War In France Research Articles

Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914–1918 (review)

Reviewed by: Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914–1918 Lorelle D. Semley Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914–1918. By Richard S. Fogarty. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008. 400 pp. $60.00 (cloth). In his clearly written and well-researched book, Richard Fogarty explains French notions of race and nation by examining French policies toward the half million African and Asian men deployed as troops in Europe during World War I. The core tension in the book between French republicanism and French racism provides a fruitful terrain to reveal French and World War I history. Fogarty hopes to provide a new perspective on these historical questions by engaging the realities of military practices and the experiences of African and Asian soldiers in the war and in French society, more broadly. The seven chapters (plus an introduction and conclusion) trace major themes that relate to both military experiences of colonial troops (troupes indigènes) and their exposure to French culture. Throughout the book, Fogarty repeatedly shows how racial prejudice either shaped or limited French policies toward soldiers coming from a variety of colonies in West Africa, North Africa, the island of Madagascar, and Indochina. Following the introduction, the first chapter explores the idea of the "blood tax" that colonial subjects owed France for giving them access to civilization. The chapter introduces well the contradictory French rhetoric on republicanism and race; colonial troops would repay that [End Page 353] "debt" to the French by serving as racialized subjects in the French armed forces. Fogarty also describes the varied recruitment policies in West and North Africa, Madagascar, and Indochina based on French racial thinking about the "warlike" nature of specific groups, especially in West Africa. In the second chapter on the deployment of colonial troops, he shows that French assumptions about race affected how the French organized different regiments, often divided along regional and racial lines. For example, French commanders continued to doubt the physical strength of Malagasy and Indochinese soldiers, feminizing them, despite the Malagasy soldiers' performance in the artillery. The third chapter continues the idea of how race shaped the military ranking system during the war, showing how French officials resisted the use of African and Asian officers in positions of authority in the French army. With white officers at the top of the hierarchy, the military chain of command embodied and reinforced white supremacy. The third chapter has the potential to intersect more broadly with French colonial history in West Africa by discussing the importance of French officers' knowledge of specific African societies and languages; by showing how French colonial policies engaged with African hierarchies, promoting the sons of high-ranking African men; and by suggesting how gendered imagery shaped the rhetoric used to describe the relationship between French officers and their African and Asian regiments. Fogarty, perhaps, misses an opportunity here by taking literally the idea that French officers knew the mentalité of their troops. When less experienced officers are forced to manage colonial troops, Fogarty then assumes that discipline problems reflected the incompetence of the white officers rather than pointed protest by African or Asian soldiers. The French military's penchant for promoting sons of African "royals" and "notables" mirrored similar policies in West Africa, demonstrating that French colonial history was part of French and military history. Finally, rich gendered imagery marking the relationship between officers and troops reflected the intersection of race, gender, and, perhaps, age or status. In evoking the image of "fathers," French officers knowingly or unwittingly played up a paternalistic image that may have had more depth of meaning for a colonial soldier who was declaring utter loyalty to an officer who was "a father and a mother" (p. 111). Such symbolism could play into colonial soldiers' ideas about their own dependent status back home (Fogarty notes that many West African soldiers, in particular, may have been slaves) or the role of the commanding officer as a "big man," with rights and responsibilities as an authority figure. Fogarty could read his sources from multiple perspectives here, including through the eyes of colonial soldiers. [End Page 354] A multifaceted reading could be...

Missions vaticanes et missions de rapatriement (France-Allemagne, 17 janvier 1944 - 28 août 1947)

Dated July 7, 1946 and without a signature on the report, can there be any argument? There might well be. One year later, August 28, 1947 to be exact, the mission of the Vatican, the origins and actions of which he describes, will be cut short. The idea came to the Chaplain General of prisoners of war in France in September/October 1944. Its establishment was difficult, but, with the approval of the provisional government and in the wake of the Allied armies crossing the Rhine, the first group of trucks under the papal flag left Paris on April 12, 1945. The point here is that the Vatican's missionary activity was divided into three groups based on the zones occupied by the French, the English and the Americans in Germany. In order to justify the activity of chaplains and to demonstrate their utilitybased on the history of these missions, it must be noted that every effort is being made to recall the spiritual presence of the Church in the lost territories of the Reich in German prisons and camps. Although this sounds a bit like a 'swan song', such is the purpose of this report.

Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914–1918. By Richard S. Fogarty (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008) 374 pp. $60.00

June 01 2010 Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914–1918. By Richard S. Fogarty (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008) 374 pp. $60.00 Laura Levine Frader Laura Levine Frader Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Laura Levine Frader Online ISSN: 1530-9169 Print ISSN: 0022-1953 © 2010 by The Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Inc.2010 The Journal of Interdisciplinary History (2010) 41 (1): 140–141. https://doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2010.41.1.140 Cite Icon Cite Permissions Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Search Site Citation Laura Levine Frader; Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914–1918. By Richard S. Fogarty (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008) 374 pp. $60.00. The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 2010; 41 (1): 140–141. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2010.41.1.140 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAll JournalsThe Journal of Interdisciplinary History Search Advanced Search This content is only available as a PDF. © 2010 by The Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Inc.2010 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918. By Richard S. Fogarty

This is a book about both the promise and the shortcomings of French republican ideals. Richard Fogarty builds on extensive research in the archives of the French army, colonial ministry and foreign ministry—including everything from official doctrine to personal letters and photographs intercepted by wartime postal censors—to paint a vivid portrait of the questions raised by the use of colonial troops in the war. Fogarty organizes these issues intelligently around themes such as deployment, military hierarchy, language policy, Islam, sex and citizenship. A conclusion highlights the ‘paradoxical blend of tolerance and intolerance on display in French use of troupes indigènes’ (p. 287). Previously used exclusively in colonial campaigns, troupes indigènes were deployed on European battlefields for the first time during the First World War, when some 500,000 colonial subjects served. Recruitment exemplified the two-faced nature of colonial rule: On the one hand, republican ideology held that colonial subjects, like citizens, owed France a ‘blood tax’. On the other hand, while some populations were subject to systematic conscription, recruitment often abandoned standard procedures in favour of coercion, collective punishment and even bounty payments. Republican ideology was also compromised by the ways that ideas about race affected deployment. Soldiers were organized as troupes indigènes, rather than integrated into the French army, and assumptions about which populations were ‘warrior races’ also greatly affected deployment. West Africans and Moroccans were regarded as particularly fierce, and thus more likely to be used as shock troops, while Indochinese and Malagasy (whom Fogarty refers to as Madagascans) were perceived to have fewer ‘warlike’ qualities. One of the many consequences of such stereotypes was that over 80% of the Moroccans deployed in August 1914 were dead by September of that same year (p. 79). Despite a perceived need for segregation, military leaders also felt that ‘nonwhites … were incapable of withstanding the rigors of European warfare on their own’ (p. 72) and so required their accompaniment by whites.

Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918 by Richard Fogarty.

<i>Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918</i> by Richard Fogarty.

Scarred landscapes: war and nature in Vichy France

Scarred Landscapes is a groundbreaking account of why nature mattered in Second World War France and the first environmental history of Vichy France. It addresses the role the natural environment played in the conflict, and why nature featured so heavily in the ideology of the Vichy regime, as well as questions of how the French Resistance mobilised and experienced forest, mountain, and maquis landscapes, and how both civilians and Axis and Allied soldiers used natural resources during the years of war and Occupation. Drawing on detailed archival research and extensive site visits, Chris Pearson uncovers the overlooked stories and significance of Vichy France's environmental history and its aftermath. From mountains and marshlands to foresters and resisters, he examines the intricate and often surprising connections between war, history and the natural environment, shedding new light on nature's role in history as well as inviting us to consider afresh the history of the 'dark years'.

Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918 (review)

Reviewed by: Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918 Kelly Duke Bryant Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918. By Richard S. Fogarty. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008. France mobilized more than eight million soldiers to fight in the First World War, and colonial subjects made up around 500,000 of the total. This group, which Richard Fogarty refers to as troupes indigènes (indigenous troops), included men from North Africa, West Africa, Madagascar, and Indochina. Examining France's use of the troupes indigènes in the Western European theatre of World War I, Fogarty abundantly demonstrates that racism affected nearly every facet of their recruitment, deployment, and treatment. The racism of French military officers, colonial officials, and politicians is not surprising, and others, including Joe Lunn and Myron Echenberg, have addressed it, though not as fully as Fogarty does here.1 Much more novel is Fogarty's exploration of the paradoxical impulses at work in the French use of colonial subjects in the war. Not only, he argues, did the French recruit indigenous troops because they needed manpower, but they did so out of a commitment to republicanism and to the eventual spread of its ideals to the colonies through the civilizing mission. Thus military service became part of the civilizing mission and a way for subjects to help defend the fatherland to which they belonged. Despite their ideals, however, most French officials were not willing to accept the troupes indigènes as citizens of France. The disconnect between republicanism and the treatment of the troupes indigènes, Fogarty argues, derived from an inability to conceive of a member of a so-called inferior race as an equal member of the French nation. By analyzing the ongoing tension between the racist impulse to exclude colonial subjects from the French nation and the republican inclination to include them, Fogarty brings something new to a growing literature on the contradictory nature of French colonialism. One of the book's strengths is its broad scope. While most of the literature on the troupes indigènes focuses on the experiences of subjects from a particular colony, Fogarty discusses soldiers from all four of the regions targeted by military recruitment. Fogarty uses this comparative perspective to great effect, showing, for example, how recruitment and deployment of troops from each colony varied based on racial stereotypes held about them. The French obtained more soldiers from areas associated with "warlike races," namely Algeria, Tunisia, and especially West Africa. They believed that Madagascans, on the other hand, lacked obedience and real fighting potential, while the Indochinese were too effeminate and small to make good soldiers. These stereotypes had real implications for troupes indigènes, as they influenced how and where soldiers were deployed. Hoping to take advantage of their purported fighting skills, the French frequently used West Africans as shock troops, and placed North Africans in situations of direct combat. Madagascans and Indochinese, on the other hand, mostly worked in supporting roles. The comparative frame also helps Fogarty amass evidence in support of the central claim of the book, that while republican ideals should have led to the (eventual) incorporation of indigenous troops into the French nation, racism and a lack of tolerance for cultural difference prevented the French from granting citizenship in recognition of military service. Fogarty explains that French officials were most concerned about the citizenship status of Algerian soldiers, and he accordingly devotes most of the final chapter to this subject. Ultimately, he shows, officials concluded that the Muslim faith and family life of Algerian subjects were incompatible with French citizenship. Although the French developed channels for naturalization, applicants had to demonstrate their cultural assimilation and loyalty to France by satisfying a variety of conditions, including the acceptance of French, rather than Islamic, civil law. While Islam was not the primary obstacle for Madagascan and Indochinese soldiers, officials held that they were not assimilated enough and made naturalization difficult for them. Finally, although a small population of several thousand urban Senegalese obtained confirmation of their French citizenship during World War I, the vast majority of West Africans faced similarly restricted access...

:Douglas Haig and the First World War.(Cambridge Military Histories.)

British casualties in World War I, the majority of which occurred in the deadlocked conflict on the western front, greatly exceeded those of any previous British conflict. A British soldier's chance of surviving the war in France and Flanders without becoming a casualty was roughly one in two. Popular perceptions of these unprecedented casualties are reflected in A. J. P. Taylor's famous comment: “brave, helpless soldiers; blundering, obstinate generals; nothing achieved.” It has been the fate of Sir Douglas Haig, who commanded the largest British force ever sent abroad, to become the British scapegoat in popular culture for the appalling casualties. Positive reassessments of Haig, at least among military historians, began to emerge as early as 1963 with the publication of John Terraine's Douglas Haig: The Educated Soldier. Other sympathetic evaluations followed, including several very recent ones: Douglas Haig: War Diaries and Letters 1914–1918 (2006), edited by Gary Sheffield and John Bourne, and three biographies written by Walter Reid, Gary Mead, and Andrew A. Wiest, respectively. Haig's command is placed in the context of a great war in which mass forces, armed with unprecedented firepower, engaged each other in siege warfare. A quick victory proved illusionary. If the Anglo-French alliance were to be preserved and if Germany were to be defeated, there was no realistic alternative to committing a large British army to the western front, where casualties were certain to be enormous. The book under review, however, begs to disagree with current scholarship that portrays Haig in a generally sympathetic light. J. P. Harris does not find Haig a great general. He does not even view him as a good general and expresses amazement that he survived the war as commander-in-chief.

Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918 (review)

Reviewed by: Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918 Alexander Keese Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918. By Richard S. Fogarty. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0-8018-8824-3. Note on terminology. Illustrations. Appendix. Notes. Essay on sources. Index. Pp. 374. $60.00. Interest in the role of colonial troops as part of the French army has reached a new peak in recent years. Following the older studies of Marc Michel on the Tirailleurs Sénégalais, West African troops under French command, scholars have notably been engaged in analysing the connections between war experience and the social role of the respective soldiers in their societies of origin. Gregory Mann's book Native Sons went farthest in this respect. Richard Fogarty's study has, in comparison, a less ambitious goal. He enquires into the context of non-European experience in the First World War without commenting much on its repercussions on the returning individuals and their societies. The nature of the French approach towards non-Europeans recruited for the army of the Grande Nation, practical difficulties in battle, training and everyday interaction between European French and 'indigènes', questions of republican universalism and the racist limits of assimilation are at the heart of Fogarty's interpretations. This approach might be described as Eurocentric – but, in fact, the author paves the way for a more comprehensive analysis of problems that are at the core of interpreting France's colonial past. Also, while not following Mann's choice of combining research on indigenous soldiers both in France and in the colonial territories, Fogarty comments, nonetheless, on a remarkably wide range of different groups recruited for the war. Namely, besides the more classical interest in West and North Africans he includes a detailed study of the role of Malagasy and Indochinese troops. On the latter he provides an important discussion of their specialisations, namely as nurses and as members of artillery units. Also, their particular encounter with French civilians, especially with French women, is still under-researched, a gap in scholarly literature which is very well filled by Fogarty's book. Fogarty's analysis starts with the important and frequently ignored fact that French military officials, at the end of First World War and beyond, had to [End Page 668] defend the integration of African troops in the European battle theatres against racially motivated international critiques. The French practice was scorned by their white American colleagues (and idealised by Black American political activists). Obviously, Fogarty rapidly shows that the French 'liberality' was in part rhetoric. French military officers of all ranks doubtlessly had strong racist preconceptions. This already influenced strategies of recruitment: French officers believed that different colonial populations had 'racial characteristics', and that only some were real races guerrières (warrior races), while others were ineffective in battle. Moreover, race remained a central criterion for (white) leadership in the army, which made it extremely difficult for colonial soldiers to reach the rank of officer. Fogarty alludes to but does not respond to the question if French war planners deliberately sent non-white soldiers to places where losses were highest – a hypothesis so vehemently rejected in Marc Michel's Appel à l'Afrique. That race created hierarchy both on the level of the common soldier, as in the officer corps, becomes, as an unsurprising fact, very well illuminated in Fogarty's book. Fogarty's empirical findings on language problems, Islam and sexual contacts are very applicable for any reader, beyond the group of genuine military historians, and provide a strong part of the book. He refers to the problems of language use, and identifies the absence of a language base as a consequence of racism, as the French believed that a simplified (and ridiculed) form of French was an appropriate lingua franca. Regarding sexual encounters, Fogarty demonstrates that many indigenous recruits interpreted those as a symbolic revenge against the colonizer. Going here beyond the Eurocentric perspective, he holds that in the long run the visual proofs, particularly photos, of non-European soldiers having intimate contact with French women undermined the European prestige on which French colonial...

Draculean Dimensions of Early Modern French Politics and Religion: Vlad III Ţepeş "the Impaler" and Jean de Léry's Political Project in Histoire d'un voyage faict en la terre du Brésil (1599/1600)

Jean de Léry's Histoire d'un voyage faict en la terre du Brésil (History of a Voyage to the Land of Brazil) (five editions 1578–1611) primarily presents an ethnographic account of the Tupinamba cannibals of Brazil whom the traveler encountered during a French colonial mission to the New World. In the fourth edition of the work (1599/1600), however, Léry elicits Vlad III Ţepeş "the Impaler," fifteenth-century prince of Wallachia, for the first time. The late medieval tyrant was a fearless and unrelenting warrior whose armies were widely recognized as some of the most formidable of his times. Léry relates the horrors of Ţepeş's rule as part of a narrative strategy that evokes the contemporary Turkish threat to Western European Christianity and recalls several decades of civil war in France. Ţepeş and contemporary Turkish sultans therefore play a central role in Léry's political project as the horrifying French Wars of Religion came to an end. This edition of Histoire d'un voyage explores the complex dimensions of late-sixteenth-century French politics and religion just one year after Henri IV issued the Edit de Nantes in 1598. During this brief time of peace, Léry exploits the example of Ţepeş as a warning to the monarch not to resort to the kinds of draculean rule executed by late medieval and early modern oppressors in Central Europe, Eurasia, and France itself.

:Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914–1918.(War/Society/Culture.)

This subtle and extraordinarily informative book explores the interaction of republican ideology and race, in the tradition of scholars such as Alice Conklin and Tyler Stovall. Richard S. Fogarty argues that republicanism in France needs to be taken seriously in understanding the formulation of two broad avenues of colonial policy: assimilation and association. Assimilation spoke to the principles of 1789 and to the eradication of politically significant difference. One fine day, according to an assimilationist teleology, the empire would simply become “Greater France,” populated by politically commensurate Frenchmen (women of any color being kept to the political sidelines). Association, in contrast, sought to strike some form of cultural and political compromise between colonizer and colonized, by reconciling colonial rule with respect for indigenous difference. Yet both assimilation and association carried within them logics that seemed to undermine the colonial enterprise itself. Assimilation implied a truly “color-blind” France, which Fogarty and Stovall (among others) have shown, hardly existed as an aspiration, let alone a reality. Association also posed the uncomfortable question of just how to adjudicate and evaluate “difference” between colonizer and colonized. Indeed, if the empire was about respect for difference, why should there be an empire at all? What was an empire based on association about besides extraction?

Race and war in France: colonial subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918

During the First World War, the French army deployed more than 500,000 colonial subjects to European battlefields. The struggle against a common enemy associated these soldiers with the French nation, but racial and cultural differences left them on the outside. This study investigates French conceptions of race and national identity at the time as reflected in the attitudes and policies directed toward these soldiers. How far did French egalitarianism extend in welcoming and disciplining nonwhite troops? Using the experiences of African and Asian colonial soldiers, Richard S. Fogarty examines how tensions between racial prejudices and strong traditions of republican universalism and egalitarianism resulted in often contradictory and paradoxical policies. Employing a socially and culturally integrated approach to the history of warfare that connects military and political policies with the society and culture in which they developed, Fogarty presents a fresh picture of how the French came to deal with race relations, religious differences, and French identity itself.

The 1945 Stravinsky Debates: Nigg, Messiaen, and the Early Cold War in France

Abstract In spring 1945, a small group of students, among them Serge Nigg and Pierre Boulez, protested during the first performances in liberated Paris of the neoclassical works Stravinsky had composed in America. Whereas Boulez's biographers have interpreted the student protests as a sign of René Leibowitz's successful promotion of serialism in France, scholars of the Cold War have seen the 1945 concerts as a precursor to Stravinsky's participation in the 1952 L'Œuvre du XXe siècle, a festival in Paris indirectly funded by the CIA. These interpretations subsume the immediate postwar period in France within a synchronic view of the early Cold War era. But the 1945 protests against Stravinsky were not about the decisive embrace of a single musical style; rather, they were about the desire of young French composers to play an active role in shaping the postwar future of music in France. In 1945, Nigg—and not Boulez—represented the aesthetic opinions of a generation of French composers who had grown up during the German occupation of Paris and the political aspirations of those who, like Nigg, flocked to the French Communist Party at war's end. Nigg's participation in the 1945 Stravinsky debates gives us occasion to examine his earliest musical compositions and the political opinions he would express with increasing ideological fervor in the 1950s. Although in verbal pronouncements he supported socialist realism, Nigg's rare and complex use of a French folk tune in his 1954 Piano Concerto betrays his ambivalence about the Soviet demand for communist composers to reject "falsely cosmopolitan tendencies" in favor of their national cultural heritage. Having rejected in 1945 both Stravinsky's neoclassicism and French nationalism (the latter tainted by associations with Vichy during the occupation), Nigg had to choose in the early Cold War between his aesthetic and political loyalties.

Representing defeat: photographic images of the French exodus of 1940

This exploratory article analyses a number of photographs concerning the events of the first two years of the Second World War in France. It focuses on two key groups of pictures: the first presents the official and strategic narratives that were produced by the military; the second presents those taken by freelance photographers who were less subject to restrictions. Among the images in the latter group, a recurrent visual vocabulary has emerged that posits fleeing refugees in a particular way. However, a close analysis of the work of the American photographer Thrse Bonney suggests very different kinds of visual narratives from those that are commonly taken to represent this experience, and also implies the existence of a possible gendered narrative. This exploration therefore suggests that further research into the work of other photographers has the potential to uncover numerous visual narratives that nuance and complicate the existing dominant visual images of these events.

The French Educator Celestin Freinet (1896-1966). An Inquiry into How His Ideas Shaped Education

Célestin Freinet was an innovative French educationalist whose ideas about exchanges between schools, long-distance education and the importance of classroom printing had a large impact in interwar and post-Second World War France. Scholars have compared Freinet to Piaget in terms of the effect that his pedagogical theories had on French education. The book here reviewed is Victor Acker's third on Freinet's ideas. Freinet's innovations to education, Acker argues, were twofold: firstly, he introduced the idea of inter-school exchanges, whereby students sent their work to others from a different school, often from a different town, and received theirs in exchange. The pedagogical intent behind this idea is that, as Freinet understood it, when schoolchildren exchanged their writings, they naturally devoted greater attention to clarity, style, depth of information and content, as they become acquainted with the relationship between writer and public. A further desirable development of intellectual and cultural exchanges between schoolchildren was the intensification of a feeling of nationalism. Secondly, Freinet introduced rudimentary printing presses into the classroom. This acted as a catalyst for the project of inter-school exchange in addition to teaching children how to operate a printing press, from typesetting to the actual printing process. The skills acquired, in addition to the creation of the belief that learning can be fun, are depicted as particularly attractive in 1950s France.

The Phenomenon of the Film Raconté and the Novelizations of La Règle du jeu

Of what in this epigraph is Bazin speaking exactly? What is the object of such declarative scorn? The answer is twice-told and it is doubled; for Bazin’s scorn is directed both at a social type (the concierge) and at an aesthetic object (Le Film complet), and his disdain of the one is necessarily folded into his disdain for the other. What I want to investigate in this paper is a little known phenomenon that was part of a field of cultural production between the wars in France and which took an aesthetic form of deserved importance in terms of its social relations. This paper, then, will necessarily be an investigation of a difference which is both cultural and social.

France in the Cold War

During the Cold War France fashioned its foreign policy first in con-junction with, and then in opposition to, the United States. In the immediate post-war era the French diverted American monies intended for economic growth and military defence against the USSR to colonial struggles in Indochina and Algeria. In the 1960s, France dissented from American policy in Vietnam, withdrew from NATO's integrated com-mand, and pursued its own agenda in the hope of achieving détente. This policy foundered due to the May 1968 upheaval, but it was picked up by Willie Brandt's Ostpolitik and contributed to bringing about the end of the Cold War.

In the Land of Joan of Arc: The Civic Education of Girls and the Prospect of War in France, 1871-1914

Research Article| April 01 2008 In the Land of Joan of Arc: The Civic Education of Girls and the Prospect of War in France, 1871-1914 Margaret H. Darrow Margaret H. Darrow Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google French Historical Studies (2008) 31 (2): 263–291. https://doi.org/10.1215/00161071-2007-022 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Margaret H. Darrow; In the Land of Joan of Arc: The Civic Education of Girls and the Prospect of War in France, 1871-1914. French Historical Studies 1 April 2008; 31 (2): 263–291. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00161071-2007-022 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsFrench Historical Studies Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Society for French Historical Studies2008 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Protecting Prerogative: William III and the East India Trade Debate, 1689-1698

Following the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the East India Company struggled to protect its royal monopoly from the challenges of a group of interlopers who had strong support in the House of Commons. The conflict for control of the East India trade had a great effect on the royal prerogative. Historians have presented differing views on the state of the royal prerogative for this period, and positions have remained polarized along conservative and radical lines. Close examination of the East India trade debate sheds much light on the issue. The debate over trade reveals a process of give and take in the struggle over the royal prerogative, with the King giving up certain rights in exchange for Parliamentary support to prosecute the war in France.

When Democracies Go to War: Public Debate and the French Decision on War in 1999 and 2003

On what grounds do democratic states wage war? Public opinion is often considered as being of crucial importance in the decision to go to war. This article analyses two debates over war in France. It finds that democracies debate war within a limited range of arguments from which classical reasons for war such as the geostrategic one are absent. However, within the limited range of arguments, public support for decisions to go to war seems to depend significantly on the convergence of all public opinion actors over the interpretation of the crisis situation. The high politics nature of crisis situations gives the political leadership strong leverage in the shaping of thick discourses. The control function of public opinion is then diminished and a de facto prerogative of the government established even though justifications remain restricted to a limited number of arguments. Thick discourses of justification seem to be framed predominantly by arguments of just war.