Form Of Hypocrisy Research Articles

Hypocrites! Social Media Reactions and Stakeholder Backlash to Conflicting CSR Information

AbstractAt a time when firms signal their commitment to CSR through online communication, news sources may convey conflicting information, causing stakeholders to perceive firm hypocrisy. Here, we test the effects of conflicting CSR information that conveys inconsistent outcomes (results-based hypocrisy) and ulterior motives (motive-based hypocrisy) on hypocrisy perceptions expressed in social media posts, which we conceptualize as countersignals that reach a broad audience of stakeholders. Across six studies, we find that (1) conflicting CSR information from internal (firm) and external (news) sources elicits hypocrisy perceptions regardless of whether the CSR information reflects inconsistencies in results or motives, (2) individuals respond to conflicting CSR information with countersignals accusing firms of hypocrisy expressed in social media posts, (3) hypocrisy perceptions are linked to other damaging stakeholder consequences, including behavior (divestment, boycotting, lower employment interest), affect (moral outrage), and cognition (moral condemnation), and (4) firms with higher credibility are more likely to experience adverse effects of conflicting CSR information. These findings advance theory regarding the effects of conflicting CSR information as it relates to the role of credibility and different forms of hypocrisy. Importantly, damaging social media posts and stakeholder backlash can arise from hypocrisy perceptions associated with inconsistent CSR results as well as inconsistent motives, and strong firm credibility only makes a firm more vulnerable to this backlash.

Consequences of “Infiltration” in Religious State (A Glance at the Formation of the Islamic State in Medina)

“Infiltration” terminologically means penetration and technically refers to creeping and silent penetration in the social and political elements of a state and a secret attempt to overthrow, control or change it. The phenomenon of infiltration is always considered as one of the threats against a religious state. The Islamic State, from the beginning of its formation in Medina until now, has been constantly confronted with such a political and cultural threat. In the verses of the Holy Qur’an, whether in the form of hypocrisy or otherwise, this danger and political-cultural threat has been mentioned. There are many motives behind infiltration, including: changing the foundations of power, impacting the government, power-seeking and espionage acting. Layers of infiltration also are diversity and multiplicity; A look at the early Islam era shows that different layers of belief, culture, politics and economics existed among the levels of infiltration of the enemies and opponents of the Islamic State. Depending on the layers of infiltration, its methods have been different: “Friendship plans”, “hypocrisy”, “espionage” and “horrific propaganda” are among the methods of infiltration. Infiltration, like any other threat, has unintended consequences. The present paper aims to examine and analyze the consequences of the enemies’ infiltration in the civil era of the Islamic State.

IGNORANCE AND HYPOCRISY IN HOUSEHOLD AND INDUSTRIAL WASTE MANAGEMENT

Waste management in Romania has become a problem with a very high environmental impact, especially in Maramureş County where it has overlapped with the pollution of mining waste. The article highlights the current context in which the population does not accept the construction of landfills, the authorities are not able to provide proof of competence, reaching a vicious cycle in which everyone loses. In this context, we consider that the substratum of the problem is the ignorance that manifests itself in the form of hypocrisy, most of those involved are "ecological", but in reality the environmental impact of irresponsible waste management is very serious.

Moral hypocrisy and the hedonic shift: A goal-framing approach

The most investigated form of moral hypocrisy is pragmatic hypocrisy in which people fake moral commitment for their own advantage. Yet there is also a different form of hypocrisy in which people take a moral stance with regard to norms they endorse without thereby also expressing a commitment to act morally. Rather they do it in order to feel good. We call this hedonic moral hypocrisy. In our research, we posit that this kind of hypocrisy comes about when people’s overarching goals are shifted in a hedonic direction, that is, in the direction of focusing on the way one feels, rather than on moral obligation. Hedonic shifts come about by cues in the environment. People are sometimes sincere when expressing a moral stance (i.e. they mean it and also act on it), and sometimes, when they are subject to a hedonic shift, they express a moral stance just to make them feel good. This also implies that they then decline to do things that make them feel bad, such as behaving morally when it takes unrewarded effort to do so. In two experimental studies, we find that there is such a thing as hedonic moral hypocrisy and that it is indeed brought about by hedonic shifts from cues in the environment. This seriously undermines the meaning of a normative consensus for norm conformity. Seemingly, for norm conformity without close social control, it is not enough that people endorse the same norms, they also have to be exposed to situational cues that counteract hedonic shifts. In the discussion, it is suggested that societal arrangements that foster the focus on the way one feels and nurture a chronic wish to make oneself feel better (for example, in the fun direction through advertisements and entertainment opportunities, or in the fear direction by populist politicians, social media, economic uncertainties, crises, or wars and displacements) are likely to increase hedonic hypocrisy in society.

Riots and Reactions: Hypocrisy and Disaffiliation?

The August 2011 riots in England occasioned widespread condemnation from government and the media. Here, we apply the concepts of hypocrisy and affiliation to explore reactions to these riots. Initially acknowledging that politics necessitates a degree of hypocrisy, we note that some forms of hypocrisy are indefensible: they compromise integrity. With rioters condemned as thugs and members of a feral underclass, some reactions exemplified forms of corrosive hypocrisy that deflected attention away from economic, social and cultural problems. Moreover, such reactions omitted to attend to the concept of [dis]affiliation amongst young rioters. Accordingly, we look to the role that education might play in re-affiliating those who do not feel they belong to, or have a sufficient stake in, society. Whilst our focus is on the riots in England, the exploration of hypocrisy and affiliation, and discussion of education for re-affiliation, transcends that national context.

Asymmetries in perceptions of self and others' hypocrisy: Rethinking the meaning and perception of the construct.

This article examines how people recall and describe instances of hypocrisy in their own and others' behaviour. N = 302 participants provided two written examples. The first example recalled a time when someone called the participant a hypocrite, while the other recalled an instance when the participant perceived someone else's behaviour as hypocritical. One goal of the study was to discover if real-world examples of hypocrisy reflect only mere inconsistency, consistent with the construct's narrow use in psychology, or if they contain other distinctive defining features. A typology was used to code the examples, based loosely on Crisp and Cowton's philosophical distinction between four forms of hypocrisy: direct inconsistency, pretence, blame, and complacency. A second goal was to uncover reliable actor-observer differences in perceptions of hypocrisy. Results indicated that the four forms occur in real-world examples of both self and others' hypocrisy. Interestingly, a new fifth form, indirect inconsistency, emerged from the data, adding nuance to the initial hypothesis. Finally, several actor-observer differences in perceptions of hypocrisy arose and are discussed. The results indicate that hypocrisy is a much more complicated phenomenon than previously considered and provide the impetus for new areas of research.

Quale «vanto»? Considerazioni a partire da Rm 2,17

This article intends to verify which boasting is meant by Paul in Rom 2:17-3:27. First of all, three prophetic texts (Mic 3:11; Isa 48:1-2; Jer 7:4.8-10) which are, as it seems, in the background of Rom 2:17-23 are studied. The certainty of divine salvation is condemned by the three prophets, because of the transgression of the Mosaic Law. Second, this form of hypocrisy between faith and praxis is at best illustrated in the Gospels and especially in Matt 23:23-28, Mark 7:8-13 and Luke 18:9. These NT texts help to enlighten Paul’s parody against the Jew in Romans and, above all, the boast condemned, that is an attitude of arrogance before God. Third, the comparison between 1 Cor 1:29 and Rom 3:20 (and related contexts) confirms this evaluation of the boast meant, so that 1 Cor 1:29 and Rom 3:20 seem to be “interchangeable”: to glory before God = to be justified (by the deeds of the Law) before God. In sum, the “self meritorious legalism” is not to be excluded, but it needs to be integrated into a larger “crater”as the so-called Torah-centric legalism.

Reply to Dr. Cutting and Dr. Fabrega

Reply to Dr. Cutting and Dr. Fabrega

A Rhetorical Critique of the Drug War, Slavery, and the “Nauseous Pendulum” of Reason and Violence

This article offers detailed rhetorical analyses of the recent National Drug Control Strategy (NDCS) reports, which outline President Clinton's strategies for winning the so-called war on drugs. Unpacking their arguments tells us much about our government's understanding of the relationships among drugs, violence, race, crime, and democracy. To situate this critique of the drug war in a historically based analysis of the relationships among law, power, and force, this article turns to Thucydides' Peloponnesian Wars and Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, which emphasize the “nauseous pendulum” that swings between reason and violence. Considering the drug war in relationship to Thucydides and Aristotle bolsters the thesis that our contemporary means of producing power via reasonable political discourse that in practice serves as but the veneer on state-sanctioned violence is not a necessarily abhorrent form of hypocrisy but, rather, one of the fundamental traditions of law itself.

Informal coercion in the physical care of patients suffering from senile dementia or mental retardation.

This article discusses under what circumstances patients who are suffering from senile dementia or mental retardation should be submitted to coercive care, who should decide about this kind of coercion, and in what legal framework it should take place. A distinction is drawn between modest (i.e. of moderate degree) and meddlesome coercion. The use of modest coercion is defended. It is argued that medical personnel ought to decide exclusively about the use of modest coercion. However, no law should render legitimate the use of even modest coercion. It is conceded that to prohibit the use of a kind of coercion that is expected to take place is hypocrisy. It is argued that this is, however, an acceptable form of hypocrisy.

Adolescent Hypocrisy

Abstract: It is argued that adolescence is a developmental phase which is especially prone to certain forms of hypocrisy, and that though the adolescent can be very perceptive of the hypocrisy of adults he is usually blind to his own. To a large extent adolescent hypocrisy is a function of those expectations of adults and peers which conflict with the adolescent's own feelings and desires. Several different forms of adolescent hypocrisy are distinguished and the factors which induce them are described. It is concluded that a close analysis of these phenomena would throw much light upon the social predicament that adolescents find themselves in.

Les Caves Du Vatican and Bergson's Le Rire

An analysis of Les Caves in terms of Le Rire reveals the nature of Gidian comedy, at the same time establishing an affinity between Bergson and Gide. Bergson's thesis is that comedy springs from the conflict between mechanical and living, body and soul, inanimate and animate. Even wordplay and farce find a place in this context. The presentation of comedy requires detachment on the part of the author, an effect which Gide successfully achieves in this novel. Comedy criticises hypocrisy, whether it be social or individual. Gide criticises forms of hypocrisy arising from inadequate awareness of immediate exigencies. Amédée, central to the theme of comic conflict, is central to the action and structure of Les Caves. Anthime reveals the aspirations of the soul in comic conflict with the limitations of the body. Protos manipulates social groups and individuals mechanically but cannot escape the consequences of the game he has initiated. Lafcadio, desiring spontaneity, in conflict with the logical Julius, lives out an inconsequential dream. For both authors the contradictions of the world of dreams reveal parallels with the world of comedy.