and sectoral policy tiers dealing with transversal policy questions, compared to the more sensitive intergovernmental domains of political-security matters, is notable within the bloc’s official discourse.

Turkish Balance, or Türkiye’s Foreign Policy Strategy in the Black Sea Region Following the Special Military Operation

The Black Sea region in its various geopolitical configurations is a zone of priority for the Turkish elite. Prior to the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (1774), the Black Sea was regarded as the “Sultan’s harem.” Being essentially a peninsula between the Mediterranean and Black Sea, Türkiye is interested in maintaining control over the Black Sea space or in sharing it with another strong power having access to it. The authors aim to identify and explore Türkiye’s foreign policy strategy in relation to the Black Sea region as one of the key geopolitical spaces for Ankara’s national interests. The foreign policy strategy is understood as a long-term mechanism of the subject in relation to objects and competing subjects, which aims to achieve the most favorable spatial position with the help of military and non-military means and appropriate resources, taking into account the timeliness factor. The article solves specific tasks: it identifies the stable characteristics of Turkish foreign policy, shaped by historical experience and geography, which underlie Ankara’s foreign policy strategy; it shows and studies the strategic vision of the Turkish elite in relation to the Black Sea region; it reveals the mechanisms of influence of external geopolitical subjects on the region and the combination of these mechanisms with Turkish national interests. The concept of Turkish balance is introduced as mechanism of Türkiye’s foreign policy strategy whose main purpose is to integrate stronger powers into the logic and algorithms of foreign policy balances of stronger powers with their mutual opposition and further balancing act, which allows Türkiye to receive maximum geo-economic and geopolitical dividends. The research methodology is represented by systemic, geopolitical and civilizational approaches. Given the role of the Black Sea region in the military-political dynamics since February 2022, the mechanisms of Türkiye’s foreign policy strategy in relation to the region are becoming crucial for Russia in various areas of national security. Authors propagate that February 2022 is the inertia of the events of March 2014 and deeper, of the postponed crisis of 1991 caused by the disintegration of the USSR. However, it was the beginning of the special military operation that brought the military and political confrontation at the global and regional levels into the format of open confrontation. Russia has challenged the West and its system of allies.

THE ARCTIC: THE STRUGGLE FOR RESOURCES AND INFLUENCE IN THE REGION

Modern climate changes caused by the processes of global warming are clearly reflected in the geopolitical interests of various states of the world in relation to the Arctic region. Accordingly, the relevance of the study of this issue is caused by the formation in the last decade of a number of opportunities that may be open to a state that will establish its influence in the Arctic. This is due to a combination of economic and political advantages expressed in the extraordinary amount of resources that characterize this region, the development of rational sea routes, the satisfaction of commercial goals and even the protection of the sovereignty of coastal countries. Thus, the purpose of the work was to define the Arctic as a political arena, in particular, to reveal the interests and plans of various countries regarding its territory and resources. For this, the research used the method of analysis and synthesis, comparison, deduction, generalization, as well as historical. As a result, it was established that active climatic changes in the world cause the formation and development of new economic opportunities in the Arctic. Accordingly, the role of this region was determined for such countries as Canada, Russia, United States of America, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, Sweden and Finland. It was possible to establish that their interests are to a greater extent caused by the desire to control the operation of the Northern Sea Route. In addition, the work described the advantages of the Arctic region, which describe the priority of establishing control over this territory by the relevant state. In particular, it is beneficial for the development of economic activity, the protection of the territories of coastal countries, it is characterized by a significant number of deposits of natural resources and other minerals, as well as wide transit opportunities. Thus, it was proved that it is appropriate to consider the Arctic as a socio-cultural, ethnic, socio-economic, geopolitical space around the North Pole, the resources of which provoke world states to compete with each other. The practical value of the work is revealed in the possibility of using its results for further scientific research, as well as educational material for those studying the Arctic and its role in international relations.

A Study on the Desire to Expand the Geopolitical Space of China and Japan in the 19th Century and the Change of Defense Strategy: Focusing on Idea of Li Hong zhang and Yamagata Aritomo

A Study on the Desire to Expand the Geopolitical Space of China and Japan in the 19th Century and the Change of Defense Strategy: Focusing on Idea of Li Hong zhang and Yamagata Aritomo

Концепт СЛАКТИВИЗМ и его реализация в сетевых дискурсивных практиках (на материале русского, английского и французского языков)

This publication is conducted in the stream of studying neology in the modern language influenced by the active use of internet communication and network discursive practices. The aim of the research is to identify the semantic and pragmatic characteristics of the linguistic realization of the concept of SLACKTIVISM. The social significance of the concept is asserted, its intersections and relationships with semantically similar concepts such as PROPAGANDA, ACTIVISM circulating in the modern networked information space are determined. The scientific novelty of the conducted research lies in providing a systematic description of a new, unstudied concept in domestic philology, on the basis of the Russian, English, and French languages. This includes accentuating the history of its emergence, the contradictory nature of its linguistic implementation in the digital discourse of new media, and network techno-discursive practices. As a result, the concept of SLACKTIVISM is portrayed as an expression of a new form of internet activity that contributes to social and political changes both on a narrow scale and in the broader geopolitical space. The linguistic level examination indicates preferences for figurative nominations and common means of representation in European languages and national-cultural specificity.

Postsocialism in International Relations: Method and critique

Abstract While postcolonial approaches to International Relations have offered new concepts, methods, and political imaginaries of global politics, postsocialism has been absent as an analytical and political approach. Postsocialism has been mainly a descriptive term naming the temporal transition of the Second World to liberal democracy and market economy or the geopolitical space of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Building on literature that has connected postsocialism and postcolonialism analytically and politically, particularly feminist work that has reclaimed postsocialism to understand the global legacies of socialism in the present, this article proposes to unpack dimensions of postsocialism as method and critique. Postsocialism as method attends to how socialist legacies endure and are transformed in the present while holding together contradictions and ambivalences. Postsocialism as critique is oriented to transversal solidarities and the epistemic vocabularies that can undergird these struggles. To trace these dimensions of method and critique, the article is situated empirically within debates about borders and migration. Postsocialism is not intended to replace or displace other critical approaches but to pluralise our vocabularies and multiply political interventions.