Model Of Gender Equality Research Articles

Gender equity for student parents in higher education at an English further education college

ABSTRACT This small-scale research project explores policy and staff perspectives which affect student parents in higher education at an English further education college. Drawing on Nancy Fraser’s work on the welfare state and the social organisation of care work, the paper examines approaches to a marginalised student group. Qualitative data were collected via a desk-based policy search and semi-structured individual interviews with key female members of staff. Findings indicate that official approaches were broadly based on a gender equality model. Policy blindness to gender and care work affects student parents in higher education and their socioeconomic status. The research concludes that staff attitudes reveal an institutional approach to student parents which is based on difference but is more caring than the policies themselves signify.

Gender equality in the context of social relations

Despite the fact that in most countries of the world a change of the gender order has been observed, modern intellectual discourse cannot be proud of significant developments in this area, at least because of the lack of a single conceptual interpretation of the concept of «gender equality», which in its turn significantly complicates the development of state and international strategies for gender equality, relevant to time and circumstances. In view of this, the purpose of our study is to highlight the main approaches to the interpretation of gender equality and outline the prospects for their practical implementation as a peculiar civilization model. The scientific novelty includes substantiating the proposition that we have all grounds to consider the marginalization of socially deterministic roles in the representatives of the two genders as one of the forms of gender discrimination, since within this approach there is a masculinization of a woman that is combined with the genocide of femininity. Given this fact, there is every reason to believe that the only model of gender equality is that built on the principle of «equal but different». Ensuring gender equality depends on the level of economic development of the state, namely: in the countries whose economic life is the «second wave of civilizational changes» (Elvin Toffler), low gender equality indicators are observed, even despite its legislative consolidation, however, as the US experience shows, this equality is not determined by it. Provision of appropriate time and socio-cultural, economic and political circumstances of the gender perspective requires a clear approach to the interpretation of the content of gender equality, which will be set against the background of the conceptual vision of gender, which will take into account the biological and social deterministic roles of representatives of each sex.

Promising Nordic practices in gender equality promotion: Developing teacher education dialogue, practice, and policy cycles on-line

This case study examines a Nordic on-line course on gender equality promotion in education, in which principals, teachers, school staff and gender equality activists engaged in dialogue regarding contents and practices. The on-line course was designed with reference to promising practices identified in a previous Nordic network project. The article considers challenges appearing across localities in relation to diversity, in gender equality promotion practices, policies and pedagogies. Digitalisation enables educational collaboration among teacher education institutions between the distant Nordic countries and facilitates the dissemination of Nordic education and the gender equality model, but this raises questions about whether these forms of education and equality are globally ‘branded’; and whether an intersectional gender equality promotion approach can be contextually and locally specific. This paper focuses on the contradictions of gender/sex binary concepts impairing understandings of diversity, sexuality and identity, the consequences of the emergence of scepticism toward practice standardisation, discrepancies between norms of equal treatment and critical reflection, and the development of citizen-based actions initiating policy changes. It is shown that the results of the project will benefit Nordic collaboration on teacher education development.

Gender Quota Spill-Over in Sweden: From Politics to Business?

Ever since the 1990s, legislated gender quotas have been adopted across the world as a means to increase the number of women in elected bodies. In recent years, legislated gender quotas have also been adopted to rectify the under-representation of women on company boards. Sweden diverges from this trend. Despite the fact that Sweden has been recognized as a model of gender equality, being ranked among the most gender equal countries in the world and having achieved gender balanced political assemblies, legal gender quotas have not been enacted, neither in the political sphere nor in the economic sphere. This paper analyses women’s path to power in Sweden. It studies the adoption of special measures and provides an assessment of the factors that facilitate or hinder increases in the proportion of women decision-makers in the political and economic sectors. By applying feminist institutional theory, the dynamics of institutional configurations facilitating or hindering change is investigated. It is argued that the interplay of institutions in the political sector operated in a mutually reinforcing way, thereby constituting a good fit, while the interaction of institutions in the economic sector functioned in a conflicting way. It is also claimed that women’s movement organisations (working both within and outside of the political parties) represented critical actors in implementing party quotas in Sweden. Such coordinated efforts did not exist in the corporate sector. There, the forces of resistance were much stronger than the forces for change, thereby hindering the introduction of a legal corporate gender quota.

Resistansi dan Model Resistansi dalam Novel Perempuan Berkalung Sorban Karya Abidah El Khalieqy

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan rekonstruksi estetis diskriminasi gender dalam lingkunganpesantren dan model kesetaraan gender. Penelitian ini menggunakan kritik sastra feminis sebagai media pendekatan untuk mengungkapkan resistansi dan model resistansi. Kritik sastra feminis dianggap sebagai kehidupan baru dalam kritik berdasarkan perasaan, pikiran, dan tanggapan dari para perempuan berdasarkan penglihatan terhadap peran dan kedudukannya dalam dunia sastra. Melalui teori kritik sastra feminis dapat disimpulkan bahwa resistansi dan model resistansi dalam novel Perempuan Berkalung Sorban (PBS) merupakan peristiwa diskriminasi gender yang telah terjadi secara terstruktur dan masif yang dibangun dari unsur dalam dan luar karya sastra, yaitu pemanfaatan usia, latar dalam lingkungan rumah, sekolah, dan perkawinan. Sementara itu, agama Islam telah dimanfaatkan sebagai tempat berlindung bagi kemapanan budaya mengpatriarkal dalam berbagai ranah kehidupan. Model kesetaraan gender akhirnya ditunjukkan melalui perkawinan kedua Nisa dengan Lek Khudori. Perkawinan Nisa ketika dewasa tersebut adalah perkawinan yang menjadi model kesetaraan gender yang diidealkan atau yang dicita-citakan yang menjadi bentuk resistansi terhadap perkawinannya yang pertama dengan Syamsuddin.

Is the Economic Crisis Challenging the Prevailing Gender Regime? A Comparison of Denmark, Germany, Slovakia, and the United Kingdom

This paper addresses the question of whether the current economic and financial crisis is challenging the prevailing gender-equality model in four European countries: Denmark, Germany, Slovakia, and the United Kingdom. After situating the countries in relation to the underlying gender regime and analysing the corresponding position of women and men in paid and unpaid work, the paper contains an in-depth discussion of the short- and medium-term policy responses to the crisis. Our analysis shows that independent of the prevailing gender regime, scant public attention has been directed to gender-sensitive policy responses. These shortcomings are compounded by the observation that the downturn seems to be delaying progress on equality policies.

The White Woman's Burden: “Feminist” War Rhetoric and the Phenomenon of Co-optation

This article takes a critical stance towards the rhetoric of protecting and liberating Afghan women in the wake of the “war on terror”, in this paper called “feminist” security rhetoric. An increased gender awareness in general and in relation to war in particular has influenced the ways in which war stories have been expressed over the last two decades. References to UN Resolution 1325, on women and security in post-conflict situations, will serve as both an indication and illustration of “feminist” security rhetoric, the co-optation phenomenon included, a practice that absorbs the meanings of the original concepts to fit into the prevailing political priorities. The rhetoric of the former Norwegian defence minister, Anne-Grete Strøm-Erichsen, is presented as a case study of this phenomenon. The Norwegian (and the Nordic) gender equality model has mainly been analysed from a welfare perspective, seldom from a post-colonial war(fare)/peace perspective. By analysing Norwegian “feminist” security rhetoric, I also want to push feminist rhetoric to create a space that is sensitive to post-colonial perspectives as well as political philosophy. I thereby intend to question both cultural relativism and aggressive cosmopolitanism dressed in various feminized outfits, aiming instead to suggest some common ground for feminist post-colonial voices to meet the voices of Western feminists who oppose the tendency to see whole cultures as internally homogeneous and almost externally sealed. These voices may together constitute a potent oppositional discourse to Western feminized security rhetoric.

PERSEPSI PEGIAT JENDER TERHADAP KONSEP PASAL 31 AYAT (3) UNDANG-UNDANG PERKAWINAN TENTANG STATUS KEPALA KELUARGA

Some of gender activists assume that status of husband as a head of household is discriminating wife. Therefore, they propose a gender equality model which gives the same status to both husband and wife as a head of household altogether. By using sociological method and feminist legal analysis, it is resulted that most gender activists who become the source of information in this research do not agree with the proposed model of gender equality because they do believe its legal consequence will burden more to the wife. However, they agree that women develop their economic ability to ear money. These gender activists do not want to amend Article 31 (3) Law Number 1 Year 1974. They understand this article as a reflection of substantive equality which recognizes husband as a head of household’s status is parallel with the burden of the responsibility.

Où en est le féminisme islamique ?

By comparing it with the secular feminism that appeared in some Muslim societies starting in the early 20th Century, and sketching its trajectory since its appearance in the 1980s, the novelty of Islamic feminism is brought to light. This movement devoted most of its efforts to defending the rights of citizenship and practiced a secular-nationalist, Islamic-modernist and humanitarian discourse. Islamic feminism, for its part, based its demand for social justice and absolute equality between the genders on sacred texts. Its development has consisted of two stages. In the first stage, which lasted two decades, a model of gender equality in Islam was elaborated on the basis of an innovative reading of the Koran and the fiqh (Islamic law). Although this model drew on the most recent analytical tools of the social sciences, it did not depart from the classical exegetical tradition. The second stage, which began only a few years ago, is characterized, on the one hand, by a desire on the part of its theoreticians to break free of this constraining framework of thought and, on the other, by efforts to construct a transnational movement. It would seem that, in Muslim circles, these two major trends of feminism (secular and Islamic) are today in the process of fusing. &#9632

Woman-friendly policies and state feminism

The overall aim of this article is to explore the analytical potential and normative value of Helga M. Hernes' concept about woman-friendly welfare states in analysis of Scandinavian countries. The first part discusses the underlying theoretical, political and normative assumptions about gender equality and social justice related to dimensions such as redistribution, recognition and representation. The second part addresses the analytical potential of the concepts for understanding gender equality developments in Scandinavia. The focus is on three themes related to the desirability, feasibility, and theoretical strength of the Scandinavian welfare and gender equality model and the underlying normative, empirical and theoretical premises. The analysis deals with debates about the public—private split in relation to woman-friendly policies, focusing on parental leave, childcare, and age restrictions in marriages involving foreigners. State feminism is explored in relation to women's political participation and representation and women's ability to influence gender equality policies. Furthermore, national variations in views about state feminism are identified. Finally, the article addresses the role of woman-friendly policies in debates about responses of Western welfare states to globalization, ageing and multiculturalism.

Gender and Leadership Perceptions Among African Americans

Guided by Eagly's (1987) social role theory and Fiske's (1993) model of status effects in dyads, we studied leadership perceptions within and between gender among African American college students engaged in a problem solving task. Variance components in leadership judgments replicated the pattern of findings reported by Malloy and Janowski (1992), and extended them by showing more consensus in leadership judgments of men by both men and women. Furthermore, there was more consensus in women's judgments of men than in men's judgments of women, and men more accurately predicted how they were judged by women than by men. Reliable self-other agreement of leadership judgments was only observed for men (self) when judged by women. Results revealed a gender bias in leadership perceptions among African Americans that is similar to that observed among European Americans, and were more consistent with a gender inequality model than with a gender equality model.