French Commander Research Articles

Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918 (review)

Reviewed by: Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918 Alexander Keese Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918. By Richard S. Fogarty. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0-8018-8824-3. Note on terminology. Illustrations. Appendix. Notes. Essay on sources. Index. Pp. 374. $60.00. Interest in the role of colonial troops as part of the French army has reached a new peak in recent years. Following the older studies of Marc Michel on the Tirailleurs Sénégalais, West African troops under French command, scholars have notably been engaged in analysing the connections between war experience and the social role of the respective soldiers in their societies of origin. Gregory Mann's book Native Sons went farthest in this respect. Richard Fogarty's study has, in comparison, a less ambitious goal. He enquires into the context of non-European experience in the First World War without commenting much on its repercussions on the returning individuals and their societies. The nature of the French approach towards non-Europeans recruited for the army of the Grande Nation, practical difficulties in battle, training and everyday interaction between European French and 'indigènes', questions of republican universalism and the racist limits of assimilation are at the heart of Fogarty's interpretations. This approach might be described as Eurocentric – but, in fact, the author paves the way for a more comprehensive analysis of problems that are at the core of interpreting France's colonial past. Also, while not following Mann's choice of combining research on indigenous soldiers both in France and in the colonial territories, Fogarty comments, nonetheless, on a remarkably wide range of different groups recruited for the war. Namely, besides the more classical interest in West and North Africans he includes a detailed study of the role of Malagasy and Indochinese troops. On the latter he provides an important discussion of their specialisations, namely as nurses and as members of artillery units. Also, their particular encounter with French civilians, especially with French women, is still under-researched, a gap in scholarly literature which is very well filled by Fogarty's book. Fogarty's analysis starts with the important and frequently ignored fact that French military officials, at the end of First World War and beyond, had to [End Page 668] defend the integration of African troops in the European battle theatres against racially motivated international critiques. The French practice was scorned by their white American colleagues (and idealised by Black American political activists). Obviously, Fogarty rapidly shows that the French 'liberality' was in part rhetoric. French military officers of all ranks doubtlessly had strong racist preconceptions. This already influenced strategies of recruitment: French officers believed that different colonial populations had 'racial characteristics', and that only some were real races guerrières (warrior races), while others were ineffective in battle. Moreover, race remained a central criterion for (white) leadership in the army, which made it extremely difficult for colonial soldiers to reach the rank of officer. Fogarty alludes to but does not respond to the question if French war planners deliberately sent non-white soldiers to places where losses were highest – a hypothesis so vehemently rejected in Marc Michel's Appel à l'Afrique. That race created hierarchy both on the level of the common soldier, as in the officer corps, becomes, as an unsurprising fact, very well illuminated in Fogarty's book. Fogarty's empirical findings on language problems, Islam and sexual contacts are very applicable for any reader, beyond the group of genuine military historians, and provide a strong part of the book. He refers to the problems of language use, and identifies the absence of a language base as a consequence of racism, as the French believed that a simplified (and ridiculed) form of French was an appropriate lingua franca. Regarding sexual encounters, Fogarty demonstrates that many indigenous recruits interpreted those as a symbolic revenge against the colonizer. Going here beyond the Eurocentric perspective, he holds that in the long run the visual proofs, particularly photos, of non-European soldiers having intimate contact with French women undermined the European prestige on which French colonial...

After Dunkirk: The French Army's Performance against `Case Red', 25 May to 25 June 1940

The historiography of the German defeat of France and her allies in 1940 has focused mainly on the first fortnight of what was a six-week campaign. Most writers have concentrated on either the German Wehrmacht's breakthrough of the thin French defences on the River Meuse, on the evacuation of over 330 000 Allied troops from Dunkirk and the nearby beaches, or on the political level of an unravelling Anglo-French partnership. The continuing fight of the French armies, with some assistance from the British and others in the last month of operations ( c.25 May to 25 June), has been almost invisible, reduced to the status of an epilogue. This article re-examines questions of French command and control, force strength, and combat performance, focusing particularly on a series of case studies of French divisions that resisted the second-stage German offensive, Fall Rot (Case Red) from 5 June 1940. The evidence deployed offers a considerably more complex — and for the French, more creditable — picture of how resistance was reorganized after the shocks of May 1940. The German victory was not some kind of stroll in rural France, but came about only after very hard fighting that has been lost from sight in most evocations of the `fall of France'.

Romanian-Serbian relations and the Banat question during the First World War

Relations between Serbia and Romania throughout the war are viewed from the standpoint of the two countries' rivaling claims on the Banat and within the framework of power balance in the Allied camp with an emphasis on the position of the Romanian government and statesmen. Obviously, Romania's position was more favourable during the first two war years as the Allies sought to win her over for the Entente. Thus the Banat was included in compensations for her entering the war on the side of the Allies. Romania's defeat, however, produced a complete shift in the balance of power, with Romania now in an unenviable position, especially following the breach of the Salonica Front in September 1918. From the Romanian perspective, the Banat's destiny also depended on divergent political positions on the domestic scene. The fate of the Banat was eventually decided by the advancing Serbian army which took the whole territory, though under French command. The final decision became a responsibility of the Paris Peace Conference.

Harlem's hell fighters: the African-American 369th Infantry in World War I

When the United States entered World War I in 1917, thousands of African-American men volunteered to fight for a country that granted them only limited civil rights. Many from New York City joined the 15th N.Y. Infantry, a National Guard regiment later designated the 369th U.S. Infantry. Led by mostly inexperienced white and black officers, these men not only received little instruction at their training camp in South Carolina but were frequent victims of racial harassment from both civilians and their white comrades. Once in France, they initially served as laborers, all while chafing to prove their worth as American soldiers. Then they got their chance. The 369th became one of the few U.S. units that American commanding general John J. Pershing agreed to let serve under French command. Donning French uniforms and taking up French rifles, the men of the 369th fought valiantly alongside French Moroccans and held one of the widest sectors on the Western Front. The entire regiment was awarded the Croix de Guerre, the French government's highest military honor. Stephen L. Harris's accounts of the valor of a number of individual soldiers make for exciting reading, especially that of Henry Johnson, who defended himself against an entire German squad with a large knife. After reading this book, you will know why the Germans feared the black men of the 369th and why the French called them hell fighters.

I. Dünya Savaşı ve Kurtuluş Mücadelesi Sırasında Maraş'ta Ermeni Mezalimi

Maraş, Osmanlı Devleti döneminde Halep Vilâyetine bağlıydı. O dönemde Maraş yöresinde ve özellikle Maraş'ın Zeytun (Süleymanlı) kazasında küçümsenemeyecek miktarda Ermeni nüfusu vardı. Ermeniler, Gregoryen, Katolik ve Protestan mezheplerine bölünmüşlerdi. 1908 Halep Vilayeti Salnamesi'ne göre, Maraş merkezinde 4 Ermeni (Gregoryen), 3 Protestan, 2 Katolik, 1 Latin kilisesi ve 15 Hıristiyan mektebi vardı. Zeytun'da 6 kilise, 2 manastır, 1 gayrimüslim rüştiye ile 5 iptidai mektebi bulunuyordu. Elbistan'da 3 kilise, Göksun'da 1 Ermeni (Gregoryen) kilisesi ile 4 Protestan mektebi görünüyordu. Şehir merkez nüfusu toplam 67.974 olan Maraş'ta, 46.557 Müslüman, 11.180 Ermeni (Gregoryen) ve 3.567 Katolik yaşamakta idi.

Cannes 2003 Report

INTRODUCTIONCannes, like Paris for Hemingway, is a moveable feast. So if the Competition appears somewhat lacking, as it did this year, you spend more time viewing entries in Un Certain Regard. Or you pay a couple more visits to the Quinzaine des Réalisateurs. Or you check out entries at the Semaine Internationale de la Critique. Or you cue up at the Federico Fellini Retrospective to see Claudia Cardinale introduce 8 ½ (Italy, 1963). Or you marvel at Oliver Stone's adroit command of French at his Le Leçon de cinéma, the festival's annual "film master class." Or you relive a moment of Cannes history at a Soirée in memory of the late French producer Daniel Toscan du Plantier in the Salle Debussy, where a large French film delegation turned up for a special screening of Maurice Pialat's Sous le Soleil de Satan, the 1987 Palme d'Or winner produced by...

La Harpe's Post: A Tale of French-Wichita Contact on the Eastern Plains. By George H. Odell. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2002. Pp. xx, 369. $29.95, paper.

In 1719, French commander Jean-Baptiste Benard, Sieur de la Harpe, together with nine men, ventured into the Prairie Plains, a region previously unvisited by Europeans, to establish trading alliances with the Plains Indians. His journey took him to what is now eastern Oklahoma, where his men spent ten days at an Indian village interacting with peoples of various tribes who later merged into the Wichita tribe. The village was the principal home of the Tawakoni, the most powerful of the Wichita-related tribes. In La Harpe's Post, George H. Odell documents the initial contact between La Harpe's party and these peoples, thereby potentially adding a crucial chapter to the history of the Plains Indians during the early eighteenth century. The information regarding the native population is considered the most significant consequence from this event. Odell takes much of his information from findings obtained during an excavation of the presumed site of the Tawakoni village. Odell ambitiously uses this information to write a reevaluation of the general history of the eastern Plains during this period. The technical aspects of the archeological research, such as the excavation data and statistical analyses, are located in 11 appendixes, as his book is intended for a wide audience.

“Dear Father!”: A Collection of B. Piłsudski’s Letters, et alii ed. by Koichi Inoue (review)

583 Ab Imperio, 1/2003 Tomasz KAMUSELLA Koichi Inoue (Ed.), “Dear Father!”: A Collection of B. Piłsudski’s Letters , et alii, Ser.: Pilsudskiana de Sapporo, no. 1 (Sapporo: Slavic Research Center, Hokkaido University, 1999), 155 p., figures, facsimiles. Bronisław Piłsudski (1866-1918) is an elusive figure. He pales, unjustifiably , in the looming shadow of his one-year-junior brother Józef, who passed into history as the creator and the long-serving Leader (Naczelnik) of the Polish nation-state. Bronisław Piłsudski was born into a Polishspeaking Lithuanian family of the nobility. At that time, his native land had been part of the Russian empire for almost a century, from the time of the partitions of PolandLithuania . His youth was typical. A Swiss governess gave him a good command of French and German, and he finished Russian-language primary and secondary education. His and Józef’s flirtation with Polish nationalism and socialism started in gymnasium, as was the case of other noble children gradually turned intelligentsia . Bronisław enrolled in the Faculty of Law at the Imperial University, St. Petersburg in 1886. Due to his ideological activities, he and Józef unwittingly and indirectly (it seems) became involved in the unsuccessful plot aimed at the assassination of Tsar Alexander III. In 1887 he was sentenced to a fifteenyear katorga (exile) on the prison island of Sakhalin, and Józef was exiled to Eastern Siberia until 1892. The twelve letters of Bronisław included in this volume, letters discovered in the Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences, Vilnius, are addressed to his father, sister and brothers. The majority of them span the period 1887-89. In his letters, Bronisław traces his progress from St. Petersburg to Sakhalin via Odessa, the Mediterranean and Red Seas, and Singapore, as well as his first three years in exile. Bronisław’s initial grief gives way to apologies to his father for not having followed his advice to steer clear out of conspiratorial work. Bronisław strives to understand his fate in the light of Christian thought but he soon remembers the concept of noblesse oblige. This dictum of the nobility, reformulated on the basis of Comte’s philosophy of positivism, meant for Polish-language intelligentsia and nobility the need to work rather than fighting for would-be independent Poland. Espousing this ethos, Bronisław endeavored first of all to not be lazy. During the oceanic transit to the island of his exile, he taught a young sailor how to read, and also conducted weather observations. In his letters, Bronisław at first addressed his father with the respectful Вы. But the farther he went he more he used the more direct and familiar 584 Рецензии/Reviews Ты. Thousands of kilometers away, he desperately tried to keep up with the life of his family. He described the minutiae of his life to them and attempted to inculcate his ‘lazy’ brothers with positivism. He agonized most of all from not knowing anything of Józef, not even his address. When Bronisław finally obtained information on the whereabouts of his beloved brother, they started exchanging letters. Unfortunately, these letters may have not yet been discovered, as they were not included in this publication , unlike letters from Bronisław’s other relatives. During his exile, Bronisław wished to broaden his education and to remain useful to society. His father sent him books on astronomy, physics, biology, medicine and mathematics, more than he had even asked for, and Bronisław began to teach children of ex-inmates, also engaging in the agriculture of his penal village, in clerical work at the prison office, and in the running of the meteorological station. This information, which is not found in the letters, is provided by Inoue in his three papers, also included in the volume. Two of these papers were presented at the two international symposia devoted to B. Piłsudski and his ethnological research held at Sapporo and Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk in 1985 and 1991 respectively. The third paper was delivered by Inoue in 1997 at the American Museum of Natural History, New York. In 1891, Bronisław met fellow state criminal Lev Yakovlevich Sternberg...

The French Army ‘Centre for Training and Preparation in Counter-Guerrilla Warfare’ (CIPCG) at Arzew

Psychological warfare had been used by the French army in the Indochina War (1946–54), and had spawned a sub-caste of French officers who moulded it and counter-insurgent propaganda into a doctrine known as guerre révolutionnaire (revolutionary war). In Algeria, in 1956, the army established a specialist training centre, the CIPCG, at Arzew on the Algerian coast, to provide courses for all officers arriving ‘in country’. By this, the French command sought to ensure that field officers possessed an approach to pacification and the political dimension to their missions well suited to the terrain and socio-political make-up of Algeria. The real ‘revolutionary war’ zealots were kept away from the directing staff, although some delivered guest lectures. Despite complaints from commanders of field units at losing experienced officers to the CIPCG instructing staff, Arzew students testified that the courses aided them in their missions. Some 10,000 French officers undertook courses at the CIPCG before it was downgraded and then disbanded after Pierre Messmer, a Gaullist, became Minister for the Armed Forces in 1960.

Military “Culture” and the Fall of France in 1940: A Review Essay

Elizabeth Kier, Imagining War: French and British Military Doctrine between the Wars Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997 On May 10, 1940, Germany’s panzers launched their westward assault on France. Attacking through the thick forests of the Ardennes, German forces rapidly breached French defenses near Sedan, then swept west to envelop the main French and British armies that had advanced to meet what French Commander in Chief Maurice Gamelin had expected to be the main German attack in Belgium. Adolf Hitler’s legions marched into Paris on June 12, 1940. A shattered French government, overwhelmed by the magnitude of its defeat, sued for peace and signed an armistice at Compiegne on June 22, 1940. The British Expeditionary Force oed across the English Channel, abandoning its equipment on the beaches of Dunkirk. Few defeats in military history have been as rapid, decisive, and unexpected. Sixty years later, the sudden collapse of France in May–June 1940, and the French foreign and military policy of the 1930s that contributed to that debâcle, remain a focus of security studies. The era appears to present a cautionary tale of a nation, and an army, that made just about every unfortunate choice possible. The ink was barely dry on the armistice of June 1940 when contemporaries advanced competing versions of the argument that France’s fate had been a sort of divine judgment invited by the inconsistencies and contradictions of its political culture. The most powerful indictment that the Third Republic exhibited all the symptoms of terminal decadence prior to its debâcle was made by Marc Bloch, whose posthumously published Strange Defeat offered a vision of a fearful, selash, and unpatriotic nation psychologically primed for calamity.1 The view that France’s collapse was the product of an

The 'Malay' Community in Pre-war Darwin

This paper examines the ‘Malay’ community in pre-war Darwin, focusing on those men who were brought to Australia to work in the pearling industry. It considers their status within the community, and questions the degree to which the White Australia policy impinged upon their lives. The term ‘Malay’ in this context does not refer to the ‘Malays’ of present-day Malaysia, but rather to the ambiguous colonial construction which was loosely based on notions of ‘racial’ grouping. Adrian Vickers’ study of South-East Asian ‘Malay’ identity points to its multiple forms: the colonial constructions of the British and the Dutch; the existence of non-Muslim Malays; and the many ethnic groups whose identities cut across the national boundaries which form present-day Malaysia and Indonesia and the southern Philippines. In the Australian context, the works of John Mulvaney and Campbell Macknight have examined Macassan contact with northern Aboriginal groups, particularly in the Gulf of Carpentaria. According to Mulvaney, the term ‘Macassan’ was used to refer to the Bugis and Macassan seafarers who came to Australia from southern Sulawesi. He notes, however, that nineteenth-century Europeans, such as French commander Baudin and Matthew Flinders referred to them as ‘Malays’.

Modern Greek Short Stories (review)

156 Reviews Papers by Thanos Veremis, Theodore Couloumbis, and Van Coufoudakis on defense, foreign policy, and Greek-Turkish relations, respectively, are informative and exemplify the high standards one expects from these recognized experts in their fields. I admit that I am less enthusiastic about Susannah Verney's study of PASOK and the EU. In my opinion she does not take sufficient account of the purely personal factor in the EU view of Greece: that Greece was fortunate to have knowledgeable people in Brussels and not just "comrades." Nor am I very enthusiastic about Vasilis Kapetanyannis's somewhat superficial piece on the Left in the 1980s; there is too little on the Left and too much about PASOK. Also, I would like to have seen a chapter on PASOK and die military and another on the fate of literature and the arts under populism, as well as die chapter on the economy that is "regrettably not included in the present volume" (xiii). This book will not be the last on "the populist decade," but I know of no better introduction to yet another troubled period in Greek history. Richard Clogg deserves our gratitude for having edited this excellent volume. Ole L. Smith Gothenburg University Modern Greek Short Stories. Translated with an introduction and biographical information by Nicholas Kostis. Athens: Odysseas. 1993. Pp. ix + 285. $14.95. Nicholas Kostis's superb command of English, Greek, and French, combined with his expertise in comparative literature, serves him well in his selection and translation of the stories for this much needed anthology. Modem Greek Short Stories contains tales by Greek writers from the mid1800s to the present, filling a void in contemporary Anglophone letters. For although Greek novels and poetry have crossed the frontiers of Greece, particularly through Kazantzakis, Cavafy, Seferis, and Elytis, Greek short stories are still relatively unknown. Yet this genre, which combines the conciseness and magic of poetry with the development and form of the novel, is an integral part of Greek literature. Kostis has carefully selected representative works from wellestablished writers in order, as he states in the foreword of his book, to present the reader with a "greater understanding of both the Greek temperament and its special contribution to consciousness and literature." He has achieved his goal admirably. The chosen texts provide a fine balance between realism and romanticism and between the use of the puristic and demotic, as well as reflecting die authors' various social, political, and religious preferences. In his impeccable English, which both respects the original text and is a joy to read, Kostis has succeeded in rendering each author's particular style. This selection of stories, which covers one and a half centuries of Greek literary history, is not merely a reflection of Greek experience during those Reviews 157 formative years of the nation. For, despite the so-called break of four centuries caused by the Turkish occupation, since the nineteenth century this literary genre has developed side by side with its European counterparts, drawing from common archetypal sources and undergoing similar influences. Thus, while the background of these stories spans Greek history from the Turkish occupation to both World Wars, a civil war, and a military junta, and while the stories are very different from what we diink of as French, English, and German short stories, they also bear striking similarities to diem. The collection's opening selections, for example, are realistic in the manner of Maupassant and Chekhov, who sought to paint people's ordinary lives. Even the tragic episode in Vizyinos's "My Mother's Sin" is presented in the most everyday atmosphere. Notwithstanding their realism, Papadiamantis's "Dream on the Wave" is an allegory fraught with mythological imagery and Cavafy's "In Broad Daylight" belongs to the fantastic mode. Karkavitsas's "The Prince" evokes the old folk tale with its archetypal theme of the primordial sacrifice of the leader, its indefiniteness, and its accounts of magic, monsters, and impossible tasks. More modern in technique are Ioannou's "The Teacher," which is Jamesian in the complicated way it plays widi degrees of awareness through sentences full of reservation and qualification, and Hakkas's "The End of the Matter," which employs stream of...

Bilingual education for majority english-speaking children

A variety of second-language program options are available to anglophone children in Montreal’s public schools: French-as-a second-language (FSL), delayed and early French immersion, and full French-medium schooling. In this research, the achievement in French, English, and mathematics of two cohorts of anglophone students in each of these program options was evaluated longitudinally through grade 6 (12 years of age). The performance of these students was compared to that of comparable anglophone and francophone control groups who were attending conventional all-English and all-French schools, respectively. In terms of approximations to native-like command of French, the French-medium option was the most effective followed by the early immersion option: students in these programs were generally indistinguishable from the French Controls on all written French language tests and in mathematics. On tests of French oral skills, however, they scored below the French Controls, the extent of disparity depending on the opportunities available for social interaction with francophones. As well, no retardation in English language development was found for any of the options, even those that provided little instruction time in English. To the contrary, anglophone students scored significantly higher than English Controls on tests of English and mathematics, and in general the more concentrated the second language component, the better they performed relative to the controls on first language skills and mathematics. The apparent transfer of competence from second language to first and the bilingual advantages involved in these results are discussed in terms of time spent on the target language, the mode of instruction, and the opportunities provided for interaction with native-speaking peers.

French nuclear command and control

French nuclear command and control

Rules of Dancing

Antonius Arena (Antoine Arene) was born at Soliers, now Sollies-Pont, not far from Toulouse in the Department of Var, about 1500, apparently into a landed family with some professional connections (one uncle was a doctor of medicine). He studied law at the University of Avignon, matriculating probably in 1519, and eight years later, the customary lengthy law studies, interrupted in 1521 by an outbreak of plague in Provence, must have been completed. In 1527, Arena joined a French army commanded by the Marquis de Saluces, which was about to embark on a campaign intended to break Hapsburg power in the Italian peninsula. The outcome was disastrous. From the comparative safety of Castel Sant'Angelo to which Pope Clement VII, some cardinals and a handful of soldiers had retreated, Arena witnessed the horrors of the sack of Rome by the forces of Charles V. Nevertheless, after his return home in 1528, he joined another French expedition, this time under the command of General Odet de Foix, Comte de Lautrec. The outcome was again disastrous. Later that year, Arena returned to Provence and settled in Aix, presumably practising law. In 1536 he was appointed magistrate-in-ordinary at St Remy in the bailiwick of Tarascon. The same year, Provence was invaded by a large Hapsburg army which sacked both Aix and Arena's native town. Scorched-earth tactics by the French commander ensured the eventual withdrawal of the army of Charles V, but left Provence temporarily devastated. Arena died, unmarried, before 1550, but there is no contemporary evidence of the exact date. Arena's experiences of war and its terrible effects on both soldiery and civilian populations were the subject of several poems which he composed in a form of macaronic language (in this case a mixture of Latin, Romance various, and personal invention) then popular among students and literati. He also wrote poems on other subjects including litigation, certain customs of the students in Avignon, and dancing as practised in his own social circle. The earliest extant copies of the work generally known as Ad suos compagnones studiantes (the incipit of its long dedication to his fellow-students) date from the later 1520s. Between that time and 1770, at least 42 editions appeared. One bearing the date 1529 but no place of printing was probably printed in Avignon; it contains an introduction and two poems The Roman War (De Guerra Romana), i.e. the 1527 campaign and The Rules of Dancing (Leges Dansandi) which includes dance lists and recipes for some basse dances. Another, dated 1529 and printed in Lyons, contains those two poems with some expansions and insertions,

Kanadaj banprogramoj

The phenomenal growth of French immersion programs in Canada has been called by the popular press the educational success story of the 1980s. Although this view is certainly justified in terms of the method's popularity and political success, this study contends that it is not so in terms of the results obtained. The author bases his contention on a comparison and analysis of results achieved on the Laval Placement Test by three groups of students at the university level: (1) native French speakers; (2) former French-immersion students; (3) former core-French students. The test results place the immersion group's language level much closer to that of the core-French group than to that of the native speakers, although the immersion group does appear to have a considerable advantage over the nonimmersion group, at least in the passive comprehension skills. The results are further analyzed in the light of existing literature on bilingualism and immersion programs. The comparison and analysis of the test results show that the often extravagant claims made for the bilingualism of immersion graduates can lead to false optimism about their real command of French. The study concludes with a call for less complacency about the effectiveness of present immersion programs and for more research into alternative methods of language teaching.

A Sop to Cerberus: Response to Besnard

Besnard raises a variety of interesting and provocative points his commentary. Some of them make technical corrections which I freely accept, and I acknowledge that Besnard's command of French is superior to mine. So, for instance, I may have erred suggesting a footnote that Durkheim's use of category (in French, filles) leaves it unclear as to whether it refers not only to women who have never but also to ones. Still, Durkheim's discussion Divorce by Mutual Consent (hereafter, DMC) is ambiguous as to whether tabular data he presents under category of are meant to refer to divorced to all women who have been married, or those presently married. It is only if reader thinks of going to Table 22 of Suicide that he will realize Durkheim means just by married women, and that consequently latter's treatment of passage question DMC is that of a contextual variable. As text reads (in either French or English), divorce does not appear unfavorable to married might seem puzzling, given data presented. While I do provide note 2 of my article an explication of Durkheim's concept of coefficient of preservation, it might have been more accurate or more precise to have stated on page 1028 the greater occurrence of sexual anomie . . . , lower suicide rates of wives relation to those of unmarried women, and correspondingly, higher that of husbands relative to unmarried men. I thought context of discussion made it clear, just as it is case where Durkheim states in countries where there is no divorce, is less protected than husband . . . where is practiced . . . , husband is less protected than wife (a, 266; b, 298f) without bothering to make explicit that what is related here is married to unmarried persons of same sex, rather than wives and husbands directly. In any case, I wholeheartedly agree with Besnard that there is no substitute for using original text, and I acknowledge succumbing at times to temptation of using English translations which are more widely available to American readers. However, Mr. Besnard makes more serious accusations which cannot go unchallenged. While thanking me for having cited his 1973 article, he chides me same breath for not having read it completely. Let

“Love Your Enemies! Otherwise Bite Them!” Bismarck, Herbert, and the Morier Affair, 1888–1889

The semi-official Kölnische Zeitung of December 16, 1888, unleashed a violent attack upon Sir Robert Morier, the British Ambassador to Russia. After alluding to his friendly relations with the recently deceased Emperor Frederick, the article stressed Morier's hostility to Germany. This was substantiated by the charge that, in August 1870, he had sent news of the German crossing of the Moselle to the French commander, Marshal Bazaine.

The Acheh Treaty of 1819

The strategic location of Acheh at the northern entrance of the Straits of Malacca coupled with the Sultanate's control of the pepper districts of north Sumatra were vital factors affecting British policy towards Acheh in the late 18th and early 19th century. During this period, Britain was involved in a series of wars with France in Europe, and these wars came to affect Anglo-French relations in the Indian Ocean. British possessions in India, especially those situated in the Bay of Bengal, were vulnerable to French naval attacks during the period of the north-east monsoons. The danger of French attack was first felt during the Seven Years War (1756–1763) and after peace was signed in 1763 the Directors of the Company recommended the search for a base to the east of the Bay of Bengal. The result of this protracted search was the foundation of Penang in 1786. But settlement at Penang did not entirely remove the fears of the British vis a vis the French naval threat to their Indian possessions. There were, in Southeast Asia, other stations which the French could use “with complete impunity” to launch an attack on the Company's settlements in the Bay of Bengal. Acheh was one base which seemed to fit into French strategy. During the War of American Independence, de Suffren, the brilliant French naval commander, had utilised Acheh as a refit and supply station, after having launched an attack on British territories in India. In 1796, another French commander, Sercey also refitted his fleet at Acheh. The outbreak of Napoleonic Wars in Europe, and the fear of renewed French actions in the Bay induced the Directors to sanction the building of a naval base in Penang in 1805. In their instructions to the newly created Penang Presidency, the Directors drew its attention to the existence of “an inviting port opened to him [European enemy] in Acheen” which the French could use. In an attempt to counter any French designs, the Directors were prepared to sanction a policy of extending political control over Acheh. This course of action, however, was rendered unnecessary, as the French defeat at Trafalgar in 1805 released British warships for service in the Indian Ocean. The danger from the French, however, continued to exist owing to the presence of French privateers but they ceased to operate after the termination of the Napoleonic Wars in 1814. The establishment of peace in Europe saw the restoration of the Dutch possessions in the Archipelago by the British. Soon fears were aroused of the probable Dutch domination of the main routes of the Archipelago, especially the Straits of Malacca. Consequently, the securing of free passage through the Straits of Malacca assumed great significance in the formulation of British policy in Southeast Asia in general and in Acheh in particular.

Refugee Fox Settlements among the Senecas

An east-to-west movement of Indian groups in the face of English settlement was so general that movements in other directions are in some danger of being disregarded or thought of as irregular and unaccountable. Nevertheless, the south-to-north movement of several eastern groups is rather well known, these groups including some Shawnee bands which entered Pennsylvania from the south, as well as Tuscarora, Tutelo, Nanticoke, and Conoy migrants. These movements were made possible by the relative stability of the League of the Iroquois, and were encouraged by the League's willingness to recruit its strength from needy outsiders. Iroquois strength and purposeful hospitality must also be considered when we turn to the less numerous instances of west-toeast movements in the colonial period. The best known and best documented of these undoubtedly is the removal of a Shawnee band from the Ohio to the upper Delaware in the 1690's. Miami raids into the Susquehanna area before and after 1700 resulted in no known settlements, however; and the removal of Nicholas' band of Wyandots from Sandusky into the western edge of present Pennsylvania in 1747-8 was a minor episode. On the other hand, the Fox refugees who settled among the Senecas in the early eighteenth century became permanent residents, gradually absorbed by the Senecas but preserving their identity in some measure until the end of the century. The occasion for this Fox removal to the east was a severe defeat suffered in the winter of 1711-2 at the hands of Wyandots and Ottawas, encouraged by the French commander at Detroit.' In June, 1712, the Governor General of Canada was informed that of