Garden-path Sentences Research Articles

Effects of punctuation on the processing of temporarily ambiguous sentences in Japanese

AbstractThis study explored the effects of comma insertion on the processing of garden path sentences in Japanese. In two experiments, participants read relative clause sentences containing two ambiguities: single versus relative clause and early‐opening (EO) versus late‐opening (LO) left clause boundaries. EO sentences were presented with or without a comma compatible with an EO boundary in Experiment 1 and, in Experiment 2, with an LO boundary. The results showed that the comma, whether compatible or incompatible with the correct clause boundary, decreased reading time for the relative clause's head noun, indicating that a comma helps readers avoid or recover from garden paths caused by relative clause structures. Conversely, a comma incompatible with a clause boundary increased processing costs of second ambiguity resolution (EO vs. LO). We concluded that punctuation affects processing of temporary ambiguity in Japanese as in languages with stricter punctuation rules; furthermore, readers depend strongly on punctuation for online processing of whole sentence structures. We also discuss the relationship between punctuation and (implicit) prosody.

The role of acoustics in processing syntactically ambiguous sentences

While natural speech prosody facilitates sentence processing, unnatural prosody is expected to decrease speed and accuracy in resolving syntactic ambiguities. This study investigated how, and to what extent, fundamental frequency (F0) and temporal envelope (E) contribute to sentence processing. Signal processing methods degraded either F0 or E in 120 garden-path sentences with a temporarily ambiguous structure (e.g., While the man hunted the deer ran into the woods). Participants listened to natural and acoustically modified garden-paths and, for each, answered a comprehension question and repeated the sentence. Results demonstrated that degrading E consistently affected sentence comprehension, with a different effect observed for degrading F0. Interestingly, the effect of acoustic degradation interacted with effects of verb type and sentence plausibility. In the E-modified condition, sentences with Reflexive Absolute Transitive verbs in which the erroneous interpretation was plausible (e.g., While Mary bathed the baby fell in the tub—*Mary bathed the baby) resulted in productions that were relatively shorter in duration and that reconstructed the original sentence prosody. These findings suggest E plays a greater role, compared to F0, in disambiguating syntax. However, use of prosody by listeners may vary based on context, suggesting prosodic information can interact with cognitive processing load.

The use of control information in dependency formation: An eye-tracking study

Abstract Recent research has shown much evidence that sentence comprehension can be extremely predictive. However, we currently know little about the limits of predictive processing. In the two eye-tracking experiments, we examined whether predictive information in dependency formation is inevitably given priority over a well-known structural preference in syntactic ambiguity resolution. Experiment 1 used sentences including control nouns like order (e.g. After Andrew’s order to wash the kids came over to the house ). If predictive dependency information is given priority over disambiguation preferences, then readers could immediately interpret the kids as the ones who have been ordered to wash, thus avoiding the garden path at the main verb came. However, garden path effects were found irrespective of control information, although the garden path difficulty was reduced when the lexical control information highlighted the globally correct analysis (as in the above example), relative to when it did not. Experiment 2 replicated these results with adjunct control , where the relevant dependency is obligatory (e.g. After refusing to wash the kids came over to the house ). Again, control information did not influence initial disambiguation, but did affect the difficulty of garden path recovery. Overall, the results suggest that there are limitations on the influence of predictive dependency formation on on-line structural disambiguation.

Rapid Expectation Adaptation during Syntactic Comprehension.

When we read or listen to language, we are faced with the challenge of inferring intended messages from noisy input. This challenge is exacerbated by considerable variability between and within speakers. Focusing on syntactic processing (parsing), we test the hypothesis that language comprehenders rapidly adapt to the syntactic statistics of novel linguistic environments (e.g., speakers or genres). Two self-paced reading experiments investigate changes in readers’ syntactic expectations based on repeated exposure to sentences with temporary syntactic ambiguities (so-called “garden path sentences”). These sentences typically lead to a clear expectation violation signature when the temporary ambiguity is resolved to an a priori less expected structure (e.g., based on the statistics of the lexical context). We find that comprehenders rapidly adapt their syntactic expectations to converge towards the local statistics of novel environments. Specifically, repeated exposure to a priori unexpected structures can reduce, and even completely undo, their processing disadvantage (Experiment 1). The opposite is also observed: a priori expected structures become less expected (even eliciting garden paths) in environments where they are hardly ever observed (Experiment 2). Our findings suggest that, when changes in syntactic statistics are to be expected (e.g., when entering a novel environment), comprehenders can rapidly adapt their expectations, thereby overcoming the processing disadvantage that mistaken expectations would otherwise cause. Our findings take a step towards unifying insights from research in expectation-based models of language processing, syntactic priming, and statistical learning.

ERPs show that classroom-instructed late second language learners rely on the same prosodic cues in syntactic parsing as native speakers

The loss of brain plasticity after a ‘critical period’ in childhood has often been argued to prevent late language learners from using the same neurocognitive mechanisms as native speakers and, therefore, from attaining a high level of second language (L2) proficiency [7,11]. However, more recent behavioral and electrophysiological research has challenged this ‘Critical Period Hypothesis’, demonstrating that even late L2 learners can display native-like performance and brain activation patterns [17], especially after longer periods of immersion in an L2 environment. Here we use event-related potentials (ERPs) to show that native-like processing can also be observed in the largely under-researched domain of speech prosody – even when L2 learners are exposed to their second language almost exclusively in a classroom setting. Participants listened to spoken sentences whose prosodic boundaries would either cooperate or conflict with the syntactic structure. Previous work had shown that this paradigm is difficult for elderly native speakers, however, German L2 learners of English showed very similar ERP components for on-line prosodic phrasing as well as for prosody–syntax mismatches (garden path effects) as the control group of native speakers. These data suggest that L2 immersion is not always necessary to master complex L2 speech processing in a native-like way.

Domain-specific executive control and the revision of misinterpretations in sentence comprehension

Two individual differences experiments examined the relationship between executive control and the revision of misinterpretations in sentence comprehension. Garden-path sentences were used as they often lead to initial misinterpretations, necessitating revision during comprehension. In addition to garden-path revision, verbal and non-verbal executive controls were assessed by using the verbal and non-verbal version of the Stroop task. Experiment 1 showed that garden-path revision errors in a grammaticality judgement task correlated with verbal Stroop interference errors. Experiment 2 further showed that the time taken to revise the garden-path interpretation correlated with the time taken to resolve verbal Stroop interference, but not with the time taken to resolve non-verbal Stroop interference. Together, the results argue for a role of executive control, which is possibly domain-specific, in the revision of misinterpretations during sentence comprehension.

Language processing in the visual world: Effects of preview, visual complexity, and prediction

This study investigates how people interpret spoken sentences in the context of a relevant visual world by focusing on garden-path sentences, such as Put the book on the chair in the bucket, in which the prepositional phrase on the chair is temporarily ambiguous between a goal and modifier interpretation. In three comprehension experiments, listeners heard these types of sentences (along with disambiguated controls) while viewing arrays of objects. These experiments demonstrate that a classic garden-path effect is obtained only when listeners have a preview of the display and when the visual context contains relatively few objects. Results from a production experiment suggest that listeners accrue knowledge that may allow them to have certain expectations of the upcoming utterance based on visual information. Taken together, these findings have theoretical implications for both the role of prediction as an adaptive comprehension strategy, and for how comprehension tendencies change under variable visual and temporal processing demands.

Lingering misinterpretations of garden path sentences arise from competing syntactic representations

Recent work has suggested that readers’ initial and incorrect interpretation of temporarily ambiguous (‘‘garden path’’) sentences (e.g., Christianson, Hollingworth, Halliwell, & Ferreira, 2001) sometimes lingers even after attempts at reanalysis. These lingering effects have been attributed to incomplete reanalysis. In two eye tracking experiments, we distinguish between two types of incompleteness: the language comprehension system might not build a faithful syntactic structure, or it might not fully erase the structure built during an initial misparse. The first experiment used reflexive binding and the gender mismatch paradigm to show that a complete and faithful structure is built following processing of the garden-path. The second experiment used two-sentence texts to examine the extent to which the garden-path meaning from the first sentence interferes with reading of the second. Together, the results indicate that misinterpretation effects are attributable not to failure in building a proper structure, but rather to failure in cleaning up all remnants of earlier attempts to build that syntactic representation.

Lexical co-occurrence and ambiguity resolution

This study investigates the possible influence of lexical co-occurrence on lexical ambiguity resolution in sentence contexts. Lexical co-occurrence refers to similarity between the co-occurrence vectors of words, such that if two words have similar profiles of occurrence with other words, they are said to have a strong co-occurrence relationship. The present study examines whether lexical ambiguity resolution can be biased by the prior presentation of a word that shares a strong co-occurrence relationship with an ambiguous word under one of its meanings, despite the absence of plausibility support. Two “maze” word-by-word reading experiments examined highly implausible/anomalous sentences with balanced homographs. In sentences in which the ambiguous word (e.g., bat) was preceded by a biasing word with which it shares a strong co-occurrence relationship (e.g., umpire), (1) response times (RTs) to the ambiguous word were facilitated, and (2) garden-path effects were found when subsequent (disambiguating) information was incongruent with the biased meaning (e.g., The umpire tried to swallow the bat but its wings got stuck in his throat). Additional experiments showed that these biasing effects resist explanation in terms of a passive process of spreading activation. Furthermore, an eye-tracking experiment revealed a pattern of results comparable to that of the maze task experiments, indicating that these effects are not artefacts of the maze procedure. These results are taken to support a heuristic for lexical ambiguity resolution that is driven by relatively low-level intralexical connections based on lexical co-occurrence.

Challenging prior evidence for a shared syntactic processor for language and music

A theoretical landmark in the growing literature comparing language and music is the shared syntactic integration resource hypothesis (SSIRH; e.g., Patel, 2008), which posits that the successful processing of linguistic and musical materials relies, at least partially, on the mastery of a common syntactic processor. Supporting the SSIRH, Slevc, Rosenberg, and Patel (Psychonomic Bulletin & Review 16(2):374-381, 2009) recently reported data showing enhanced syntactic garden path effects when the sentences were paired with syntactically unexpected chords, whereas the musical manipulation had no reliable effect on the processing of semantic violations. The present experiment replicated Slevc et al.'s (2009) procedure, except that syntactic garden paths were replaced with semantic garden paths. We observed the very same interactive pattern of results. These findings suggest that the element underpinning interactions is the garden path configuration, rather than the implication of an alleged syntactic module. We suggest that a different amount of attentional resources is recruited to process each type of linguistic manipulations, hence modulating the resources left available for the processing of music and, consequently, the effects of musical violations.

Scanpaths reveal syntactic underspecification and reanalysis strategies

What theories best characterise the parsing processes triggered upon encountering ambiguity, and what effects do these processes have on eye movement patterns in reading? The present eye-tracking study, which investigated processing of attachment ambiguities of an adjunct in Spanish, suggests that readers sometimes underspecify attachment to save memory resources, consistent with the good-enough account of parsing. Our results confirm a surprising prediction of the good-enough account: high-capacity readers commit to an attachment decision more often than low-capacity participants, leading to more errors and a greater need to reanalyse in garden-path sentences. These results emerged only when we separated functionally different types of regressive eye movements using a scanpath analysis; conventional eye-tracking measures alone would have led to different conclusions. The scanpath analysis also showed that rereading was the dominant strategy for recovering from garden-pathing. Our results may also have broader implications for models of reading processes: reanalysis effects in eye movements occurred late, which suggests that the coupling of oculo-motor control and the parser may not be as tight as assumed in current computational models of eye movement control in reading.

Branching direction in recursive structures

English makes regular use of a number of recursive structures spanning the syntax–lexicon continuum. While NPs with recursive relative clauses occupy the syntactic end, nominal compounds are located at the lexical end. In between these extremes we find NPs with recursive periphrastic genitives (towards the syntactic end) and NPs with recursive Saxon genitives (towards the lexical end). This study presents a comparative analysis of the branching direction preferences in these recursive structures. The empirical focus is on doubleof-genitives, which exhibit an overwhelming predilection for right-branching. This contrasts sharply with the double Saxon genitives, which gravitate towards left-branching. The branching direction decision is argued to be under the sway of several distinct factors: a syntactic factor controlling the alternative between leftward and rightward expansion; a lexical factor regulating the idiomatization of a given pair of elements; and a processing factor geared towards preventing garden path effects. Furthermore, branching direction is determined by listeners’ desire to minimize constituent recognition domains. Taken together, these factors are held accountable for the varying branching direction biases found in the different types of NP.

Segregating the comprehension and elaboration processing of verbal jokes: An fMRI study

The comprehension-elaboration theory of humor claims that the elicitation of humor can be segregated into two stages, comprehension and elaboration. Comprehension includes detection and resolution of incongruity, and elaboration involves inducement of the experience of amusement. Previous imaging research has sought to identify the neural substrates of humor processing by comparing funny and unfunny conditions. However, such studies have not been able to segregate the comprehension and elaboration stages. The present study was designed to differentiate the respective brain areas corresponding to comprehension and elaboration with an additional condition, garden path sentences. The results suggest that the bilateral inferior frontal gyri and left superior frontal gyrus may be associated with humor comprehension, whereas the cortical region in left ventromedial prefrontal cortex and the subcortical regions in bilateral amygdalae and bilateral parahippocampal gyri may be responsible for the feeling of amusement during the elaboration process.

On the grammar of extraction and coordination

This paper examines English unbounded dependency constructions and concludes that the syntactic mechanism responsible for extraction operates in the same way in all constructions, regardless of the structures being subordinate or coordinate. In other words, this work argues that there is a general and fully uniform mechanism behind the linkage of ‘gaps’ and their ‘fillers’ in the family of constructions that allow such unbounded dependencies. Crucially, this mechanism is devoid of exceptions, and interacts with other aspects outside the grammar of extraction to predict the Coordinate Structure Constraint, ATB extractions, parasitism, and at least certain islands. Although the underlying syntactic mechanism for extraction is argued to work in the same way for all constructions, certain parts of the grammar can locally impose additional conditions on the possible extraction patterns. Along with recent psycholinguistic and neurolinguistic research, it is argued that many apparent exceptions result from independently motivated performance factors, also observed in garden-path sentences and center-embedded constructions.

The processing of subject–object ambiguities in native and near-native Mexican Spanish

This self-paced reading study first tested the prediction that the garden path effect previously observed during the processing of subject–object ambiguities in native English would not obtain in a null subject language like Spanish. The investigation then further explored whether the effect would be evident among near-native readers of Spanish whose native language was a non-null subject language like English. Twenty-three near-native and 33 native readers of Mexican Spanish read sentences like Cuando el escultor acabó/volvió la obra tenía tres metros de altura “When the sculptor finished/came back the piece was three meters in height”. The results suggest that (i) Spanish differs from English for this type of processing and (ii) native and near-native processing can be guided by largely similar principles, at least where lexical information like verb transitivity is concerned.

Towards a Syntactic Structural Analysis and an Augmented Transition Explanation: A Comparative Study of the Globally Ambiguous Sentences and Garden Path Sentences

Globally ambiguous sentences can be understood in more than one way and any decoding involved can be understandable. Garden Path (GP) sentences possess a special structural feature with a semantic trigger, which calls for a much heavier cognition burden since only one decoding is reasonable. The present paper explores the data structures of globally ambiguous sentences and GP ones. The augmented transition networks (ATNs) are used to deepen the analyses and comparison of globally ambiguous sentences and GP ones. We come to the conclusion that GP sentences, syntactically and cognitively different from globally ambiguous ones, have more complex structures.

Intonation facilitates contrast resolution: Evidence from Japanese adults and 6-year olds

Two eye-tracking experiments tested how pitch prominence on a prenominal adjective affects contrast resolution in Japanese adult and 6-year old listeners. Participants located two animals in succession on displays with multiple colored animals. In Experiment 1, adults’ fixations to the contrastive target (pink cat→GREEN cat) were facilitated by a pitch expansion on the adjective while infelicitous pitch expansion (purple rabbit→ORANGE monkey) led to a garden-path effect, i.e., frequent fixations to the incorrect target (orange rabbit). In 6-year olds, only the facilitation effect surfaced. Hypothesizing that the interval between the two questions may not have given enough time for children to overcome their tendency to perseverate on the first target, Experiment 2 used longer intervals and confirmed a garden-path effect in 6-year olds. These results demonstrate that Japanese 6-year olds can make use of contrast-marking pitch prominence when time allows an establishment of proper discourse representation.

Effects of Cooperating and Conflicting Prosody in Spoken English Garden Path Sentences: ERP Evidence for the Boundary Deletion Hypothesis

In reading, a comma in the wrong place can cause more severe misunderstandings than the lack of a required comma. Here, we used ERPs to demonstrate that a similar effect holds for prosodic boundaries in spoken language. Participants judged the acceptability of temporarily ambiguous English "garden path" sentences whose prosodic boundaries were either in line or in conflict with the actual syntactic structure. Sentences with incongruent boundaries were accepted less than those with missing boundaries and elicited a stronger on-line brain response in ERPs (N400/P600 components). Our results support the notion that mentally deleting an overt prosodic boundary is more costly than postulating a new one and extend previous findings, suggesting an immediate role of prosody in sentence comprehension. Importantly, our study also provides new details on the profile and temporal dynamics of the closure positive shift (CPS), an ERP component assumed to reflect prosodic phrasing in speech and music in real time. We show that the CPS is reliably elicited at the onset of prosodic boundaries in English sentences and is preceded by negative components. Its early onset distinguishes the speech CPS in adults both from prosodic ERP correlates in infants and from the "music CPS" previously reported for trained musicians.

What is the scanpath signature of syntactic reanalysis?

Which repair strategy does the language system deploy when it gets garden-pathed, and what can regressive eye movements in reading tell us about reanalysis strategies? Several influential eye-tracking studies on syntactic reanalysis ( Frazier & Rayner, 1982; Meseguer, Carreiras, & Clifton, 2002; Mitchell, Shen, Green, & Hodgson, 2008) have addressed this question by examining scanpaths, i.e., sequential patterns of eye fixations. However, in the absence of a suitable method for analyzing scanpaths, these studies relied on simplified dependent measures that are arguably ambiguous and hard to interpret. We address the theoretical question of repair strategy by developing a new method that quantifies scanpath similarity. Our method reveals several distinct fixation strategies associated with reanalysis that went undetected in a previously published data set ( Meseguer et al., 2002). One prevalent pattern suggests re-parsing of the sentence, a strategy that has been discussed in the literature ( Frazier & Rayner, 1982); however, readers differed tremendously in how they orchestrated the various fixation strategies. Our results suggest that the human parsing system non-deterministically adopts different strategies when confronted with the disambiguating material in garden-path sentences.

Plausibility and recovery from garden paths in second language sentence processing

ABSTRACTIn this study, the influence of plausibility information on the real-time processing of locally ambiguous (“garden path”) sentences in a nonnative language is investigated. Using self-paced reading, we examined how advanced Greek-speaking learners of English and native speaker controls read sentences containing temporary subject–object ambiguities, with the ambiguous noun phrase being either semantically plausible or implausible as the direct object of the immediately preceding verb. Besides providing evidence for incremental interpretation in second language processing, our results indicate that the learners were more strongly influenced by plausibility information than the native speaker controls in their on-line processing of the experimental items. For the second language learners an initially plausible direct object interpretation lead to increased reanalysis difficulty in “weak” garden-path sentences where the required reanalysis did not interrupt the current thematic processing domain. No such evidence of on-line recovery was observed, in contrast, for “strong” garden-path sentences that required more substantial revisions of the representation built thus far, suggesting that comprehension breakdown was more likely here.