Position Of France Research Articles

Complications after thoracic surgery: don't (necessarily) blame it on the approach

Complications after thoracic surgery: don't (necessarily) blame it on the approach

The National security of France in White Papers on Defense. Continuity or change?

France after World War II was in a difficult situation. This involved a loss of position, not only as a superpower in the world but in Europe. Superpower, the global position of France, decided to rebuild, after the new president was elected in June 1959, Gen. Ch. de Gaulle. According to his conception of a foreign policy for France it should have a global dimension, supported by the independent French defense not only as a conventional but also nuclear power. Gen. Ch. De Gaulle took the position that France having regard to its independence in the political, military, economic and cultural center should not submit to any of the blocks. Independence in the foreign policy of France was understood as the freedom to determine their own place in the world, freely determine their fate, the defense of vital national interests and full freedom in the choice of ends, means and methods of foreign policy.

The FRANZ agreement: France's complex involvement in South Pacific regional cooperation on emergency management

In 1992, France, Australia and New Zealand decided to coordinate their emergency management efforts in the South Pacific through the FRANZ agreement to optimise their humanitarian assistance during disasters. The South Pacific is a complex area that requires regional cooperation. The FRANZ agreement provides a suitable framework for considering the political, economic and social difficulties that constrain efficient disaster management in Pacific islands. France's position on the FRANZ agreement is of particular concern in this paper. The country's unique geographic and diplomatic relationship with the South Pacific makes its position more complex than that of Australia and New Zealand. The FRANZ operations still face many challenges; however, the potential expansion of the partnership could provide a solution to the main challenge: going beyond simple emergency management and investing in disaster risk reduction and capacity building.

<em>The Gendarme Stays in Africa:</em> France's Military Role in Côte d'Ivoire

This article examines France's current African security strategy against the background of its historical and recent military role on the African continent, and in light of the French intervention during the postelectoral crisis in Cote d'Ivoire. It demonstrates that President Nicolas Sarkozy reinforced France's position in Cote d'Ivoire by applying a hybrid strategy, which combines both multilateral and unilateral approaches, and thereby provides Paris with both international legitimacy and room for maneuver. Sarkozy inherited this hybrid African strategy from his predecessors, who tried to adapt to changing circumstances from the early 1990s on. In light of this continuity, it seems likely that even with the change of the French government, Paris will not fundamentally alter this course.

Zagadnienie mocarstwowości Francji w dobie V Republiki (do 2007 roku)

During World War II and the postwar years, France’s international position has been weakened. The seizure of power by Charles de Gaulle in 1958 contributed to a stabilization of the political situation in the country and to a redefinition of French foreign policy. The article analyzes the international position of France from the end of World War II until 2007, when Nicolas Sarkozy won the presidential election. Thus, the article covers the period of the existence of two French republics: the Fourth Republic in the years 1946–1958 and the Fifth Republic, which remains Hexagone’s contemporary political system since 1958. The article consists of three parts. In the first part the external and internal conditions of the birth of the Fifth Republic are presented, with particular emphasis on the role of its creator – Ch. de Gaulle. The second part discusses the importance of France in Europe aft er 1945, emphasizing its contribution to the process of European integration and to the development of relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the USSR/Russian Federation and the Mediterranean countries. Then, the third part of my article stresses the position of France in the system of international relations after World War II, analyzing it on the example of Franco-American and Franco-NATO relations, the French policy towards the Arab and African countries, and finally, on the example of the Republic’s multilateral diplomacy. I conclude that in the examined period 1945–2007 France is an example of the former global superpower, which builds and strengthens its international position as a regional power with global interests.

Chemistry in France: A Hotbed for New Schools of Thought

How is chemistry standing in the land of Lavoisier, while we re celebrating the 100th anniversary of the Nobel Prize in Chemistry to Paul Sabatier and Victor Grignard, within a rapidly changing higher education and research landscape? France has a long-standing tradition of research and innovation in chemistry, and its chemical industry (ranked fifth in the world) is still a strong pillar of French economic development. More than 3300 chemical companies directly employ 200000 people (inducing 600000 indirect jobs). Most of these are small or medium companies, together with some large industrial groups such as Total, Arkema, Rhodia, Michelin, and Air Liquide. This strong industrial activity has generated, in the first part of the 20th century, the foundation of several chemistry and chemical engineering graduate schools all over the country, attracting very good students educated as chemical engineers to amasters level. On the academic side, some 5300 researchers and 2700 technical staff work in chemistry laboratories and teams, located in the most important French academic cities. All of the main research topics are addressed in the core of chemical science and in all of its interfaces with physics (such as materials science, nanosciences, soft matter, spectroscopies), life sciences (medicinal chemistry, bioinspired chemistry, structural biology), and engineering (optoelectronic devices, energy storage, metallurgy).

Bourdieu, The Master

Tony Bennett, Mike Savage, Elizabeth Silva, Alan Warde, Modesto Gayo-Cal, and David Wright, Culture, Class, Distinction. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009, 311 pp. $US 55.95 paperback (978-0-415-56077-1), $US 153.00, hardcover (978-0-415-42242-0) Elizabeth Silva and Alan Warde, editors, Cultural Analysis and Bourdieu's Legacy: Settling Accounts and Developing Alternatives. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2010, 182 pp. $US 42.95, paperback (978-0-415-53414-7), $US 138.00, hardcover (978-0-415-49535-6) Simon Susen and Bryan S. Turner, The Legacy of Pierre Bourdieu: Critical Essays, London: Anthem Press, 2011, xxix + 439 pp. $US 130, hardcover (9780857287687) These volumes are ample evidence--41 authors, writing over 900--pages--of the continuing influence of Pierre Bourdieu a decade after his death in 2002. I believe Bourdieu is as great a sociologist as ever lived. His biographical situation positioned him to produce what is arguably the most compelling culmination of the social science tradition that begins with Marx. But Bourdieu's work may endure mostly because his limitations create openings: the gaps, assumptions, and even biases in his writing incite controversy, attempts at revision, on-going searches for updated empirical application reflecting local contingencies, and as the title of Elizabeth Silva and Alan Warde's volume puts it, alternatives. The final section of Michele Lamont's chapter in Silva and Warde poses the question: Bourdieu, good to think with? (p. 138). The affirmative response is evident in the consistent fascination and remarkable variation of these books' engagements with Bourdieu. THE CASE FOR BOURDIEU Let me count six ways in which Bourdieu seized the possibilities of his temporal and spatial place in the social scientific tradition; specifically, his place in the field of sociology. Bourdieu was not what he would have called an inheritor of academic capital, but he was distinctly positioned to be able to generate capital, and he utilized his position, or positionings, to maximum advantage. First, Bourdieu did not think in terms of convergence that Talcott Parsons sets as the goal of theory in his classic The Structure of Social Action (1937). Yet Bourdieu's writing is always a dialogue with Marx, Durkheim, and Weber especially, and as the chapters in Simon Susen and Bryan Turner's collection show, many other theorists as well. Bourdieu's never-completed graduate studies were in philosophy. He was self-taught as an ethnographer, and as far as I can determine from the text he insisted is not an autobiography--Sketch for a Self-Analysis (published posthumously in 2007)--he learned sociological theory primarily by teaching it. In the volumes being reviewed, the sole moment when Bourdieu speaks for himself other than in short quotations is in Susen's translation of a 1999 interview originally published in German. Here Bourdieu recalls when he first taught Marx, Durkheim, and Weber. His writing never ceased to juxtapose and adapt their ideas. Second, Bourdieu's theoretical dialogue proceeds in relation to a sequence of research projects that have their apex in Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, published in English in 1984. Distinction represented an ambitious attempt to survey the relationship between cultural taste and class position in France. It provides the model for the equally ambitious research of Tony Bennett and his colleagues to determine how well Bourdieu's findings apply, decades later, in the United Kingdom, and more about that below. What matters here is that Bourdieu's career balance between theory and research is--always arguably--unmatched, and the books under review reflect that balance, situating Bourdieu's concepts in relation to other theories and collecting new data to test his research questions. Third, as Bourdieu himself emphasized, he entered the academic field at a particular time, in a particular place. …

FRENCH INTELLECTUALS AND THE POSTCOLONIAL

This essay outlines the ‘structuring absence’ of postcolonial theory in dominant French discourse until quite recently, despite France's position as a multiracial post-colonial society and despite the central role of French and francophone anticolonial thinkers in postcolonial and critical race thought. The essay outlines the absence of postcolonial thought, cultural studies, and critical race studies in French intellectual production through the 1990s, as well as the ironies of this absence, and also points to recent French writing that works to account for this absence and highlight the continuities between France's colonial past and postcolonial present. The late 1990s and first decade of the twenty-first century, we argue, saw a burgeoning of scholarship on the part of French intellectuals who were committed to postcolonial critique. Especially after the 2005 rebellions in France, there emerged a growing scholarship – in the form of conferences, special issues of journals, co-edited volumes, collected works, anthologies and individual books – which was met with a series of critiques denying the connection between colonialism and the contemporary moment but which nonetheless generated a crucial and necessary intervention in French public life.

Mortality differences between the foreign-born and locally-born population in France (2004–2007)

In contrast to the situation in many European countries, the mortality of immigrants in France has been little studied. The main reasons for the lack of studies are based on ethical and ideological considerations. The objective of this study is to explore mortality by country of birth in Metropolitan (i.e. ‘mainland’) France. Complete mortality data were used to study the relative risks of mortality of the foreign- and locally-born populations by gender, age and cause of death for the period 2004–2007 in Metropolitan France. Analyses were conducted by countries of birth grouped into geographic areas and by the Human Development Index (HDI). The differentials in mortality between foreign-born and locally-born populations were not homogeneous. The figures varied by age (higher foreign-born mortality for the young; lower mortality for migrants aged 15–64 years), gender (female migrants more frequently had higher relative mortality than men migrants), country of birth (Eastern European-born migrants had higher mortality, while those born in Morocco, Central Asia, ’other Asian countries’ and America had lower mortality) and cause of death (migrant mortality was higher overall for deaths caused by infectious diseases and diabetes, and lower for violent death and neoplasm). Moreover, mortality relative risks for male, violent deaths and cancer were positively associated with country-of-birth HDI, while female mortality and infectious disease mortality were negatively associated with country-of-birth HDI. Some important caveats have to be considered because the study did not control for individuals socioeconomic position in France, or length of residence in the host country. A strong healthy migrant effect was suggested and its intensity varies with age and gender (which may reflect different reasons for migration). For some specific causes of death, a lifestyle effect seems to explain mortality differentials. The associations between HDI and mortality show that mortality trends are partly related to the educational, sanitary and economic conditions of the country of birth. Further studies would enrich the differential analysis of mortality by country of birth by contributing additional detailed data on socioeconomic and living conditions in the host country as well as in the country of origin.

Mitterrand, France, and NATO: the European transition

With the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), Mitterrand on the one hand perpetuated the Gaullist tradition of independence in defence as a gauge of national sovereignty. On the other hand, he inherited the Gaullist tradition with regard to NATO, especially in the matter of a European defence identity apart from NATO. Although fiercely protective of France's position outside NATO's integrated command, Mitterrand's official acceptance of the New Strategic Concept of NATO in 1991 and his participation in the Gulf War and other Western actions were such that arguably they helped pave the way for France's eventual rapprochement with NATO.

Siamon Gordon on the challenges of retirement

Siamon Gordon on the challenges of retirement

National Origin Differences in Wages and Hierarchical Positions

This paper explains differences in wages and hierarchical positions in France according to national origin. Our data come from a matched employer-employee wage survey carried out in 2002. The business survey provides very reliable wage data which are matched to many individual-level variables collected in a household survey. The sample of male full-time workers is decomposed into three sub-samples according to the parents' birthplace (France, North Africa and Southern Europe). The large number of executives in the sample allows us to perform a switching regression model of wage determination and occupational employment. We adapt and extend existing decomposition methods to this framework. While the usual methods only take care of selection issues, we develop here a methodology to also take proper account of the related composition effects due to differences in hierarchical positions when comparing mean wage gaps. Moreover the method we use requires only the estimation of the model on the reference population, and therefore yields more precise results when the sample size of the group potentially discriminated against is small. Our results show no wage discrimination but a certain degree of occupational segregation yielding composition effects. Moreover, differences in the returns to some of the individual characteristics, including higher qualifications, might reveal mechanisms of statistical discrimination on the labor market.

Exploring women's academic careers in cross‐national perspective

PurposeIn recent years, several countries and/or higher education institutions have adopted equal opportunity policies to promote women's access to the upper levels of the academic career structure. The purpose of this paper is to argue that there is no universal solution to the glass ceiling that women face within academia. Insofar as the feminisation process evolves according to a variety of models, according to national and occupational context, the solutions adopted in one context may prove to be ineffective elsewhere.Design/methodology/approachAnalysis of the different models of occupational feminisation is based on a secondary analysis of the sociological literature on the subject, combined with recent data on women's access to academic positions in France and Germany.FindingsAlthough there are similarities in the structure of the academic labour market across countries and in the rate of feminisation of the most prestigious academic positions, the precise mechanisms through which women gain access to an academic career vary significantly from one national context to another. This cross‐national variation would tend to suggest that there will also be variation when it comes to defining the most effective policy measures for increasing women's access to the upper echelons of the academic hierarchy. Indeed, different models of gender equality in academia may lead to very different results with regard to existing gender relations.Originality/valueThe paper uses the available sociological literature on the feminisation process to examine how different measures adopted to promote women's access to the highest echelons of the academic career structure may have different effects on the reproduction and/or transformation of the dominant sex/gender system.

La finance islamique : une récente histoire avec la France, une longue histoire avec ses banques

Islamic finance : a recent history with France, a long story with its banks Showing a vigorous resistance to the actual financial crisis, the Islamic Finance sector continues to achieve sustained high growth. Indeed, Islamic banks are slightly exposed to the risks generated by the subprimes loans than conventional banks. Profiting from a continual surge from the petrodollars and the repatriation of some capital after September 11th, the Gulf region takes advantage today of an important liquidity concentration. This raises the question of how France will draw this capital to the Paris financial place. Thus, recently, in addition to the difficulties faced by many financial companies and liquidity problems between different banks, interrogations raise about France position toward Islamic finance. This paper analyzes the projections, the challenges and the opportunities given by this sector in France. If the debate on its development on the Hexagon is only at its beginnings, some French banks are already very active there. This paper tries to analyze the trades’ lines and the expertise developed by these banks outside France. This study puts forward the performance of these banks which are sometimes leaders on some areas of Islamic Finance. Classification JEL : G20, G10.

The Jesuits and the Monarchy: Catholic Reform and Political Authority in France (1590-1615) (review)

The Jesuits and the Monarchy: Catholic Reform and Political Authority in France (1590-1615). By Eric Nelson. [Catholic Christendom, 1300-1700; Bibliotheca Instituti Historici Societatis Iesu, Volume 58.] (Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Company; a co-publication with the Institutum Historicum Societatis Jesu. 2005. Pp xiv, 275. $94.95.) The revision of generally accepted positions in the historiography of France during and after the period of the Wars of Religion has gained considerable momentum in recent years. Alongside the spectacular works of Natalie Davis and Denis Crouzet, we now have a considerable body of scholarship which attacks topics perhaps less vast than religious violence, but whose careful sifting of surviving evidence and challenge to established arguments make it no less valuable and welcome. It has been possible to throw new light on subjects as essential as Henri Ill's rule, the Catholic League (especially in the provinces), the Guises, the conversion of Henri IV, and the return of political stability during the 1590's. Eric Nelson's book is all the more welcome in that it tackles an even more contentious topic, which has been almost immune to revision up to now-the role of the Jesuits during the Catholic League, their subversive political teachings, their condoning of regicide, their expulsion from and return to France under Henri IV, and the uproar which followed the king's assassination in 1610 by one of their former students. The black legend of the Jesuits as dangerous subversives has endured, picking up additional dimensions over the centuries and entering the common discourse of politics, especially under the Third Republic. Efforts by the Jesuits' own historians did not really make much of an impact on historical judgments, leaving the field open to later historians who did not share the French passions of an earlier age. Nelson has benefited from the research of historians like A. Lynn Martin and Pierre Blet, both of whom brought scholarly detachment to their studies of the Jesuits before and after the reign of Henri IV But Nelson's is the first fully researched and properly documented study of the problem of the Jesuits in France from the latter phases of the religious wars to the Estates General of 1615. Its subtitle is important, since this is not so much a study of the Jesuits themselves as of the evolution of the Society's relationship with the crown-one that underwent dramatic and unforeseeable transformation in less than a generation. This is a study of the politics of exclusion, banishment, restoration, and return to royal favor in the lace of often considerable opposition from within powerful and articulate segments of the socio-political elite. The first virtue of Nelson's approach is not to think of the dramatis personam in terms of preconceived blocs. Martin had already shown how divided the Jesuits themselves were as the religious wars developed, with Gallicans as prominent among them as ultramontanes, and that Jesuit political supporters of League were quite few: Likewise, their patrons and supporters were not of a single stripe, and they were to be found among magistrates of the parlements as much as among the aristocracy and the urban notables. But the Jesuits' position in France throughout the religious wars was legally and politically weak, and they did not yet enjoy the royal patronage that would be such a feature of their later history. Other religious orders had far cosier and longstanding relations with the crown, while the Jesuits' educational activities made enemies of the University of Paris from the outset, an enmity which was still alive and well into the 1590's and beyond.Yet it took exceptional circumstances for these weaknesses of the Jesuits' position to do them damage. Until Chastel's attempt on Henri IV's life in 1594, the idea that the Jesuits were the real subversive force-because they were of Spanish and papal sympathieswithin the Catholic League was confined to a small hardcore of enemies like Antoine Arnauld and Etienne Pasquier. …

In Defense of Civilisation: Modernism, Anti-Americanism and the Struggle for Cultural Identity in French Art (1953- 1968)

In Defense of Civilisation In Defense of Civilisation: Modernism, Anti-Americanism and the Struggle for Cultural Identity in French Art (1953¬ Rhiannon Vogl, Carle ton University Modernism and modernity have long been synonymous w i t h national and cultural identity in France. In Paris, the absolute sovereignty o f Modernism is ushered in around 1910 by a rupture w i t h the classical and traditional vocabulary: the divine and the human, the city, history, paternity. The reign is consolidated after World War I w i t h Cubism, abstract art and the rise o f the Bauhaus (Lefebvre 1-2). World-renowned as the centre o f creative innovation, Paris at the dawn o f the twentieth century stood as the urban hub o f intellectual and artistic development, symbolized by the power and grace o f the Eiffel tower and the cosmopolitan city's burgeoning avant-garde. The end o f the Second W o r l d War marked a dramatic shift away from this notion o f Paris as the cultural capital o f the world; with the onset o f the Cold War and the rise o f the United States as the new purveyor o f modernity as both the international economic and political leaders, France's position as the cultural centre o f the developed w o r l d came greatly under threat. The subsequent loss o f Modernism was equated w i t h a crisis o f national identity and the need o f France to regain cultural superiority became all the more pressing. As a means by which to theorize French reactions to this cultural shift, artistic manifestations o f this national trauma w i l l be explored in detail through this paper. Since this topic has been examined extensively both in relation to American foreign policy and governmental influences on the production and promotion o f American Modern art in the 1950s, this examination w i l l present a treatment o f lesser- known French artists from 1953-1968, and an exploration o f their artistic responses to the influx o f Americanism, consumerism and the American way o f life. The fervent anti- American reactions one witnesses in art o f this period,

La doctrine de la restauration en France entre les deux guerres : quelques considérations sur la mise à jour de la discipline

"The doctrine of restoration in France between the two World Wars : some thoughts on the revised tenets", by Stéphane Garnero. The 1920s and 1930s were a period of crucial importance for developments in the theory of restoration. An analysis of France's position, based on the procès-verbaux of the Commission des monuments historiques and the décisions made at that meeting, reveals a complicated and complexly-structured situation. On the one hand, restorations were carried out ensuring continuity with a nineteenth-century model, based on the theory of Viollet-le-Duc. On the other, new, internationally-discussed principles were emerging, in which, contrary to popular belief, France played a leading role. Reading between the lines of a doctrine that was never clearly explained, there appears to be an alternative to the théories of Giovannoni, characterized by a perfect balance between tradition and innovation.

“They Themselves Contribute to Their Misery by Their Sloth”: The Justification of Slavery in Eighteenth-Century French Travel Narratives

In 1677, France took the slave trading island of Gorée located off the coast of Senegal from the Dutch and, less than a decade later, drafted Le Code Noir (1685) to formally provide regulations for slave owning practices. This document—created in response to the rapid expansion of the slave economy in French Caribbean possessions made possible by France's position in West Africa—marked the beginning of French involvement in the slave trade. The comparison of French travel narratives written before and after Le Code Noir, shows that, although the descriptions of Sub-Saharan Africa tended to be universally derogatory and Eurocentric, it was not until France became deeply involved in the slave trade that the specific characterization of Africans as lazy emerged. By correlating published descriptions of African laziness with France's growing participation in the slave trade, this paper argues that these portrayals were used to justify slavery to a French public far removed from Africa, Africans, and the ugly realities of the slave trade.

Inwestycje zagraniczne w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej W poszukiwaniu małych barier wejścia

The paper is a case study. Using the example of German company: Axel Springer Verlag, the author describes a certain principle which shows that the area of Central and Eastern Europe attracts the attention of small and medium sized companies as well as huge corporations. These companies are changing their strategies and are engaging in a belated „internationalization” of their activity, which has been suffocated in their national markets and has thus led them to search for new areas of domination. Although they are potentially capable of bearing the cost of efficient entry into the mature markets of Western Europe, they prioritize investments in the developing markets. Axel Springer Verlag is a powerful media corporation that has been deeply rooted in the mature and highly stabilized German mass media market for a very long time. Yet instead of using its full potential to radically enhance its position in France or in Spain, the corporation has decided to commence a global conquest of the highly unpredictable markets of former socialist countries.

Iraq: A Fork in the Road for a Special Relationship?

In his September 2003 address to the United Nations general assembly, Secretary General Kofi Annan warned the UN charter's legal and institutional framework on the use of military force among states had come to a fork the road.1 He asked a high-level panel on threats, challenges and to consider practical options for reform. Quite clearly, the secretary general's initiative was a response to the combination of the United States's rhetoric of preventive war, its assertion the UN was risking irrelevance security matters, and the invasion of March 2003. It thus seems obvious where the United States stands the debate Annan launched on it is possible to continue on the basis agreed upon, or whether radical changes are needed. It may seem equally clear Canada's answer is the world must maintain the existing multilateral framework. In other words, it may seem Canada and the United States are now headed down diverging legal and policy roads, with potentially serious implications for their special relationship. Indeed, it is tempting to see the fact Canada chose not to support the US-led intervention and the American displeasure with decision as indicative of what is to come.In this essay, we examine these assumptions and look more closely at where the two countries are headed on matters of the use of force and international We suggest it is important to separate the policy decisions and legal arguments made specifically relation to the intervention from broader policy themes. There are significant differences between American and Canadian policies on the use of force framework, but they cannot be reduced to simple unilateral vs. multilateral, or radical change vs. status quo, formulas. More importantly, differences notwithstanding, there are also opportunities for engaging the United States the renewal of the global security regime.THE IRAQ INTERVENTIONIn September 2002, the US government published a new national security strategy (NSS) appeared to challenge the existing UN framework on the use of force. A central tenet of the strategy was the confluence of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), global terrorist networks, and rogue states requires the US be able to use force preventively to eliminate emerging threats.2 The expanded concept of self-defence inherent the doctrine of preemption raised alarms international policy circles, heightened by the fact it coincided with a renewed US focus on Iraq. In an address to the UN general assembly on the anniversary of the terrorist attacks on the United States, President George W. Bush moved the threat to international security posed by to the top of the international policy agenda. That speech is now widely remembered for the president's challenge to the relevance of the United Nations and its security council.' The events ensued are well known. After protracted debates, the security council adopted resolution 1441, which found Iraq has been and remains material breach of its obligations under relevant resolutions and gave a final opportunity to comply with its disarmament obligations. Upon renewed inspections to assess Iraq's performance, the council would reconvene in order to consider the situation and the need for full compliance...in order to secure international peace and security. The resolution recalled that the council has repeatedly warned it will face serious consequences as a result of its continued violations of its obligations. Resolution 1441 was a compromise between the position of France and Germany and of the US and UK. While the former countries contended the resolution established a two-step process for any potential invasion of Iraq, the latter claimed its language left open the possibility of action by member states without a further resolution. US and UK officials nonetheless returned to the security council at the beginning of February 2003 to argue the resumed weapons inspections were not succeeding and remained a serious threat to international peace and …