Francois Hollande Research Articles

Francois Hollande's Idiosyncratic Factors In French Isis Policy

The leadership style of Francois Hollande it was means a lot to the government of France. It is all about Hollande’s personality who is a very intuitive look threat against ISIS in France. Whose decision-making process by Francois Hollande has made France more aggressive than before. The researcher would explain how idiosyncratic factors of Francois Hollande’s policy against ISIS in France. The purpose of the research is to know how individual psychological can influence the decision-making process and behavior of nations. Data was collected by literature study and online website research. The result of the research tries to describe how the idiosyncrasy of Francois Hollande is very fluently to France’s policy against ISIS, which France’s response would make a positive impact and negative impact internal or external. Francois Hollande is an obsessive-compulsive type leadership.

Anglicism in Speech of Emmanuel Macron and François Hollande

Lexical Anglicism is the use of English terms or expressions. Phonetic Anglicism is a mispronunciation, such as pronouncing zoo as [zo]. This study aims to analyze how Emmanuel Macron and François Hollande use Anglicism in their speeches. A loanword that is English in the form, including spelling, sound, and morphology — that's what we call an "Anglicism". The main topic of this research is phonetic and lexical Anglicism. The research methodology combines qualitative descriptive analysis with content analysis. According to sources, content analysis is made possible by recording, concluding and analyzing the English speeches of Francois Hollande and Emmanuel Macron, which were uploaded on YouTube. The main topic of this research is phonetic and lexical Anglicism. The next step after collecting the data is to analyze it. The study results using anglicisms in 5 videos of Emmanuel Macron's speeches on YouTube 32 data. In comparison, the use of anglicisms in 5 videos of François Hollande's speeches on YouTube is lacking, namely 9 data. The speeches of Macron and Hollande contain 41 anglicisms, of which the words of anglicisms can be classified into five categories: nouns (28), verbs (3), abbreviations (7), adjectives (2) and interjections (1).

Effect of crises on charisma signaling: A regression discontinuity design

Scholars have investigated the emergence of charismatic leaders in times of crisis. However, results from this research are usually descriptive, suffer from endogeneity bias, or rely on inappropriate causal modeling. Building on exogenous events, we explore the causal effect of crises on charismatic rhetoric and approval ratings of political leaders using regression discontinuity designs. In a reanalysis of Bligh et al. (2004), we find that the rhetoric of President George W. Bush changed after 9/11 to include more references to charismatic themes. We replicate these results using President Francois Hollande reactions to terrorist attacks in 2015 and 2016 (i.e., Charlie Hebdo, Paris, and Nice attacks). Across both studies, we find similar evidence for an upward shift in charismatic rhetoric and approval ratings at the time of crisis. Our findings contribute to the literature on charisma and crisis by showing that the emergence of charisma is not only a follower attributional process but that veritable behavior of leaders can change. Our manuscript also pedagogically re-introduces the regression discontinuity design, a quasi-experimental procedure largely unused in applied leadership and management research.

Принципы вежливости в выступлениях Саада Аль-Харири и Франсуа Олланда о беженцах

We consider the politeness maxims implied in the discussion on refugees between Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Al-Hariri and French President Francois Hollande. Based on the approach of the six-maxims of politeness by G. Leach (1983), the study is aimed at recognizing these maxims, describing their forms and revealing the intended goals. Mutual understanding is considered as a key element of the pragmatic analysis of the selected two speeches. A thorough study of words, phrases and sentences was carried out in order to sort and highlight all forms of mutual understanding. We make a brief comparison of the two speeches in terms of mutual understanding and politeness. Firstly, the study presents the preliminary stages of studying the definition of key terms, examines politeness in detail, builds on Leach's theory of politeness, and reviews several related studies. Secondly, a sample of two speeches is selected, analyzed and examined for politeness. It is concluded that the two speeches studied are very sympathetic towards refugees and that the corresponding references contain several forms of courtesy rules. We note the difference between the Arab and European discourse about refugees and their suffering.

The Haitian Independence Debt: A Case for Restitution

In 1825, France demanded $150 million francs from Haiti as a prerequisite to France’s recognition of Haitian independence, and to compensate French colonists for lost revenue from slavery. The perversity of former slaves indemnifying their former slave owners has not escaped the scrutiny of the global justice community, and in recent years, even French President Francois Hollande, has acknowledged that France owes a “moral debt” to Haiti. However, unless France valuates morality at $21-$28 billion dollars, a moral debt will fall far short of the recompense France may be legally obligated to pay Haiti according to the customary international law of unjust enrichment. This paper explores whether the moral injustice of the Haitian independence debt rises to level of illegality. It offers a roadmap of a hypothetical legal claim by Haiti compelling French restitution on the grounds that Haiti’s indemnification unjustly enriched France, and explores the substance, mechanics, and impediments of bringing such a lawsuit.

Street Theatre in a State of Exception: Performing in Public after Bataclan

At 5 minutes to midnight, on Friday, 13 November 2015, France’s then-President Francois Hollande declared a national state of emergency. The announcement followed a series of terrorist attacks at t...

La Grande Ecole du Numérique : en quête d’empowerment ? Une approche par les capacités

Le programme « Grande Ecole du numérique » (GEN) est né à la faveur d’une annonce en février 2015 du Président de la République de l’époque, François Hollande. Le programme vise à structurer sur l’ensemble du territoire national une offre de formation au numérique diversifiée, incarnée par des « fabriques du numérique » supposées fonctionner sur le principe de l’empowerment. Le présent article s’appuie sur une enquête, débutée en 2016, conduite au sein de deux dispositifs de formation de ce type, tous deux portés par un établissement d’enseignement supérieur : la Passerelle Numérique à Marseille et la Design Tech académie à Saint-Etienne. En proposant de suivre les parcours de formation des jeunes adultes engagés dans ces dispositifs, l’article vise à interroger les conditions d’acquisition des compétences numériques par les publics ciblés, en tâchant de qualifier au plus près les types d’épreuves qu’ils rencontrent et les formes d’empowerment auxquelles elles donnent lieu.

#JeSuisCharlie & #PeaceForParis: Appropriation, reformulation and circulation of Liberty Leading the People on socio-digital networks during the Paris attacks

EnglishThe proposed discourse analysis concerns multimodal tweets which posted the painting Liberty Leading the People of Eugene Delacroix during the Paris attacks of 2015. In 2015, France was subjected to two tragic terrorist attacks on January 7th, 8th and 9th - with the most famous attack against the satiric newspaper Charlie Hebdo and the hostages being taken in a kosher supermarket - and a series of shootings and murderous suicide attacks on November 13th in Paris and Saint-Denis. In reaction to these attacks, several events to support the victims were organized. Several gatherings - called “republican marches” - took place in tribute to the victims on 10th and 11th January. However, following the November 13th events, demonstrations on the public highway were forbidden when a state of emergency was declared by President Francois Hollande the day after. francaisL’analyse du discours qui est proposee s’interesse aux mecanismes d’appropriation, de reformulation et de circulation de la toile La Liberte guidant le peuple d’Eugene Delacroix sur les reseaux socionumeriques durant les deux evenements tragiques que Paris a connu en 2015 : l’attentat contre Charlie Hebdo le 07/01/2015 et les attaques de Paris le 13/11/15. L’article etudie comment les internautes confrontent ces evenements a la force symbolique de la toile. Il a pour objectif de souligner les processus de circulation des discours sur les reseaux socionumeriques ainsi que d’eclairer la dynamique interdiscursive des reformulations.

Przywództwo w Unii Europejskiej

The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader.

Analysis of The Correlation Between Populist Discourse and Tweet Popularity

This paper analyses linguistic features present in populist discourse on Twitter, together with the relationship that these may have with the popularity obtained by the tweets. The preliminary part of this study was conducted on tweets collected from the official accounts of four European populist leaders, namely Luigi Di Maio, Matteo Salvini, Marine Le Pen and Nigel Farage. This phase suggested that particular discursive elements often related to populism, such as emotionalization, simplistic rhetoric and intensified evaluations, are present on social media as well. However, the main focus was on the possible correlation between these aspects and the number of “like” and “retweet” that a single tweet receives. Therefore, tweets were firstly classified by a popularity value, and then divided in two groups, creating a corpus of most and least popular tweets for each subject. Secondly, tweets were annotated using the Appraisal framework (Martin and White 2005), in order to observe the existence of a peculiar linguistic behaviour by populist leaders. The same operation was conducted on a control group formed by three establishment politicians, namely Matteo Renzi, Francois Hollande and David Cameron. Finally, the annotations of the most and the least popular tweets were compared to highlight features that were particularly frequent in popular tweets. This process showed how specific “populist” features as emotions, negative judgments or intensified evaluations are related with the attention received by users on social media. Findings indicate that these features are positively correlated with the tweet popularity, both when considering populist and non-populist politicians. As a matter of fact, reference subjects were the ones who showed a stronger presence of populist-related features in popular tweets. This leads to believe that the stylistic distance between establishment and populist parties is reducing, and that also non-populist leaders are taking advantage of particular discursive elements that better catch the attention of the social media audience.

The 2017 French presidential and parliamentary elections

This special issue is devoted to the 2017 French presidential and parliamentary elections. Following President Francois Hollande’s decision, announced on 1 December 2016, not to stand for a second ...

‘Jupiter is back’: gender in the 2017 French presidential campaign

Since 1958 and the beginning of the Fifth Republic, the French presidency has been constructed and consolidated as a masculine institution. Furthermore, all presidential elections can be considered as a key moment for politicising issues relating to sex and gender. The 2017 presidential campaign is more specific. Since 2000, the mechanisms designed to ensure gender equality have been strengthened, such that they are now an unavoidable norm in political competition. In a context of dramatic political change, the hierarchy of political issues is affected. This article looks back over Francois Hollande’s 5-year term from this perspective, before drawing on an analysis of campaign materials and press coverage. The small proportion of women candidates and the marginalisation of gender issues in the programmes testify to the fragile nature of ‘egalitarian good will.’ Gender and sexuality did, however, offer a means for other power relations to be expressed, in relation to different conceptions of nationalism and both class and race relations.

Terrorism as Ritual Process and Cultural Trauma: A Performative Analysis of ISIS’s Attacks in Europe

Social sciences studied terrorism focussing mainly on causes, processes of recruitment, relationships with media and new media, propaganda. At the same time, Italian and European public opinion gave voice almost exclusively to military, political and economic analysis. Sociological reflection on Islamist terrorism focussed itself almost exclusively on the religious aspect of radicalisation of Islam, spending little efforts to widen the analytic perspective to the effects of ISIS actions on the (re)definition of the identity and the collective memory of the targeted nation. This article will offer a different point of view, providing a cultural sociological reading of Paris Attacks, aimed at understanding its performative aspects. We will approach Paris Attacks as an example of social drama (Turner, 1982) and will focus on the ritual efforts spent by France to manage, repair and define the cultural trauma (Alexander et al., 2004) deriving from the attacks. Data will consist of a performative analysis of ISIS’s strategy in Europe and of the counter-terrorist demonstration held in Paris on the 9 th of January 2015; and of a frame analysis of the speech pronounced by Francois Hollande on November 16 th 2015, after the Paris attacks, and of all the articles published on the main French newspapers during the first week after the events. In the conclusions, we will discuss how those events help to conceive a new kind of cultural trauma that is typical of the age of weak events and of distrust in public institutions.

Gastronomy Valley : la gourmandise géographique

AbstractBorn of President François Hollande’s territorial reforms, the new administrative entity constituted by the region Rhône-Alpes-Auvergne has been promoted to the rank of “world valley of gastronomy” through a series of initiatives developed by the city of Lyon. While its goal is to renew our views on food, to enrich them, and give them back a geographic substance erased by industrial activity, organizing an alimentary territorial project cannot be done within a productivity-driven agricultural economy. Therefore, we see emerging in this context the concept of new forms of eating that are better connected to territories. Nowadays, food represents a connection with the world articulated through geographic symbols, connecting those who eat with those who produce. It is meant to be a medium that puts in our bodies (in-corporates) what best constitutes the values of the space we live in. Hence the attachment to “regional” products and dishes that become aspects of our personality. Every wine-producing region today has its own oenotourism routes that allow for the discovery of their landscapes, technical and sensory ecosystems, social imaginary, as well as a whole ensemble of ancestral practices that have been cunningly manipulated through the invention of “traditions.” Their exploration thus becomes a chance to re-appropriate a way of eating that has been taken away from eaters by industrial production.RésuméNée de la réforme territoriale du président François Hollande, la nouvelle entité administrative de la région Rhône-Alpes-Auvergne a été promue grâce à une initiative lyonnaise au rang de “vallée mondiale de la gastronomie” s’étendant aujourd’hui au-delà des frontières (MLyon.fr). Si son objectif est de renouveler le regard sur notre alimentation, de l’enrichir, lui donner une substance géographique que l’industrie avait eu tendance à effacer, organiser des projets de territoire autour de la nourriture ne se pense pas toutefois dans une économie agricole productiviste et industrielle. Ici, émerge alors le concept d’une nouvelle alimentation désormais mieux connectée aux territoires. De nos jours, la nourriture se veut un lien au monde qui passerait par des symboles géographiques, rattachant ceux qui mangent à ceux qui produisent. Elle serait un médium qui permettrait de mettre dans son corps (in-corporer) ce qui constituerait les valeurs des lieux que l’on fréquente. D’où l’attachement aux produits et aux plats “régionaux” qui deviennent une des facettes de nos personnalités. Désormais, chaque région vitivinicole possède ses circuits d’oenotourisme qui permettent de découvrir les vins par leurs paysages, leur écosystème technique et sensoriel, leur imaginaire social et tout un ensemble de pratiques ancestrales qui a été habilement exploité par l’invention de “traditions.” Leur exploration sera l’occasion de se réapproprier une alimentation kidnappée par l’industrie à l’insu des mangeurs.

THE EU RESPONSE TO THE PARIS TERRORIST ATTACKS AND THE RESHAPING OF THE RIGHTS TO SELF-DEFENCE IN INTERNATIONAL LAW

After the terrorist attacks in Paris on 13 November 2015, French President Francois Hollande invoked Article 42(7) TEU, requesting bilateral aid and assistance from other EU Member States. In this regard, as it was the case with the terrorist actions of 11 September 2001, one of the most disputed issues was whether the Paris incidents constituted an “armed attack”, requisite to trigger the right of self-defence in light of the wording of Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. After a careful examination, we reached the conclusion that, even if it can be said that, for the time being, the existing rule in international law in both conventional law (Article 51 of the UN Charter) and customary law allowing states to have recourse to the use of force in self-defence can only be legally exercised in the presence of an armed attack committed by a state, it can also be argued that current state practice appears to be heading in another direction. It must be recalled that for the drafters of Article 51 of the UN Charter the right of self-defence was already “inherent”. Had they been in the current situation, perhaps they would have extended this right to include cases of terrorist attacks of great dimensions.

The effects of primaries on electoral performance: France and Italy in comparative perspective

For some years now the clamour for the democratisation of internal party politics has been spreading. This issue has been addressed in Italy and France. In the run-up to the 2013 parliamentary election in Italy and the 2012 presidential election in France, leftist coalitions held open primary elections to select their chief executive candidates, with Pier Luigi Bersani and Francois Hollande finally emerging as nominees. In this article, we examine whether the levels of turnout and competition in the party primaries are associated with the results of the general election. Using data at the level of the Italian province and the French departement, we show that the results of the general election were affected by the primaries. We show that turnout enhanced electoral performance, while competition depressed it. The positive effects of turnout were greater than the negative effects of competition.

The mediatization of presidential leadership in France: The contrasting cases of Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande

This article applies the concept of mediatization to the French presidential office, with a comparative focus on the two most recent incumbents, Nicolas Sarkozy and Francois Hollande. The central argument is that Sarkozy’s presidential leadership, both symbolically and substantively, was more influenced by media logic than that of Hollande, notably during the first two years of the latter’s tenure. The paper thus emphasizes the relative autonomy of the presidential incumbent as the principal executive actor operating within a significantly bounded national political communication system. In so doing it stresses the importance of agency as a key variable in any assessment of the mediatization of executive leadership, not just in France, but by extension in other established democracies.

World will lack 18 million health workers by 2030 without adequate investment, warns UN.

A United Nations commission has called for urgent global investment to create new health sector jobs and prevent a projected shortfall of 18 million health workers by 2030. It said that these health workers will be needed mainly in low and lower middle income countries to meet population needs, achieve universal health coverage, and spur economic growth. Without adequate investment, it warned, “inequalities will rise, and social cohesion will be adversely, even catastrophically, affected.” The Commission on Health Employment and Economic Growth is chaired by the French president, Francois Hollande, and the South African president, Jacob Zuma. It submitted a report, including 10 recommendations for action, to the UN secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, at …

DONETSK BASIN NEGOTIATION FORMAT IS CHANGING

(By Tatyana Ivzhenko. Nezavisimaya gazeta, Aug. 30, 2016, p. Complete text:) German and French foreign policy chiefs Frank-Walter Steinmeier and Jean-Marc Ayrault have for the first time discussed Ukraine issue with their Polish counterpart Witold Waszczykowski. The meeting took place on Sunday [Aug. 28] in Ettersberg (near Weimar) on occasion of 25th anniversary of foundation of Weimar Triangle. Poland is not a member of Normandy format [France, Germany, Ukraine, Russia] of negotiations on a [political] settlement in Donetsk Basin, so its inclusion in mediators’ conversation could pave way for a surprise as soon as early September. ... Readers will recall that an informal meeting of foreign ministers from [nations in the] Organization for Security and Cooperation in followed by an informal European Union summit, are due take place. Meanwhile, Russian President Vladimir Putin will hold talks with German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Francois Hollande. All of them will discuss prospects for a settlement in Donetsk Basin. ... Vitaly Kulik, director of [Ukrainian] Center for Civil Society Studies, told NG that in this context a meeting of the French, German and Polish foreign ministers is of principal importance Ukraine. On settlement issues, Warsaw supports Kiev’s line. Despite difficulties that have emerged in [Ukrainian-Polish] relations, [Polish President] Andrzej Duda’s arrival in Kiev on [Ukraine’s] Independence Day has demonstrated that Poland remains our reliable partner on strategic matters. At same time, Poland is a leader in Eastern Europe, he said. According expert, Western European leaders have indicated that they intend listen Polish leadership’s position. And this is extremely important in Donetsk Basin settlement process. ... After all, until now situation has remained in a stalemate, since Ukraine on one side and Donetsk and Lugansk people’s republics on other have diametrically opposed positions on the purpose and objective of Minsk agreements [for a ceasefire in eastern Ukraine; see Current Digest, Vol. 66, No. 37, pp. 3 - 6 and Vol. 67, No. 7, pp. 3 - 7 - Trans.]. Kiev is convinced that their implementation should result in elimination of DPR/LPR and region’s return Ukrainian control. The republics, on the contrary, are convinced that aim of Minsk agreements is to formalize and recognize [their] special status, independent from Ukraine. ... It is impossible harmonize or coordinate those positions. None of sides is willing make concessions. It is noteworthy that last Sunday (Coalminer’s Day and Donetsk Day), Ukrainian President Pyotr Poroshenko, addressing Donetsk Basin residents, assured them that their region was, is and will remain Ukrainian. Meanwhile, Donetsk people’s republic leader Aleksandr Zakharov talked about cynicism and brutality of Nazi power in Kiev, took pride in fact that the city did not succumb the enemy, and called Donetsk an outpost of Russian world and a symbol of struggle for freedom. ... The intensity of shelling attacks in Donetsk Basin has been increasing throughout summer, and now their number per day is comparable most heated periods of military confrontation. The [Trilateral] Contact Group discussed situation during a meeting last weekend in OSCE special representative Martin Sajdik stated after talks that all parties agreed it is necessary to fully observe ceasefire***in connection with the start of academic year on Sept. 1. But will that actually happen? ... Since June, participants in Minsk negotiations have been trying reach an agreement on sides’ withdrawal from line of contact in at least two or three areas. For starters, towns of Petrovskoye (Donetsk Province) and Zolotoye (Lugansk Province) were chosen. However, at last meeting, parties failed to reach an agreement. The republics suspected Ukrainian side of manipulation. Denis Pushilin, Donetsk people’s republic representative at Minsk talks, told Donetsk News Agency (DAN): At this stage, we also see inexpediency of taking the first steps (in withdrawing troops from line of contact - NG), which were not clearly spelled out, not clearly formalized in documents that were endorsed, initialed and signed at a high level in Minsk. ... The republics are outraged by fact that Ukrainian delegation often cites need approve decisions within the Normandy format. In particular, this concerns issue of amnesty for defenders of DPR/LPR. Commenting on Ukraine’s position, DPR acting foreign minister Natalya Nikonorova told DAN: We have to remind Kiev again that Normandy format will not replace the Minsk format. Our representatives, with whom all modalities and drafts should be agreed on, participate only in Minsk [format].

A escola republicana francesa frente às exigências da lógica econômica: qual democracia? Entrevista com André D. Robert

Resumo De um ponto de vista sociohistórico, é possível apreender as relações de correspondência existentes entre sistema econômico, Estado e escola. É a partir dessa perspectiva que André D. Robert, professor livre-docente da Universidade Lumière Lyon 2, empreende uma análise acerca do sistema escolar francês entre 1945 e 2014. A pergunta norteadora diz respeito à democratização em termos quantitativos e qualitativos. Ambição primeira do ideal republicano de escola, teria ela se tornado uma realidade efetiva no sistema escolar francês? Na entrevista, Robert recorre ao conceito de autonomia relativa para registrar a crescente submissão da escola à economia, nuançada pelo complexo jogo social dos atores envolvidos na definição e implementação das políticas escolares. Apresentando uma tipologia da escola francesa no período das sete últimas décadas, ele avalia o efeito de sucessivas reformas na função da escola na sociedade. Igualmente importantes são as considerações a respeito do papel da instituição escolar na contemporaneidade: estaria a educação duravelmente capturada pelo neoliberalismo? Observando uma reversão parcial nas políticas de desrresponsabilização estatal na administração François Hollande, Robert conclui pela existência, hoje, de uma escola a meio caminho entre os valores e práticas herdados da tradição republicana e as adaptações às exigências contemporâneas da lógica econômica. Um de seus observáveis é a emergência de uma democracia segregativa. Embora o acesso à escola seja cada vez menos dependente de variáveis como origem social, sexo, nacionalidade ou região geográfica, a hierarquia de distribuição dos alunos entre os cursos e oportunidades de ensino mais ou menos prestigiosas se encontra fortemente marcada pela origem social, característica que vem se acentuando nas primeiras décadas do século 21.