Geopolitical Influence Research Articles

Calamity or commodity? Conceptualising security in the nuclear debate in Fraser’s Australia

This article examines conceptualisations of security in the debate over uranium mining and export in Fraser’s Australia. Drawing together archives from the Fraser government, the Movement Against Uranium Mining, and newspaper coverage, the article demonstrates that pro- and anti-uranium groups held conflicting visions of (in)security: Fraser saw the exploitation of natural resources as an opportunity to strengthen Australia’s geopolitical influence, while anti-uranium activists feared the risks that mining and export posed to the environment, Indigenous communities, public health and the survival of the planet. Tracing these competing visions of security through key developments in the nuclear debate in Australia, the article demonstrates that Fraser maintained his uranium policy by avoiding the security concerns of the anti-uranium movement. Nonetheless, the debate marked an early shift in the broader reformulation of narrow ideas of ‘national security’ to more expansive understandings of the term.

The Political Influence Pattern of the “Eurasia Central Region”Based on Syria and Ukraine Events

Due to geopolitical factors, Eurasia is at the center of gravity in international relations and has become the core area of the game of great powers. Focusing on the Syrian and Ukrainian issues, we conduct event research by looking for relevant literature and news materials, and organize and analyze the theme of international organization meetings dedicated to solving these two issues. By creating complex networks, we use quantitative data to analyze the geopolitical forces in central Eurasia and reflect the evolution of the political landscape in the region. We have found that: First, Eurasia is still the center of geopolitics in the world, and the status of land-powered countries will rise. Second, the geopolitical structure of the Eurasian center has begun to take shape as a quadrilateral relationship between the United States and its Asia-Pacific allies (Japan and Australia), the European Union, Russia, and China. Third, the political influence of the United States in Eurasia is declining and its hegemonic status is weakening. China’s political influence has gradually increased, and Russia’s geopolitical influence has declined significantly. The study, on the one hand, clarifies the evolution of the political landscape of the region and gives the reader a clear idea of the involvement of geopolitical forces. On the other hand, it provides some guidance for the future development of the Eurasian countries, especially China.

The geopolitics of a female Chinese migrant charity network in Zimbabwe: Insights from Love in Africa

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on Love in Africa, a female Chinese migrant charity network in Zimbabwe and examines its geopolitical influence. It makes two vital finding by drawing on the theories of critical geopolitics, feminist geopolitics and public diplomacy, as well as the criticism for the lack of attention to transnational geopolitics and insufficient conceptualization of the links between state and non-state actors in existing studies. First, this study shows that migrant organizations such as Love in Africa have dealt with many neglected details in China’s state-led economic development process, which explains that migrant groups do not always challenge the state geopolitical discourse but can also form synergy with it in a form that is different from state practices. Second, this study illustrates how Love in Africa as a feminized subjectivity carves out an alternative space of love, care and transnational solidarity in contrast to the masculinity demonstrated by the state power of China. Even being excluded from state practices, these Chinese females have formed a joint force with the state in shaping geopolitical discourse. These findings reinforce the link between state and non-state actors that is under-explored in existing critical geopolitical studies and prompt an agenda of transnational geopolitics.

Possible pathways for oil and gas companies in a sustainable future: From the perspective of a hydrogen economy

Before the COVID pandemic, oil and gas companies invested only a small fraction of their capital on sustainable energy technologies. With the substantial improvement in the performance of batteries and their rapid cost reduction, the oil and gas industry could potentially lose a large share of their market in the transport sector. A similar shift in energy sources is happening with the surge in renewable energy sources to supply electricity, heating and cooling. In an ever more sustainable future, the need for an oil and gas industry could reduce significantly. This paper reviews the possible paths that an oil and gas company could follow to become a sustainable development corporation and continue to be relevant in the future. This paper aims to describe alternative sustainable pathways such as the extraction of natural hydrogen, a hydrogen economy, offshore wind power, deep sea mining, biorefineries, seawater air-conditioning, geothermal and geoengineering. This paper also proposes the use of electrolysis ships for the flexible production of green hydrogen and showed that its investment cost can be three times smaller than in fixed electrolysis plants. The oil and gas industry has substantial intellectual, financial capital and geopolitical influence that would not be lost during a shift to a more sustainable world. Indeed, these assets should be used to facilitate the transition to a more sustainable future.

Analysıs of the “associated trio” as a backfire effect of Russia’s foreign policy of near abroad

The attempts of the European Union (EU) to engage its eastern neighbors into the European integration after the last eastward expansion in 2007 were found to be largely unsuccessful. The sensitivity of the issue for Russia and the failure of the EU’s eastern neighbors to carry out necessary reforms were among the main reasons that impeded the progress in the European integration of these states. However, on May 17, 2021, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine have come up with a new initiative aimed at revitalizing the European agenda through enhancing mutual cooperation and coordination in issues of common interest related to European integration. The study argues that by counterposing itself to the West and attempting to retain its old paradigm of its area of geopolitical influence in the “near abroad” Russia has greatly contributed to the cooperation between Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine and the establishment of the “Associated Trio” format. As a result of similar interventions to these states jeopardizing their security, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine have developed a strong common anti-Russian agenda, which served as one of the driving forces in their European aspirations. At the same time, the mobilization of the three members of the new initiative was made possible thanks to democratization and reforms imposed from the outside and pushed from inside. Key words: Associated Trio, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, Russia, European integration.

Perceptions of the EU in the Western Balkans Vis-à-vis Russia and China

This article evaluates public perceptions of the European Union (EU) in Montenegro and Serbia as the front running EU membership candidates. It uses a multidisciplinary approach, which comprises a comparative survey data analysis method, the Image Theory and a mind-mapping approach of EU perceptions analysis to study the EU-Western Balkans relations. Public perceptions of the EU in the Western Balkans are (re)created and juxtaposed against perceptions of other external actors, notably Russia and China. This has led to the EU’s ‘power of attraction’ being diminished in the Western Balkans. Rival perceptions of China and Russia as ‘less demanding’ partners than the EU, and the slowing down of EU’s enlargement agenda have also contributed to this trend. In order to maximize its own security and counter the growing geopolitical influence by China and Russia in the Western Balkans, the EU would benefit from a more comprehensive study of its own representation and public perceptions in candidate states. By doing so, the EU could improve the knowledge about its soft power, which can in turn increase the effectiveness of its foreign policy programmes globally and democracy promotion in the neighbourhood. European integration, EU public diplomacy, accession, Image Theory, EU-Western Balkans relations, Montenegro, Serbia, EU membership, EU accession, EU foreign policy, soft power

China's "Weaponized" Vaccine: Intertwining Between International and Domestic Politics.

Ever since China has formally joined the WHO-backed global COVID-19 vaccine initiative known as COVAX, there is a presumed notion that China’s vaccine diplomacy will make a significant contribution to the international public good and thus uplift Beijing’s role as the rule-maker of international order. To scrutinize this, the paper asks if China succeeded in proliferating its weaponized vaccine policy to obtain maximum diplomatic gains and soft power projection to intensify its international image, geopolitical power, and domestic politico legitimacy. The authors argue that despite its vaccine diplomacy demonstrated the robust governance capacity and responsibility to be a great power. Yet, Beijing’s geopolitical influence and international image are significantly overrated and not enough to play a more prominent role in the global power fulcrum/equilibrium. On the contrary, China enjoys a leading position on the domestic political front. Its successful portrayal of China’s vaccine provision in the global market and remarkable configuration to leverage a deep-rooted nationalism has fundamentally provided China with a powerful rationale to divert its public’s attention from Beijing’s earlier inadequate handling of the outbreak. The evaluation of the paper reveals that China’s vaccine diplomacy’s influence in promoting international image and geopolitics is limited but has successfully stabilized its domestic political environment and enhanced its domestic legitimacy.

Zigzags of the Post-imperial Syndrome

The end of every world empire has always been painful and has often led to human tragedies. It has inevitably entailed painful processes: the rupture of familiar economic ties, the loss of vast territories and spheres of influence, the formation of new states and the definition of borders between them, the appearance of national minorities in neighboring territories, etc. But perhaps the most severe result of this is the feeling of losing one's own importance, the lost grandeur complex that develops into the so-called post-imperial syndrome. In the 20th century it manifested itself in Germany and Great Britain, in France and Austria, in Spain, in Portugal and Turkey, in former metropolises that lost not only their established ties but also their geopolitical influence and with it their former imperial power.

ДОВКОЛОМОВНІ ГІБРИДНІ НАРАТИВИ В РОСІЙСЬКО-УКРАЇНСЬКОМУ ПРОТИСТОЯННІ

The article considers language-related Hybrid narratives that spread in the Ukrainian infospace during the period of independence as an element of Russia's hybrid war. Narrative is a cognitive structure that determines the worldview of a certain circle of individuals and is formed by modeling the semantic field of infospace. Hybrid narratives spread simplistic and primitive ideas, distort the rational perception of reality, often replacing it with an irrational reaction. Due to this, they became an effective tool of RF in deepening internal conflicts and intensifying crisis phenomenon in Ukrainian society. Russia has identified the Russian-speaking population of other countries (especially post-Soviet countries) as one of the main factors of its geopolitical influence in the world, so it is the most active in broadcasting language-related hybrid narratives. In particular, in the Ukrainian information space, there are mobilization narratives that are aimed to unite around the idea of "protection of the Russian language and violated rights of Russianspeakers" (narratives on a common language space, second official language, hostility between Russian-speaking East of Ukraine and Ukrainianspeaking West, etc.) and discrediting narratives on Ukrainian as a national language (about its lack of prospects, provincialism, etc.). Pro-Russian political forces, mass media, the Russian national minority and Russian-speaking Ukrainians, representatives and products of popular culture, etc. become the tools of translation of these stories. Against the backdrop of Russia's clear stance that it views the Russian-speaking population of other countries as a means of geopolitical influence and the use of language-related narratives in its aggression against Ukraine, in Ukraine, at the political level, support for the state language has not yet been identified as a priority security issue and the state has actually existed within the limits set by Russian hybrid narratives, or revived at various stages as a stabilizing Soviet narrative of "two languages – one folk".

Soviet Medicine in the Cold War: the Experience of International Cooperation and Geopolitical Influence (Second Half of the 1940s — 1970s)

The article is devoted to the transformation of Soviet medical science and practice under the conditions of the development of international relations after World War II. The main attention was placed on the study of scientific and social medical projects, which were implemented by the USSR during the Cold War under the influence of foreign policy trends and priorities. The analysis of foreign, Soviet and Russian historiography shows that researchers have made serious progress in the study of medicine in the sphere of international relations. At the same time, the Soviet medical global project has not been sufficiently examined, which is due both to the source base and to the lack of a sociopolitical context in these works. The main documents for this article are recently declassified materials held in the fonds of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, and the Russian State Archive of Economics. The authors analyze the development of Soviet medical projects during the period of “late” Stalinism, in the 1950s and 1960s, and in the 1970s. The authors conclude that the Soviet global medical project constantly sought to expand. Thus, the first postwar years provided the foundations for the sustainability of the Soviet project within the socialist bloc, in the 1960s it would begin to spread to the Third World, and in the 1970s it would compete in the leading countries of the world. An important component of the Soviet medical project was the fight against epidemic and infectious diseases in post-colonial countries, the prevention of socially significant diseases and non-communicable diseases, as well as intensive scientific-medical and medical-technical exchanges through bilateral and multilateral partnerships. The Soviet medical project made possible not only competition between the two superpowers, but also cooperation in such important areas as the fight against smallpox or cooperation in shaping the international public dialogue on denuclearization. In general, the authors believe that an analysis of Soviet medicine during the Cold War allows us to show its role in the Soviet geopolitical construct, thus evaluating its ideological and applied components.

Continuity and Novelty in the Policy of George W. Bush in regard to Post Soviet Integration (2001–2005)

The status of the winner in the Cold War, the overcoming of the socio-economic crisis in the country, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 led to the active foreign policy of George W. Bush in various regions of the world. The article considers the main features of the policy of George W. Bush in regard to post-Soviet integration, their connection with the approaches of George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton. Washington's position went through the stages of complete but cautious acceptance under George H. W. Bush, approval only of economic integration under W. Clinton, non-acceptance under George W. Bush, which was associated with the assessment of initiatives as political (Russia's intention to dominate the region). With the Russian Federation George W. Bush used the approach of George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton: it is necessary to make Russia the «engine» of democracy in the region, but not only through reforms, but also through Western structures, primarily NATO. If democratic change was the criterion for the United States assistance and friendly relations with the newly independent states in the 1990s, then under George W. Bush such an indicator was the intention of a country to fight terrorism. This context was developed from the idea of W. Clinton «only surrounded by democracies will democracy survive in the United States». After the September 11 attacks the attention of the United States to the Central Asian republics of the former USSR increased. George W. Bush continued to develop the integration project that originated under W. Clinton – the Organization for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM). In that way, the main difference between the foreign policy of George W. Bush from the George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton became its activity and interventionist character. There is a conceptually new discourse regard to the post-Soviet space and integration processes in the region, but the strategy was based on concepts that originated under the 41st and 42nd US presidents. After the September 11, 2001 attacks Washington's attention in the post-Soviet region focused on the Central Asian countries and Russian-American relations, and the fight against terrorism became a tool and justification for a selective approach in relations with other states. The United States continued to support the idea of democratic messianism, despite the paramount importance of military operations in Afghanistan and the Middle East, continued to monitor reforms in the former Soviet republics and the regional situation, sharply criticizing integration projects that would strengthen Russia's position. In the early 2000s even economic integration began to be seen as political projects that do not meet the interests of the United States. George W. Bush supported the ideas of George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton according to which the newly independent states must be integrated into the Western community through such structures as NATO and the WTO, and the American integration project – GUAM was preserved. First of all, Russia should have been included in the Western structures, after which, due to its geopolitical influence in the region, the rest of the countries should have followed.

Агропродовольственное импортозамещение через призму устойчивости сельского хозяйства

The difficult geopolitical situation has exacerbated the problem of agri-food import substitution, in which Russia has made obvious progress in recent years. However, the increasing volumes of agricultural production do not guarantee the further dynamics of the development of the industry. On the contrary, a number of fundamental growth factors in some cases do not provide even simple reproduction. Thus, the natural fertility of the soil has been steadily declining over the past decades, the material and technical base of agriculture is not updated in sufficient volume, the wages of farmers are significantly lower than the average level in the economy, many enterprises of the industry are credited, the disparity of prices for agricultural and industrial products is increasing. These contradictions between the growth of output and the reproductive abilities of the agricultural sector of the economy cannot last forever. Therefore, a transition to sustainable agricultural development is necessary, assuming that the current needs of society are met without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs. To do this, Russia has key capabilities that allow the priority conversion of available energy resources into food production on a planetary scale, which, in addition to the source of economic prosperity, strengthens the geopolitical influence of our country.

КИТАЙ, АВСТРАЛИЯ И СТРАНЫ ОКЕАНИИ: КТО С КЕМ ПРОТИВ КОГО

In 2022, the world has globally divided itself into two parts by the redistribution of resources, and each participant is important in this confrontation. Currently, China, the main rival of the West, is fighting for the loyalty of 12 independent small developing island countries of Oceania in the South Pacific Ocean, which have the right to vote in the UN and are historically included in the sphere of defense and geopolitical influence of the United States and its loyal allies – Australia and New Zealand. Now Beijing is making every effort to take control over the island neighbors. This article also analyzes the attitude of the Pacific Island Countries to this issue.

Post-Brexit France: French Renaissance or loss of geopolitical influence?

Brexit has become a catalyst for major political change in the modern world. This article analyzes the consequences Brexit had on France’s foreign policy position and its status as a “great power”. In chess, the “English Gambit” is known, in which a player sacrifices his piece to gain a strategic advantage. Will France be able to play its English Gambit after the British exit from the EU? In the modern world, the concept of a “great power” primarily presupposes the ability of the country to exert a serious influence on the most important global decisions. For a long time, France has not been able to act alone in the international arena and relies on its influence in the EU to achieve its goals. Therefore, it is obvious that Britain’s withdrawal from the forming the “European pole” of world politics was a serious blow both to the EU and to France. Of course, in the analysis of international relations “after something” does not always mean “as a result of something”, but in 2020–2021, a significant number of facts can be noted that testify to the negative impact of Brexit on the role of France in Europe and the world in general. The purpose of this study is to determine the impact of Britain’s exit from the EU on France’s political role in the European Union and, in general, on France’s global importance as a great power. The authors use comparative analysis, structural-functional method, etc. The empirical basis of the study was made up of media materials, statements and speeches of contemporary politicians, and documents of foreign policy institutions of France and the EU.

Vectors of Development of Trade and Economic Cooperation of Ukraine with the Countries of the Middle East and Africa

The main directions of development of foreign policy relations and trade and economic cooperation of Ukraine with the countries of the Middle East and Africa are considered in the article. In particular, the state of Ukraine’s foreign trade relations with the Middle East and Africa and the directions of their growth are analyzed. The existing potential for strengthening cooperation in the region has been identified and its main prospects have been outlined. The analysis of the existing institutional system of foreign trade in Ukraine is carried out. that in the conditions of deteriorating economic situation in the world and reduction of indicators of export potential of Ukraine for 2019-2020, it is quite important to form and implement institutional support for the strategy of promoting the development of domestic producers and promoting their products to foreign markets. The main factors that should be taken into account by domestic producers in the process of entering the markets of the Middle East are substantiated. The hierarchy of the purposes of institutional maintenance of foreign trade of Ukraine in the context of cooperation with the countries of the region is offered. According to the indicators of exports of goods and services to major trading partners for 2018-2020, the formation of export destinations in Ukraine. The growth of exports and the dynamics of Ukraine’s foreign trade, which in turn brings currency to the country, more investment and, most importantly, the fact that the country will become a more competitive country. The development of bilateral and multilateral relations of Ukraine with the countries of North Africa is considered in the plane of geoeconomic interests of Ukraine. This indicates Ukraine’s interest in the development of trade and economic cooperation, based on the significant potential importance of the markets of these countries for the exit of Ukrainian exporters, as the countries of the region still show significant demand for Ukrainian goods. The preconditions of practical problems of development of foreign economic relations of Ukraine with the countries of the studied region are investigated, namely that recently the geopolitical influence of the last on the world arena has essentially increased. Prospects for further research in this area are to determine the theoretical and practical prerequisites for creating a strategy to promote the export of goods and services in the markets of the Middle East and Africa. Keywords foreign trade, export, import, trade and economic relations, foreign policy relations, geo-economic interests.

Armed Conflicts and Unrecognized “republics” as Instruments of Russia’s Influence on Post-Soviet Countries

The study is an attempt to generalize the practice of Russia’s implementation of its influence in the post-Soviet space in the context of hybrid aggression as the essence of Russia’s international policy in the region. The main focus of this aggression is directed against those countries of the former Soviet republics that have declared their clear course of European and Euro-Atlantic integration (Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova) and thus stand in the way of Russia’s imperial ambitions.
 In order to implement its plans, Russia comprehensively uses a wide range of tools and methods of influence of both non-military (“soft power”) and military (“hard power”) nature. Such influence is carried out systematically, for many years and has a complex and comprehensive character in various spheres. Moreover, the methods and ways of influence, as well as their priority, are not stable and differ depending on the country of their application.
 Among them, not the least place is given by Russia to the manipulation of armed conflicts, which is part of the well-established mechanism of the so called hybrid wars in order to strengthen its geopolitical influence. Supporting or using certain forces in active armed conflicts or threatening to resume the active phase of “frozen” armed conflicts can be a serious tool of foreign policy pressure and give Moscow real military-political advantages in the region.
 Such conflicts have a decisive impact on the agenda of their localization countries and bring enormous damage to their economic and human potential. The “frozen” conflicts in Georgia and Moldova, as well as the still active conflict in eastern Ukraine, have become clear obstacles to the rapid progress of these countries on the path to European and Euro-Atlantic integration and create a very negative background for their democratic and economic development.
 As Russia has not yet achieved its goals in the conflict zones in Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, it is most likely that no significant positive changes in their settlement should be expected in the near future. One of the most effective mechanisms to protect Russia from expansionist encroachments for these countries may be maximum rapprochement with the EU and NATO, and in the long run – accession to these organizations. Such a step will be a kind of victory in the hybrid war with Russia. After all, it is precisely in order to prevent such an option that Russia has created and / or maintains the above-mentioned zones of instability.

Features of Turkish Foreign-Policy Strategy in the South Caucasus on the Modern Stage in the Context of Mutual Relations With Azerbaijan and Armenia

Turkey on the modern stage remains the example of the exclusiveness in different spheres and aspects: exceptional history, geography, democratic progress, state-building, cultural originality and religious authentication. The foreign-policy course of Turkey is a special too. The principles of the domestic political system of country based by kemalism conception until recently have determined strategic landmarks in international politics as well. However, the end of the Cold war, configuration changes of the actors in the international arena in combination with domestic problems influenced on the Turkish foreign policy. During the last years the domestic end external policy оf country demonstrates, that Turkey is in the process of changing its identity, searching of own role in the post-bipolar world. Conceptually, the Turkish leadership combines the principles of Kemalism, Pan-Turkism and Neo-Ottomanism. The Neo-Ottomanism involves maintaining a balance between security and democracy; policy of “no problems with neighbors”; active diplomacy of peace support; multidimensional foreign policy. The Republic of Turkey also embodies the principle of "rhythmic diplomacy", which ensures Turkey's presence in international organizations and participation in all international issues. The intensification of Turkey's policy in the South Caucasus can be explained by the need to solve a number of problems with neighboring countries, including Armenia. On the other hand, due to close relations with Azerbaijan and Georgia, Turkey receives significant economic dividends, has become an influential energy player and is expanding its geopolitical influence in the Black Sea region. At present, Turkey is unable to normalize relations with Armenia due to its tragic historical past and position on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In addition, concessions to Armenia will inevitably lead to disputes among Turkish political circles and worsen relations with Azerbaijan. Besides this situation become more complicated because of geopolitical rivalry with Russia, which considers the region a zone of exclusively Russian interests.

Економічні та політичні аспекти зовнішньої торгівлі у науковому спадку Івана Вернадського

The article provides a historical digression on I. Vernadsky's development of foreign trade concepts, and considers its most significant factors, in particular the economic ones (freedom, mutual benefit, measure of needs, strength of economic law) and political ones (geopolitical influence, consolidation). The purpose of the article is to reveal the significance and relevance of I. Vernadsky’s views on the economic and political aspects of foreign trade and assess the scientist's contribution to the development of conceptual foundations of foreign trade based on historical sources. The theoretical basis of the research is the multi-directional application of the concept of foreign trade and the interpretation of foreign trade policy as a tool for successful economic development. The historical and economic methods of analysis, and the problem-personified approach to the study of the history of economic ideas are used. The author applies the tools of systematic approach for the layout of the studied by I. Vernadsky tools for the government’s activities in the field of customs policy and foreign trade. It is shown that I. Vernadsky was critical of the interpretation of an objective, and equivalent exchange and put forward the idea of the urgency of its participants’ needs, emphasizing the subjective nature of any exchange operations. At the same time, the scientist condemned the violent nature of external relations and exchange. Emphasis is placed on an important place in the study of foreign trade issues by I. Vernadsky – the influence of both economic and non-economic factors, in particular the nation’s level of education the and its connection with the level of trade. Also, in the article are highlighted the attitude of I. Vernadsky to the relationship of peoples, which is determined by the ratio of the size of their foreign trade. In return, asymmetry in trade can trigger the operation of the law of counteraction, which demonstrates the scientist's position on trade wars and their inevitability in the event of violence, expansion and robbery. It is emphasized that I. Vernadsky’s liberalism and policy of free trade in the issue of foreign trade should be implemented in conditions of low taxes and tariff duties. High duties not only minimize the mutual benefit of the parties in foreign trade, but also, according to the scientist, set up producers of individual countries against each other. This leads to a foreign policy confrontation between the two countries and international tensions. I. Vernadsky’s research of foreign trade issues in the XIX century is also relevant for the beginning of the XXI century, in particular, the idea of the importance of preventing neo-protectionism, trade conflicts and wars.

Development of investment projects in the field of sustainable transportation facilities

The concept of sustainable development on the international agenda emerged in the second half of the 20th century, when environmental and social problems became an obvious factor hindering sustainable economic development. The transport system is central to solving social and environmental problems. In this article, the authors consider investment projects in the field of sustainable transport facilities, the prospects for the introduction of new technologies of transport logistics will effectively influence the development of territories. It is shown that when attracting sustainable financing, higher indicators and effective resource management are achieved, as well as the introduction of innovative approaches in the development of transport facilities, which contributes to the development of regions. In the article, the authors analyze the ongoing investment projects in India, Canada, Russia and China, which are developing their own infrastructure projects for the development of sustainable infrastructure, the formation of new instruments for financing projects, international initiatives are being developed to obtain positive economic effects in the long term. In the context of building a global system, cooperation with large countries that have significant geopolitical and geo-economic influence plays an important role, including Russia, which is relevant at the present time. The article concludes that the initiative to implement a number of large projects in the field of infrastructure and logistics development, most of which implies further expansion and involvement of new participants, will make it possible to talk about the existence of a good foundation for the implementation of equal economic cooperation in the development of new investment and technological projects in the field of sustainable transport facilities.

Manifestations of changing geopolitical influence in the Middle East at the beginning of the third millennium

The year 2016 represents a qualitative change in the regional and international geopolitical movement, as it represents the centenary of the 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement on the one hand, and the beginning of the end for the terrorist organization Daash in practice. This has an impact on the geopolitical behavior of countries that are active in the international political decision or those that influence it regionally, and even those that want to be It has a current and future role for a stage that has its aftermath of changes. The geopolitical behavior in itself needs a renewed understanding, especially with the multiplicity and change of its actors on the one hand, and the different ways of expressing and representing it theoretically and realistically on the geographical area of the Middle East on the other hand. This research sheds light with a geopolitical vision on the changes taking place in the region in terms of traditional power actors and the desire of new powers to play a more important role in the geographical scope that they may affect.