Campaign Funds Research Articles

Accountability Dysfunction in Campaign Finance Regulations: A Case Study of the 2018 Jambi Simultaneous General Elections

The regulations of campaign finance have highly problematic for local electios (Pilkada) in Indonesia. However, the campaign finance system changed gradually over the following years, many alleged campaign violations committed by candidates during local elections. In this study, the researcher wants to assess campaign finance regulations based on the accountability concept. The measurement of accountability in the campaign finance regulations has been divided into two perspectives, which are legal and finance. The study used a qualitative method with a case study approach in Jambi's three regions, which held local elections (Pilkada) in 2018. This study argues that the current regulations have not solved the whole problem of campaign funds. The level of corruption by candidates remains stubbornly high due to less authority and weak sanctions. At the same time, most campaign finance regulations have never been enforced. As a result, revising Acts on the election, enhancing law enforcement, and raising public awareness need to promote for ensuring the quality of local democracy.

Politik Pendanaan Kampanye dalam Pemilihan Presiden 2019

Tulisan ini membahas politik pendanaan kampanye pada pemilihan presiden (Pilpres) 2019 dengan fokus pada dimensi penerimaan sumbangan dana kampanye yang besar dari kalangan oligark kepada pasangan Calon Presiden dan Calon Wakil Presiden Jokowi-Ma’ruf dan Prabowo-Sandi, dan dimensi pembayaran kembali pada saat pascapilpres kepada penyumbang dan pemilih. Dalam kaitan tersebut tulisan ini juga mendiskusikan pola pendanaan kampanye Jokowi-Ma’ruf sebagai pemenang Pilpres 2019, yang memengaruhi perubahan bentuk struktur politik oligarkis yang dihasilkan dari Pilpres 2019. Analisis tulisan ini didasarkan pada teori Oligarki dari Jeffrey A. Winters yang didukung oleh konsep pendanaan kampanye dari USAID dengan mengandalkan pada data sekunder laporan dana kampanye Jokowi-Ma’ruf dan Prabowo-Sandi yang dilaporkan ke KPU dan telah diaudit oleh kantor akuntan publik. Argumen yang ditawarkan adalah bahwa politik pendanaan kampanye pasangan Jokowi-Ma’ruf, sebagai pemenang Pilpres 2019, yang melibatkan para penyumbang besar dari kalangan oligark, memengaruhi perubahan sifat politik oligarkis pemerintahan hasil pilpres, yaitu perubahan sifat keterlibatan oligark dalam pemaksaan dan kekuasaan dari yang ‘terpecah’ menjadi ‘kolektif’, dan perubahan dari yang bersaing ‘liar’ antar-oligark menjadi ‘lunak’ bekerjasama dalam pemerintahan.

Include ‘Bold Ideas’ in Your Campaign Plans

The Major Gifts ReportVolume 22, Issue 10 p. 5-5 Campaign Funding Ideas Include ‘Bold Ideas’ in Your Campaign Plans First published: 03 September 2020 https://doi.org/10.1002/mgr.31571Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume22, Issue10October 2020Pages 5-5 RelatedInformation

Analisis Dana Kampanye Calon Terpilih Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD) pada Pemilu Serentak 2019

This article wants to answer about how the amount and nominal budget of elected DPD candidates can be utilized for the effort to win seats for each elected candidate. This study takes a sample of all members of the DPD elected from the existing participation of 34 provinces in Indonesia. The type of data taken in the form of secondary data downloaded from the official KPU website consists of a Report on the Revenue and Expenditure of Campaign Funds. Based on the results of this study, there are two interesting things related to the funding of the DPD in the 2019 Concurrent Elections ago. First, there is no strong relationship when the campaign budget is large. The pair of elected DPD candidates can win seats at a relatively small campaign cost. Second, the amount and amount of campaign costs incurred by prospective DPD members varies. The campaign expenses spent by Adilla Azis from East Java amounted to IDR 75,000. Meanwhile, Jimly As-Shiddiqie from DKI Jakarta spent the largest cost of IDR 1,908,605,402. The average selected candidate issues an average price range of IDR 400 million with an average cost/vote of IDR 3,500.Â

Resilient Aspirants: Women's Candidacies and Election in Times of COVID-19

AbstractThe COVID-19 pandemic has gendered implications for women's time and resources. The use of informal institutions that pose obstacles to women's electoral viability may also be particularly consequential at a time of rapid change, when election dates and procedures are being amended because of health concerns. Together, these dynamics suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic may impact women's electoral participation, support, and viability in meaningful ways. The November 2020 Brazilian municipal elections provide an opportunity to explore this. Employing data from an original survey of eligible individuals and aspirant candidates, we find that the main obstacle to women's representation is not personal political ambition or efforts but women's perceptions of their access to support for their candidacies. In the face of greater challenges, resilient aspirants are choosing to work harder to compensate for potential losses in campaign support and funds.

Money talks: Decentralized personalism and the sources of campaign funding

Many scholars suggest that candidates are increasingly personalizing their campaign efforts, local organizations, and even their messaging. A variety of temporal factors have been identified as fueling this personalization of politics, including the decline of partisanship, evolving media norms, and changes in party organization such as the adoption of primaries. The personalization of politics is linked to spatial, or geographic, factors, as well. Research suggests that in geographically defined electoral systems, personalized campaigning most often involves a focus on district-level issues and that this translates into parliamentarians prioritizing local interests in the legislature. One potentially important factor that has been relatively understudied in explaining personalization is money, especially its geographic source. Using an innovative dataset that pairs candidate survey responses with administrative financial data, we test whether candidates are less likely to run personalized campaigns when their local party organization receives a higher proportion of its total income from the party at the centre. Our findings suggest that the degree to which campaign funds are raised locally or transferred from the central party office helps shape the message that local candidates convey to voters, although not how they get their message out.

Participation of Ukraine in International Cooperation against Corruption

The article deals with an important and relevant topic — Ukraine's participation in international cooperation in the field of combating corruption. The authors emphasize that measures taken solely at the domestic level are not sufficient to effectively and comprehensively counteract this destructive phenomenon. The authors analyzed the scientific doctrine on the nature and importance of international cooperation. The authors used general scientific and special scientific methods, which provided an objective analysis of the research purpose. The research methods ensured the comprehensiveness and completeness of the study, the validity of the scientific results. It is proposed to analyze Ukraine's participation in international cooperation against corruption through the prism of international anti-corruption legal acts. First, the authors focus on the UN Convention against Corruption. The documents adopted within the framework of the activities of the Council of Europe and the Group of States against Corruption (GRECO) are then analyzed. In particular, the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173), the Civil Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 174), the Council of Europe Convention on the Manipulation of Sports Competitions (CETS 215), Recommendations on Codes of Conduct for Public Officials (Recommendation No. R (2000) 10), Recommendations on common rules against corruption in the funding of political parties and electoral campaigns (Recommendation Rec (2003) 4). Particular attention is paid to the EU Anti-Corruption Initiative (EUACI), funded by the European Union and co-financed and implemented by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark. This initiative exists to promote anti-corruption reforms. The EU Anti-Corruption Initiative in Ukraine (Phase II) agreement concluded between the Government of Ukraine and the European Commission is analyzed. The conclusion is drawn about the need and importance of international cooperation in combating corruption. However, it is noted that the effective fight against corruption requires taking into account the historical experience of a particular state.

ELECTION FINANCES OF GUADALUPE VILLAGE CANDIDATES IN CEBU CITY, PHILIPPINES

This study examined and analysed the election expenditures incurred by local candidates during the latest 2013 village level election in Guadalupe, Cebu City, Philippines. The study also assessed the capability of Guadalupe village election candidates to run and win elections taking into account their income, campaign funds and incurred expenditures. A descriptive survey research design was employed in the study through one-on-one interviews with identified respondents. Secondary data substantiated the primary information generated from the research respondents. Findings revealed that campaign funds of election candidates are too high compared to the average income of ordinary village residents. In effect, only 15 candidates ran for election in Guadalupe village out of 33,000 registered voters. Ordinary aspiring candidate could not afford to raise the huge campaign needed funds. Because of limited income, Guadalupe residents aspiring to run in the local election were not able to take part in the election race. The study concludes that election financing and expenditures play a crucial role in determining voting behaviour and election outcomes. Examining election candidates’ expenditures affords transparency, fair electoral processes and can provide check and balance towards corruption and its prospects of occurrence especially during election period. It is recommended that the Commission on Election puts ceiling on election expenses to minimize campaign spending among the candidates thereby foster fair play during election campaigns. The candidates may also employ cyber campaign strategies by making use on social media as affordable and cheap way to do campaigns. Article visualizations:

Economics of philanthropy—evidence from health crowdfunding

This paper is the first comprehensive empirical study on the economics of health crowdfunding (HCF) campaigns. We develop a new theoretical framework that focuses on the channels Donor-Patient-Psychology and Donor-Donor-Psychology to examine campaign funding speed. Our data highlight that, on average, campaign funding goals are achieved more rapidly if the patient is an infant girl, and if campaign descriptions are more comprehensive but less technical (easier to read). Furthermore, campaigns begun around holidays are funded more quickly, with the highest funding speed found for Christian holidays. We posit that this indicates a “warm-glow” effect. Examining donations controlling for campaign fixed effects, we document strong and economically significantly negative donor-to-donor peer effects, where contributions by donors with public profiles may be crowded out by the previous contributions of their peers.

Hidden Donors: The Censoring Problem in U.S. Federal Campaign Finance Data

Inferences about individual campaign contributors are limited by how the Federal Election Commission collects and reports data. Only transactions that exceed a cycle-to-date total of $200 are individually disclosed, so that contributions of many donors are unobserved. We contrast visible and donors, i.e., small donors who are invisible due to censoring—and routinely ignored in existing research. We use the Sanders presidential campaign in 2016, whose unique campaign structure received money only through an intermediary/conduit committee. These are governed by stricter disclosure statutes, allowing us to study donors who are normally hidden. For Sanders, there were seven hidden donors for every visible donor, and altogether, hidden donors were responsible for 33.8% of Sanders' campaign funds. We show that hidden donors start giving relatively later, with contributions concentrated around early primaries. We suggest that as presidential campaign strategies change towards wooing smaller donors, more research on what motivates them is necessary.

Campaign funding laws and the political economy of money politics in Nigeria

ABSTRACT Campaign funding laws have failed to stem the phenomenon of money politics in postcolonial Nigeria. The predominant narrative in extant literature attributes this failure to lack of enforcement of the laws. This article rethinks the lack of enforcement narrative and argues that the laws have inbuilt biases that legitimise and perpetuate money politics; hence, any investment in enforcement can only yield meagre returns. But beyond the biased legal regime, mass poverty is largely why attempts to remedy the challenge of money politics via the instrument of law have failed. The article recommends a recalibration of Nigeria’s political economy to usher in a resource allocation and wealth redistribution regime that ensures the citizenry are not so poor that they would be vulnerable to material inducement.

How Brazilian congressmen connect: homophily and cohesion in voting and donation networks

Abstract Two fundamental activities in the career of a congressman are raising campaign funds and voting on bills. Characterizing the interplay between these two activities is crucial for democracy as it provides explicit feedback to voters on potential conflicts of interest. In this work, we investigate the Brazilian Congress to shed light on the relationships between the donations received by congressmen elected in 2014 and their voting behaviours during 2015 and 2016. By consolidating publicly available data from the House of Representatives and the Superior Electoral Court (TSE), we construct a dataset containing elected congressmen, campaign donors and donations, and legal bills and votes. This leads to the donation network (edges represent co-donation) and voting network (edges represent co-voting) in which nodes are congressmen. We examine homophily and cohesion of congressmen in these two networks with respect to their political parties and electoral regions. Our results indicate that regions exhibit stronger homophily than political parties in the donation network, while this trend is opposite for the voting network. In this sense, we find that partisan cohesion is strong and diverse in the voting network, while regional cohesion is consistently negligible. These findings are an indication of Brazil’s fragmented and weak federalist system where partisan interests override regional interests.

Planos de Saúde, interesses no Poder Legislativo e Ameaças ao Direito Público

O presente artigo consubstancia parte dos achados de pesquisa cuja temática central foram os planos de saúde e a representação de interesses no Poder Legislativo brasileiro. O principal objetivo é analisar os interesses dos planos privados de assistência à saúde, suas determinações e mediações no âmbito do Poder Legislativo federal, no período 2011-2016. Para empreender esta análise, nos fundamentamos na teoria social crítica marxiana e como procedimentos metodológicos utilizamos levantamento bibliográfico e análise qualitativa de proposições legislativas de autoria dos deputados federais que receberam financiamento privado de campanha, proveniente das empresas de planos privados de assistência à saúde, nas eleições de 2010 e 2014, e cuja temática das proposições se vinculava aos tipos de planos coletivos empresariais. Também realizamos pesquisa de dados secundários sobre a temática. Concluímos analisando as ameaças dos interesses dos planos de saúde sobre o direito público à saúde.

Political Marketing dalam Pemilihan Gubernur Sumatera Selatan Tahun 2018 (Studi Kasus Tim Pemenangan Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya di Kota Palembang)

The title of this research is "Political Marketing in Pilkada (Case Study: Victory of the Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya Pair in the Election of the Governor of South Sumatra 2018 in the City of Palembang)". This study examines the phenomenon of political marketing as a strategy in a campaign. This paper elaborates and discusses how the political marketing process carried out by the successful team of the couple Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in Palembang City. The findings obtained from this study indicate that the political marketing process carried out by the success team of Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in Palembang City was very structured and managed to get the voice of the people of Palembang City. The political marketing process carried out by the success team of Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in the city of Palembang is first, showing the political products of this couple to the community such as spreading the vision and mission program of this couple to the entire Palembang City community. Secondly, to promote the people of Palembang City both through direct interaction and through print media, electronic media, and social media carried out directly by successful teams. Third, determine prices in the campaign, both in the campaign funding process and to build the price of the image of the couple. Fourth, the location of the campaign which was not only focused on one place but spread throughout the corner of the city of Palembang, because there was no major campaign in the city of Palembang.

Problems of formation of business angels in the innovative process of Ukraine

Problem setting. The article examines the problems of the legislative definition of business angels, and also summarizes the terminology of this subject of innovation infrastructure. Also, in the article we try to find out the legislative consolidation of the term of “business angel” in the countries of the European Union, which further development and functioning is investigated. The importance of them is determined at the national level to consolidate in a special law the definition and procedure for the provision of investments by business angels. Analysis of resent researches and publications. Business angels are relevant, because for many Ukrainian entrepreneurs and companies there is a problem of financing. Thus, the study of this topic in their scientific works engaged in such outstanding scientists A.M. Lieutenant and LL Antonyuk, S. Valdaytsev, K. Pinyugin, O. Kashirin, O. Semenov, A. Karzhauv, O. Folomentyev, Benjamin J., Margulis J., Ammosov YP, Brian Hill, Dn. Power, N. Fonstein, A. Halytsky and other scientists. The target of research. There is a study of the essence and legal definition of the term business angels. Research of national and foreign private investors (business angels), as well as, outlining of reality of regulation in national legislation of the procedure for providing business angels to invest. Article’s main body. A business angel is a person who invests money in projects that often exist only as an idea. At this stage, a young campaign or entrepreneur funds of the development and implementation plan often have nothing to begin a startup, because there is nothing to interest serious investment funds. In this case, angels come to the aid of investors. It should be emphasized that investors, when they see a prospect in the idea, and believe in the future this idea will appeal to society and will find further improvement and development, business angels, usually, invest in this business the necessary and sufficient amount of their own funds. This is what distinguishes business angels from venture investors, who manages other people’s capital. So, it should be noted that they receive not only a share in the campaign, but sometimes even a blocking stake, what allows them to influence decisions made by the owner. In the research, Shevchenko O.M gives the following definition that business angels are private venture investors who invest their financial resources, as well as, personal time and abilities in little-known young innovative companies with the expectation of commercial profit. In addition, by providing start-up capital, private investors bring to the company the most valuable thing — professional and managerial experience (which is, usually, lacking in companies in the early stages of development), as well as, the necessary connections and reputational support. Conclusions and prospects of the development. Therefore, analyzing all of the above, the following conclusions should be next: firstly, the functioning of such a new institution in innovation law as business angels is an effective source of stimulating innovation by providing financial and information and communication support to entrepreneurs; secondly, it should be emphasized that further development and implementation in Ukraine requires its own legislation in a special Law of Ukraine.

Influencing votes, winning elections: clientelist practices and private funding of electoral campaigns in Albania

ABSTRACTThe present article is part of a broader effort to understand and analyse the relationship between formal and informal norms and institutions in the Balkans. Free and fair elections are a central component of any functioning democracy and, in the case of Albania, an essential element of its EU accession process. Elections can also be affected by political clientelism, which puts their outcomes’ credibility into question. Political clientelism is a principal sector of informal relations and practices and informal and/or illegal funding of electoral campaigns are identified as its key mechanisms. This article addresses a number of issues related to clientelist practices and private funding of electoral campaigns, focusing on the general parliamentary elections of June 2017. The main research question investigates the ways in which private funding of electoral campaigns works in practice. Based on data gathered through ethnographic fieldwork, interviews, reports on the electoral process, and other secondary sources, we argue that informal clientelist practices permeating private funding of electoral campaigns enable political parties to further and strengthen clientelist relations and to influence the electoral result.

The extent to which participants in the indonesian legislative elections obey the rules

This study aims to evaluate the extent to which the compliance of legislative candidates as participants of the 2019 Indonesian general election is related to the rules for reporting campaign funds. To achieve this objective, this study uses election rules indicators that relate to the rules of campaign finance reporting with reference to 21 indicators according to Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections in the Republic of Indonesia along with all derivative rules. Based on the rules that apply in Indonesia, general election participants who do not comply with the rules for reporting campaign funds can be canceled from the process of election as legislative members. In other words, the results of the compliance audit which concludes that a legislative candidate does not comply with the rules for the reporting of campaign funds could be canceled as a legislative member. This study uses the “X” Political Party legislative members from South Kalimantan Province, including legislative candidates for the DPR-RI, Provincial DPRD, and district/city DPRD. The total number of legislative candidates from Party X is 11 for the DPR-RI from 2 electoral areas, 55 for the Provincial DPRD from 7 electoral areas, and 296 for district/city DPRDs from an average of 5 electoral areas for each district/city. By setting a sample of 20% of the population, this study ended-up with 74 legislative candidates as the sample., i.e, 3 DPR RI legislative candidates, 11 legislative candidates for the provincial DPRD, and 60 legislative candidates for district/city DPRD. Descriptive analysis method is used to answer the problems in this study. Evaluation of compliance with the reporting of campaign funds is carried out by using compliance audit procedures through review of existing supporting documents and interviews with legislative candidates who are selected as the sample as confirmation procedure. The review of documents is carried out carefully and thoroughly to evaluate whether the legislative candidates from political parties follow the rules in the mechanism of reporting the campaign funds for the period February 20, 2018, until April 25, 2019. After the entire evaluation process conducted in May 2019 has been completed, this study concluded that in general, the legislative candidates adhere to the rules of campaign funds reporting in accordance with applicable laws and regulations. This study does not find any material deviations from applicable laws and regulations.

The politician and the vote factory: Candidates’ resource management skills and electoral returns

This paper disentangles resource management skills of candidates from the electoral circumstances that help them getting (re-)elected. It is first made use of the DEA method to measure candidates’ resource management abilities. Second, determinants of these scores are estimated. The paper uses a database detailing the different sources of campaign funding for French members of Parliament to analyze their relative performance. Results show a large variance in campaign resource management ability, particularly between political parties, and incumbents and newcomers. They also reveal an important role of constituencies’ characteristics and of politicians' experience in explaining differences between politicians' efforts. Thus, public policies could promote virtuous regulations to reduce disparities among candidates with different financial backgrounds and access to resources, to foster a fairer democracy.

Our Campaign Finance Nationalism

This Article chronicles the history, structure, and contours of our finance I use this term to describe a system in which the funding of campaigns at the federal, state, and local levels is national in scope, despite the fact that voting is not. It is a system in which everyone is free to donate to a candidate across state lines, although only a resident of the candidate’s district can vote for him. Part I contrasts our campaign finance nationalism with our voting rights federalism. The law views voting and campaigning as distinct activities, and each is governed by its own body of law. For the most part, voting is governed by state law. Since state law regulates voting differently in each state, the law of voting is emblematic of America's voting rights federalism. The law of campaigning, by contrast, is national in scope. A major portion of it involves the doctrine of free speech. Since the First Amendment applies equally to all citizens, our campaign finance system largely ignores the federalism of voting. The only participation limits that our campaign finance system sets are based on national citizenship, as “foreign nationals” are precluded from making contributions or expenditures to influence any federal, state, or local election. In Part II, I chronicle the history of our campaign finance nationalism. Concern with the influence that foreigners had over U.S. policymaking led Congress to enact the Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA) in 1938. This law prohibited the agents of foreign principals from making contributions to political candidates. However, FARA's statutory scheme contained loopholes. In 1974, when Congress was debating its amendments to the Foreign Election Campaign Act of 1971 (FECA), it adopted Senator Lloyd Bentsen's proposal to ban foreign nationals from influencing U.S. electoral campaigns directly. After Citizens United was decided, this prohibition on foreign nationals was challenged in Bluman v. FEC, but the Bluman court upheld the ban on the grounds that foreigners are not members of the American political community. As Part III explains, our campaign finance nationalism has several consequences. One is that it prevents individual states from restricting nonresident campaign contributions. Over the years, several states have tried to place limits on nonresident contributions, only to have their efforts be struck down. A second consequence is that the system readily encourages political candidates to seek campaign contributions from all across the country. As a result, candidates develop two distinct groups of people to whom they owe allegiance: voters and donors. I marshal evidence to show how, over time, members of Congress have become increasingly dependent on nonresident donors. Many academic authors, including Richard Briffault, Jessica Bulman-Pozen, Anthony Johnstone, Todd Pettys, and John Paul Stevens, have undertaken efforts to understand the effects of nonresident contributions and the justifications for them. Part IV examines the difficulties of regulating our campaign finance nationalism. The provisions of the law prohibiting foreign spending in American elections have many loopholes, and policing them also turns out to be very hard to do in practice. If Russia's aggressive actions during the 2016 election taught us anything, it is that our campaign finance system is vulnerable. I conclude by examining various efforts now being undertaken in Congress to prevent foreign influence from infiltrating American electoral campaigns.

The Supreme Court and the Demise of American Democracy: A Comparative View of Campaign Funding and Political Gerrymanders

United States has slipped from the list of fully functioning democracies maintained by The Economist magazine. U.S. is now considered a flawed democracy. magazine blames the impact of money in campaigns and the effects of political gerrymanders. This paper examines the U.S. Supreme Court cases that have led to these results and compares the resulting law to the laws of countries that have achieved and retained the status of fully functioning democracy.