Geopolitical Competition Research Articles

New Gas Pipelines as an Element of the Geopolitical Competition of Algeria and Morocco in Africa

The African continent is rich in oil and natural gas resources, much of which is still not fully explored. The reasons for this are climatic and geological conditions, the colonial past, which overlaps with the uneven economic development of the countries in the region, political, economic, and security problems. This article looks at the prospects for expanding gas infrastructure from Nigeria through the Maghrebi-Sahelian region towards the EU. Two gas pipelines will be analyzed – the Trans-Saharan gas pipeline (Nigeria-Algeria) and the Atlantic gas pipeline (Nigeria-Morocco). Due to the fact that two projects are competitive, the question arises which of them has the greater chance of implementation? The main purpose of this article is to investigate whether the construction of new gas pipelines from Africa to the EU is justified, taking into account the processes of transformation of European energy markets and whether the projects of the above-mentioned gas pipelines are economic or political nature. To what extent can these two gas pipelines constitute a strategic interest in terms of natural gas supplies for the European Union and how important will they be in the diversification process compared to other suppliers? Moreover, it is very important to assess whether natural gas resources and capacity will be sufficient to transport gas to the EU, taking into account the demand for this natural gas also in transit countries. The article will analyze the potential and energy infrastructure of Algeria and Nigeria as key exporters of natural gas to the EU from the African region. It will be no less important to find an answer to which role and importance of Morocco, which is a net importer of energy resources but occupies a strategic geographic location, which makes it an important transit country. During an in-depth analysis of all the factors influencing the implementation of two projects, their strengths and weaknesses will also be indicated, and how their implementation may affect the geopolitical situation in the Maghrebi-Sahelian region and relations between countries.

The role of natural resources in international relations in the 20th – early 21st century

The availability of natural resources has always been one of the most important aspects of international relations, which have historically developed as a system of interconnections between different countries. However, there is a problem of natural resource scarcity in the world, thus, it is necessary to understand how markets influence national policies and how states can intervene and regulate the balance of natural resources and energy markets, which is the relevance of the study. The purpose of the study is to determine the impact of natural resources on the development of international relations in the 20th – early 21st centuries. To achieve this purpose, the study uses general scientific and special methods: historical, synchronous and diachronic, logical, analysis and synthesis, generalisation and quantitative comparison, scientific abstraction, and comparative analysis. The study established that the United States of America, South America and the Middle East had significant reserves of oil, natural gas, coal and precious metals. In addition, as noted, at the end of the 20th century, the issue of energy security was increasingly used to define international energy policy, and at the beginning of the 21st century, energy became one of the important aspects of geopolitics and an instrument of geopolitical competition. The consolidation of economic interests realised through the exploitation of natural resources is becoming the foundation for conflicts between different countries seeking to dominate the global resource market. It is established that the policy of the United States of America in the Middle East was based on an attempt to control natural resources, and in South America - on supporting its national interests. The practical significance of the study allows exploring key issues in international relations for an in-depth understanding of the balance of geopolitical forces in the 20th – early 21st centuries

ՎՐԱՍՏԱՆԻ ԱՐՏԱՔԻՆ ՔԱՂԱՔԱԿԱՆՈՒԹՅԱՆ ՄԱՐՏԱՀՐԱՎԵՐՆԵՐԸ ՆԱՏՕ-ՌՈՒՍԱՍՏԱՆ ԱՇԽԱՐՀԱՔԱՂԱՔԱԿԱՆ ՀԱԿԱՄԱՐՏՈՒԹՅԱՆ ՊԱՅՄԱՆՆԵՐՈՒՄ/ GEORGIA'S FOREIGN POLICY CHALLENGES IN THE CONTEXT OF THE NATO-RUSSIA GEOPOLITICAL CONFLICT/ВЫЗОВЫ ВНЕШНЕЙ ПОЛИТИКИ ГРУЗИИ В КОНТЕКСТЕ ГЕОПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО КОНФЛИКТА НАТО-РОССИЯ

This article discusses the challenges of Georgia's foreign policy, in particular, the problems of the development of Russia-Georgia relations and the prospects of NATO-Georgia cooperation. The geopolitical changes of recent years create threats to Georgia's security, so Georgia is trying to overcome regional security challenges by balancing its foreign policy. The purpose of the research is to evaluate the problems of balancing Georgia's foreign policy in the conditions of NATO-Russia geopolitical competition. In order to achieve the goal of the research, we have analyzed the following issues: the interdependence of Georgia's internal political crisis and foreign policy, the development issues of Russian-Georgian relations, the prospects of NATO-Georgia cooperation. The research was carried out by taking into account the realities of the Nagorno Kharabakh and the Russian-Ukrainian war. And according to estimates, the future of Russian-Georgian relations and Georgia's Euro-Atlantic aspirations will be determined by the resolution of the Ukrainian crisis and the further course of Russia-West political relations in Eastern Europe.

THE ROLE OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY IN THE CONDITIONS OF MODERN GEOPOLITICAL AND GEOECONOMIC FRAGMENTATION OF THE WORLD

Purpose. The aim of the article is to provide a scientific substantiation of the essence of the concept of "public diplomacy" and its role within the context of global geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation, considering current and potential global challenges and threats; to outline the vectors and instruments of Ukraine’s public diplomacy. Methodology of research. A combination of general scientific and specialized methods was employed in the research process. This included induction and deduction during the information collection, systematization, and trend identification phases within global geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation. Analysis and synthesis were utilized to pinpoint key trends in international relations and propose strategies to enhance the effectiveness of public diplomacy. Abstract and logical methods were applied to consolidate information from various sources, construct a comprehensive understanding of the research problem, and formulate theoretical conclusions and generalizations. The method of comparativistics was used to analyse the primary vectors of global geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation, discern local and regional characteristics, and establish global patterns and cause-and-effect relationships. Additionally, graphic methods were utilized to visually represent research findings. Findings. Theoretical foundations and essential characteristics of public diplomacy were systematized. An analysis of the level of geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation was conducted, determined through practical analysis of expert opinions using the Delphi method. It has been revealed that heightened geopolitical risk correlates with diminished levels of investment, stock prices, and employment, and is also associated with an increased likelihood of economic disasters, along with heightened risks of global economic collapse and geo-economic fragmentation. The geopolitical determinants that have fundamentally reshaped the role of public diplomacy in the global context from the late 20th century until the present were examined,, and contemporary vectors of geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation in the world were identified. Originality. The essence of public diplomacy is scientifically substantiated. In particular, it is argued that public diplomacy is a complex and multifaceted concept, grounded in the idea of "soft power" as an integral component of a state’s strategic communication policy within the framework of international relations. Essential characteristics of public diplomacy are summarized, and its role in the context of modern geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation of the world is substantiated, particularly concerning the resolution of interstate conflicts of military, economic, and hybrid natures. Based on empirical analysis, it has been demonstrated that the current geoeconomic and geopolitical fragmentation of the world revolves around the following three vectors of international problems: the Russian-Ukrainian war, tensions between China and Taiwan, and the geoeconomic and geopolitical competition for the resources of the African continent. The growing role of Ukraine in the future geopolitical structure of the world and the creation of a new concept of Europe’s collective security through the formation of regional military-political and security alliances were substantiated. Practical value. The conclusions and proposals substantiated by the research findings can be applied to determine the strategic directions of Ukraine’s public diplomacy, thereby enhancing the efficacy of its tools within the context of existing and potential global challenges and threats. Key words: international relations, foreign policy, global risks, international conflicts, geopolitical confrontation, geoeconomic fragmentation, public diplomacy, tools of public diplomacy, strategic communications, soft power, index of geopolitical risks

ON THE PROMISES AND PERILS OF SMITHIAN GROWTH: FROM PIN FACTORY TO AI

AbstractFor path-breaking insights on how prices can guide the efficient allocation of resources and how innovation and investment can spur economic growth, Adam Smith is justly renowned. He was, however, well aware of problems posed by market dominance—specifically in banking and, more generally, wherever getting to the scale that delivers increasing returns leads to monopolistic behaviour. For the historical record, we draw on the recent wide-ranging survey by Acemoglu and Johnson on how the benefits of innovation have been spread across society since the Industrial Revolution. We also consider these issues in the context of geo-political competition.

Philippine hedging strategy from the perspective of neoclassical realism

As the main diplomatic strategy of the Philippines towards China, the hedging strategy has been practiced for a long time. In recent years, with the acceleration of Sino-American Geopolitical Competition, as well as the transfer of power in the Asia Pacific region, Southeast Asian countries are facing new strategic decision-making pressure. From the perspective of neoclassical realism, systemic pressure is transmitted through internal factors within a country, thereby determining diplomatic strategy. For the Philippines, the systemic pressure brought about by the Sino-U.S. competition serves as the independent variable, while the domestic security and economic development needs of the Philippines serve as intervention variables, jointly influencing diplomatic strategy. Through analysis, it can be seen that in the new stage of the Sino-U.S. competition, the hedging strategy of the Philippines has changed. During the Duterte period, the Philippines implemented a friendly strategy towards China of “military proximity to the United States and economic contact with China”. After Marcos Jr. came to power, there was a trend of partial checks and balances in the Philippines’ policy toward China. Overall, it still shows a major country balance orientation and will maintain this characteristic in the short term.

Strateška kontrola Arktika i mogući oružani sukob velikih sila

The geopolitical competition of great powers over the control of strategically important natural resources is an integral part of the political agenda aimed at achieving economic and thus military dominance on a global level. The territory of the Arctic, as the northernmost part of the planet Earth, has large reserves of natural resources (primarily oil and gas), the sovereign control and exploitation of which are contested by the countries that surround (a total of eight of them) this area, but also recently by countries that have granted themselves the status of "near Arctic state" like the People's Republic of China. The trend of accelerated militarization of the Arctic in the period after the closure of the Cold War can be interpreted as a consequence of the damaged relationship between the key actors of international politics and different perceptions of the future global order. The goal of this work is a systematic description of the dynamics of relations between Arctic states with a special focus on the USA (including NATO) and the Russian Federation and their activities in the military-defense sphere. To achieve the projected goal, the technique of content analysis of strategic documents, the technique of narrative analysis and historical comparative analysis was used. The results of this research indicate the increased interest of the great powers in controlling the Arctic, i.e. the natural resources present in this area, as well as the strategically important international traffic corridor, the Northern Sea Route. Accordingly, the engagement of the armed forces should enable the unhindered implementation of the defined political-economic activities of the Arctic states with the status of a great power.

КИТАЙСЬКА ДИПЛОМАТІЯ РЕСУРСІВ В АРКТИЦІ: НАСЛІДКИ ДЛЯ ГРЕНЛАНДІЇ

Due to climate change, the expansion of trade routes, and the enormous potential of natural resources, the remote Arctic is becoming an arena for a new type of geopolitical competition. In this context, China, as one of the world leaders, is an important participant in the “race for the Arctic”, focusing on the resources under the cover of the permafrost. China’s polar initiative is based on strategic approaches to energy security and resource diversification. One of the key points on its resource map is Greenland, a Danish autonomous region with huge reserves of critical minerals. Sino-Greenlandic mining relations open up new opportunities for both sides, as allow China to meet its energy and raw material needs, and the Greenlandic government to develop its economy and infrastructure and thus reduce its own financial dependence on the Kingdom of Denmark. However, China’s initiative in Greenland also faces risks and challenges. The environmental impacts of natural resource extraction could negatively affect the region’s unique ecosystems and cause long-term environmental disruption. In addition, the implementation of China’s projects may harm the socio-cultural elements of the local population’s life. It is also worth noting that the Sino-Greenlandic raw material synergy can greatly affect the geopolitical dynamics of the polar region, changing the balance of power and causing new challenges for existing and dominant Arctic structures and actors, including China’s main rival, the United States. The competition between the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America could lead to escalation of tensions and conflicts in the Arctic, which requires careful monitoring and diplomatic efforts to ensure peace and stability. In order to successfully resolve the challenges faced by Chinese companies in Kalaallit Nunaat, it is necessary to develop guarantees for effective cooperation between the parties and take into account the interests of the local population, to carry out responsible resource extraction, and to implement a transparent and environmentally sound approach to mining and infrastructure projects.

The PRC’S Military Strategies on the Security Architecture of East and South China Sea under President Xi Jinping

Abstract:
 This article analyses the four main military strategies of the People's Republic of China toward the South and East China Seas Security architecture under President Xi Jinping. These strategies of Beijing have been applied mainly to the region, which has been under the US alliance system's security umbrella since the Cold War. The article demonstrates that the People's Republic of China, under the leadership of Xi Jinping, seeks to reorder the regional security architecture to its favour by leveraging military modernization, influence operations, and diplomatic-economic power to push out the US and allies’ countries' influence outside East and South China Seas. This article argues that the successful conclusion of the rising power's strategies over the East and South China seas will translate the current geopolitical rivalry to result in a power transition to the detriment of the rising power.
 Keywords: China, Xi Jinping, East China Sea, South China Sea, Power Transition

Global and Regional Implications of Sino-Indian Rivalry: A Focus on the Strategic and Economic Dimensions

The paper makes an effort to answer two key questions. To begin, what strategic and economic implications does the Sino-Indian conflict have? Second, what are the global and regional trends in Sino-India conflict in the future? Even though there is a lot of literature on Sino-Indian ties and conflict, there’s much less academic concentration on the implications of Sino-Indian conflict, especially in the hard power dimension. The paper observes that in international and regional affairs, the Sino-Indian competition is not a new phenomenon. The dispute between India and China has posed significant geostrategic challenges to regional peace and security in Asia in recent years. The paper further points out that the geopolitical rivalry between India and China would likely enhance China's naval presence in the Indian Ocean region to challenge India and its western allies. In terms of the economic dimension, India and its western allies, such as the United States and Japan, can develop new supply chains in IOR in order to diminish China's reliance. It argues that while the future of the Sino-Indian conflict may bring great competition rather than cooperation, the reality of the economic system and transnational developments may enable India and China to expand their economic collaboration.

The world in 2023: ten issues that will shape the international agenda

Limits, both individual and collective, will be tested in 2023, whether it be inflation, food security, the energy crisis, rising pressure on global supply chains and geopolitical competition, international security and governance systems breaking down, and the collective capacity to respond to it all. The impacts of this permacrisis contribute directly to worsening household living conditions, which translate into rising social unrest and citizen protests, which will only increase. Cracks are widening and deepening – geopolitical, social and in the access to basic goods. The war in Ukraine has made it clear that the more risks are associated with a geostrategic confrontation, the more obsolete the collective security frameworks built to deal with them appear. The mismatch between means, challenges and deterrence instruments worsens.

The Rohingya Crisis in the Context of Sino-Indian Geopolitical Competition in Myanmar

The Rohingya people of Myanmar have been trapped in a protracted refugee situation for more than fifty years. Several complicated underlying factors have historically hindered a long-term resolution of the refugee issue. The refugee problem has political, religious, ethnic, and geo-strategic dimensions. This paper focuses on the regional geopolitical aspect of the Rohingya refugee crisis. Drawing upon secondary literature, the paper seeks to analyse the role of India and China in Myanmar. By exploring the nature of Sino-Indian geopolitical competition in Myanmar, the paper has tried to understand the contribution of such competition in the prolongation of the crisis.

The War of Nerves: Inside the Cold War Mind by Martin Sixsmith

<i>The War of Nerves: Inside the Cold War Mind</i> by Martin Sixsmith

The geopolitics of infrastructuralized platforms: The case of Alibaba

ABSTRACT Contemporary digital platforms have become increasingly infrastructuralized, and started to raise geopolitical tensions with their global expansion. Amidst the heightened geopolitical competition between the US and China, the growing power of Chinese infrastructuralized platforms has made them the center of recent geopolitical dynamics. Drawing from an exploratory case study, this paper discusses Alibaba, one of the most prominent Chinese Internet giants, as an infrastructuralized platform, and highlights its geopolitical struggles. Often perceived as an e-commerce company, Alibaba has become ‘infrastructuralized’: its now-massive digital empire has moved beyond e-commerce, expanding into almost every aspect of China’s and global digital economy such as logistics, finance, offline retailing, and cloud computing. This paper traces three highly visible cases in Alibaba’s global journey – its failed deal with MoneyGram in 2017, the uneven global journey of Alibaba Cloud, and the construction of the electronic World Trade Platform – to illustrate three key dimensions of the geopolitics of infrastructuralized platforms – namely, the geopolitics of everyday data, the geopolitics of the visibility-invisibility tension, and the geopolitics of modularity. By doing so, it contributes to the following two areas of scholarship. On the one hand, it contributes to the growing literature on ‘infrastructures and platforms’ by foregrounding the geopolitical dimensions of Chinese infrastructuralized platforms. On the other hand, it adds to the literature on the ‘geopolitics of infrastructures’ by bringing in a new type of infrastructure, complementing previous discussions on the geopolitics of traditional material infrastructures.

US-ROMANIAN RELATIONS – STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP

In this paper, we aim to analyze the evolution of the Strategic Partnership between Romania and the United States of America. Launched on 11 July 1997, the partnership was a political and diplomatic platform for cooperation between the two countries. The novelty of this article is the SWOT analysis of the Strategic Partnership but also it's deepening. We propose that the Strategic Partnership be institutionalized and instrumentalized in the form of a new format for cooperation and collaboration. One of the three pillars of our country's foreign policy is the privileged relationship with the United States of America, which must be deepened and developed. The Strategic Partnership concluded between Romania and the United States of America is the only certitude for our country to survive as a state, and to preserve its entire territory. This year we celebrate 25 years since this partnership emerged on the stage of History. Now, as we experience uncertain times marked by fierce geopolitical competition, it is high time we developed and formalized our Strategic Partnership. Not that we want to minimize NATO’s role, but the Alliance without the United States does not have the strength to oppose multiple challenges at international level. The Strategic Partnership strengthens our country’s profile, while being the certitude of our country’s preserving its territorial integrity, and full sovereignty. The bilateral relationship has become a model of diplomatic cooperation and has manifested itself in various domains, political, military, economic, informational, environmental, social, and cultural.

The legitimacy defeat of Huawei in the media: Cause, context, and process

Emerging market multinational enterprises (EMNEs) seem to face almost continuous negative media coverage in many Western countries. Our study scrutinizes this phenomenon to examine why and how EMNEs are confronting increasing negative media coverage. We empirically examine how the British newspaper media reported on the governmental banning of Huawei from fifth-generation network development in the UK. Our findings suggest that liabilities of origin (LOR) trigger negative media coverage of EMNEs, and that the geopolitical context and media framing make LOR more salient and harmful for EMNEs in developed countries. We propose a contextualized explanation for EMNEs’ legitimacy defeats in the media by identifying the cause (i.e., LOR), context (i.e., geopolitical rivalry), and process (i.e., media framing) in such a de-legitimization mechanism. Indeed, we crystalize the matter of how the media frames LOR and de-legitimizes EMNEs. We also examine EMNEs’ voice strategies for mitigating negative media coverage and defending legitimacy.

Hydropolitics intertwined with geopolitics in the Brahmaputra River Basin

AbstractThe legacy of the sub‐continent has led to a complex geopolitical rivalry in the Brahmaputra River Basin, shared by China, India, Bhutan, and Bangladesh. Each riparian state has a varying interest and development agenda, hindering the identification of common interests for water cooperation. This article presents the intertwining of regional geopolitics with the basin hydropolitics, restraining positive interaction, thus, leading to a status quo in the BRB. While maintaining a purposeful status quo seems to be a prudent move by the riparians, the local communities continue to suffer due to the impasse.This article is categorized under: Human Water &gt; Water Governance Science of Water &gt; Water and Environmental Change Human Water &gt; Value of Water

The Frontier Complex: Geopolitics and the Making of the India-China Border, 1842–1962 by Kyle J. Gardner

Gardner gives us a comprehensive account, at once compelling and authoritative, of what he calls the “frontier complex” along the high Himalayas from its early exploration to the 1962 war between India and China. An initial introductory chapter examines the meanings of frontiers, borders, and borderlands in the context of contemporary theories of space and place. He then proceeds to an account of the precolonial history of Ladakh. This high desolate plateau, Gardner insists, was no “geographic periphery,” but a “religious, political and commercial nexus” sustained by trade (above all in pashmina wool, used in fine shawls) between Central Asia, Tibet, and India (28, 59). The territory possessed no marked borders, only “border points” where kingdoms met and taxes were levied.Tension emerged between two visions of a border for Ladakh as the British began exploring into the Himalayas from the mid-nineteenth century onward. Was it to be a “bounded” territory, with a boundary devised to exclude hostile neighbors from advancing into India? Or were the existing “open” borders to be expanded by developing roads and communication? Boundaries of course, as Gardner describes in a fascinating chapter, require surveys, which are meant to produce maps. But in this remote, arid region, the normal “scientific” trigonometric practices of the Survey of India proved impractical. Hence the British devised what they called the “water-parting principle” whereby the edge of a watershed—in this case that of the Indus River—was used to establish a border (81). But the origins of the Indus lay high on the slopes of unmarked and unclimbed ridges, while the local streams themselves, as one official put it, were of a “tortuous, shifting, and erratic character” (71). As a result, even up until 1947, maps of India included no northwestern borders at all. The “cartographical thinking” that imbued maps with authority had failed (62, 88).Control required communications. In 1850 the British began construction of the Hindustan-Tibet Road, followed in 1870 by the Treaty Road negotiated with the Kashmir maharaja to expand access to Central Asian markets. As acknowledgement of British supremacy, the Kashmir maharaja was obliged to submit an annual tribute of one horse and twelve “shawl” goats. (Alas, taken from their lofty habitat, the goats invariably died.) In any case, by the century’s end British interests had shifted from trade to security. Roads initially meant to facilitate movement had, especially with the growth of Russian encroachment, been transformed into “tools for restricting potentially dangerous ‘trans-frontier’ people” (131). In this new climate of “invasion anxieties,” Boundary Commissions flourished, and adventurers like the “frontier hero” Francis Younghusband set out to “open” Tibet. Still, throughout, “a motley assortment of nomads, traders, and goats” remained as “symbols of the limits of imperial state legibility” (178, 179).The concluding chapter takes the reader into the Independence era. In a time of nationalism, nations required boundaries. A geography integrated into the “geobody” of the nation also demanded, in an era of geopolitical rivalries, “a strong and scientific borderline” (229). This left Ladakh in a paradoxical position as both central to emerging national rivalries and yet as an increasingly isolated and ambiguously defined territory. The outcome was Jawaharlal Nehru’s 1955 drawing of a definite, but undemarcated, boundary line, and the consequent Chinese advance across the Aksai Chin plateau. The 1962 war produced the Actual Line of Control, a border, as Gardner points out, based on no particular geographic principle, but nevertheless one central to the Indian nation, even “something to die for” (253).This impressive volume will engage the interest not only of scholars of South Asia but also of geographers, political scientists, and environmental historians who seek to understand the interplay of geography, geopolitics, and the making of states.

Proximidade e competição: a diplomacia das vacinas no espaço atlântico

Vaccines have suddenly been incorporated into the foreign policy toolbox of global and regional powers. This article analysis the strategies of producers and recipients of vaccines in the Atlantic space. It concludes that Covid-19 has reinforced previous trends, regarding regional cooperation and global geopolitical competition. In that vein, the Atlantic space has been a laboratory of both cooperation and competition initiatives among vaccine producers and recipient countries. Although material interests have been a major driver in shaping preferences and strategies, this article suggests that symbolic and normative factors also contributed to the configuration of vaccine diplomacies of producers and recipients.

Strengthen EU/NATO Relationship: A Necessity, Now More Than Ever

Abstract This study aims to analyse the evolution of the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in the recent decades, particularly with the implementation of the EU's Common Security and defence Policy (CSDP). This study also aims to improve knowledge of the trends of different approaches in the EU about this relationship. Strengthening the cooperation in the field of security and defence is vital for the EU, considering the implications of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the current hostile international environment, with increasing geopolitical competition between the great powers.