I read Mark Edele's text great pleasure for simple reason that it does not place different generations of scholars at odds one another, but instead insists on their continuity. Less concerned revision at all cost, piece in this way opens path to a cumulative history that relies more on truths of past research. Since debate on revisionism in 1986-87, we have become accustomed to considering that social history is by definition incompatible theory of totalitarianism and that social historians must reject heritage of Sovietology of 1950s. Edele, however, convincingly demonstrates that in Harvard Interview Project, adhesion to notion of totalitarianism did not prevent description of a living Soviet society, which state by no means destroyed: let us consider, for example, what Bauer, Inkeles, and Kluckhohn write about peasant, angry man of Soviet (1) The same proposition could be demonstrated respect to classic text by Merle Fainsod on Smolensk, which contains more than one chapter on social history in most classic sense of term--for example, on criminality, peasant protests against collectivization, or complaints of industrial workers. (2) On whole, I agree Edele's perspective. In discussion that follows, I leave aside certain points for lack of expertise. I am too unfamiliar ideas of Talcott Parsons, for example, to appreciate his contributions to conceptualization elaborated by Bauer, Inkeles, and Kluckhohn. I do not elaborate at length on theoretical apparatus of Stephen Kotkin except to raise a question: are three references to Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu, and Michel de Certeau truly reconcilable? I wonder, since in L'Invention du quotidien Certeau has broken Bourdieusian model of habitus (est en rupture avec le modele bourdieusien de l'habitus). (3) As for Foucault's thinking, it counts a lot for him, but Certeau does diverge from it quite significantly. (4) For Certeau, it is, in effect, a question of excavating arts de faire (art of everyday practices), which manifest creativity of actors, rather than emphasizing social determinisms or anonymous disciplinary logics. Another problem, which Edele does not address, merits discussion: Stephen Kotkin insists just cause on learned practice of speaking Bolshevik and notes that use of language involved some degree of internalization by subjects. (5) But is it not imprudent to assert that the state was able ... to render opposition impossible? (6) Certainly other passages in book are more nuanced: Elements of 'belief' and 'disbelief' appear to have coexisted within everyone, along a certain residual resentment. (7) Kotkin nevertheless concludes positive integration of class that allowed it to find a place in official society. (8) In no way do I intend, this critique, to call for primacy of cases of workers' resistance; these, in my opinion, constitute exceptions and not common phenomena. (9) Rather, it seems to me that task for historians is to analyze diverse positions in population's attitudes toward regime, considering examples of vigorous resistance and protest but also taking into account instances of enthusiastic support, morose loyalty, retreat into private life, and so on. (10) As a social historian, I agree entirely critique of popular versions of theory of totalitarianism. Yet I must also acknowledge that positions of in 1980s suffered from two weaknesses. First, certain revisionists advocated social history with politics left out in tradition of G. M. Trevelyan, a position difficult to defend in Soviet context and in particular under Stalin, when state played such an important role in social engineering. (11) Second, revisionists' writings in general made use of word particularly in expression working class, without questioning specific nature of social stratification in USSR. …