Democratic Form Of Government Research Articles

Solving a problem by dissolving a tradition. Munich anatomy’s body supply since the Second World War

The system of anatomical body procurement had to be reorganized in Germany after the end of the Second World War. At that time, the country had been split up and, in its Western zones of occupation, which eventually would form the Federal Republic of Germany, a democratic form of government was reintroduced. While political and economic conditions were improving, well-known obstacles of sufficient body supply turned out to be increasingly complicated to overcome. This development led to the dissolution of the traditional system of body procurement which had, during the centuries and political systems, always depended on the state. From the 1960s onwards, it became solely reliant on willed body donations. The article deals with the question how this fundamental change came to be, and which motives and arguments on the side of the anatomists as well as the administration were crucial for the final decision of limiting body procurement to willed donations. Using the example of the anatomical institute of Munich University, it is possible not only to highlight the political process of dealing with the problem of anatomical body procurement after 1945. Additionally, the quantitative changes in body supply resulting from those developments will be presented and analyzed. Thereby it can be displayed how the dissolution of the traditional system meant the solution of its inherent problems.

Beyond Democracy-Dictatorship Measures: A New Framework Capturing Executive Bases of Power, 1789–2016

We attempt to integrate the literatures on authoritarian regime types and democratic forms of government. We propose a theoretical framework of five dimensions of executive appointment and dismissal that can be applied in both more democratic and more authoritarian regimes: the hereditary, military, ruling party, direct election, and confidence dimensions, respectively. Relying on the Varieties of Democracy data, we provide measures of these five dimensions for 3,937 individual heads of state and 2,874 heads of government from 192 countries across the globe from 1789 to the present. After presenting descriptive evidence of their prevalence, variation, and relationship to extant regime typologies, a set of exploratory probes gauge the extent to which the five dimensions can predict levels of repression, corruption, and executive survival, controlling for aspects of democracy. This leads to generation of a set of original hypotheses that we hope can serve as building blocks for explanatory theory. We conclude by discussing some limitations of these novel data.

Thе balance between democraci and the rule of law as a way to establish the law-governed state

This paper has dealt with incidence of the balance between democracy and the rule of law. The problem of quantitative and qualitative characteristics of democracy is one of the key issues in its theory, was covered in the writings of the representatives of elitist and collectivist concepts. Could we unequivocally state that the democratic form of government has won and there are no threatening factors? A significant number of modern countries are not ready to accept democratic principles. The cleavage between the scholars ranges from the maximum limitation of citizens’ political participation and the transfer of the entire initiative exclusively to the political elite, to attempts to involve them in the decision-making process at all levels. We believe that a comprehensive and systematic study of the whole complex of the issues related to the balance of democracy and the rule of law must be considered among the most relevant and perspective directions of modern legal science. And a reliable deed in this direction can be only the notion of democracy as the rule of the majority, where the differences between interests are not depressed and ignored, but governed by law, supported by socio-political agreement on the basis of balance of interests and mutually beneficial compromises, in which provision of both the rights of minorities and natural inalienable human rights are guaranteed.

Politinės reprezentacijos problema modernioje demokratijoje

[only abstract in English; full article, abstract in Lithuanian]
 The purpose of this article is to suggest an innovative theoretical approach to modern democracy and its implicit contradiction between the idea of public sovereignty and the model of political representation. The apparent practical problem arising from this contradiction is the lack of legitimacy in democratically elected officials and parliament in general. The article argues that the issue with democratic representation cannot be explained sociologically, but must include a theoretical analysis of the normative contradiction between the egalitarian principle of sovereignty of the people and the hierarchical model of political representation.
 The article develops its argument from the conceptual framework laid down in the political theory of Montesquieu. Montesquieu’s thoughts on political regimes offer important insights about modern representative democracy, highlighting the structural relationship between what he called the “nature of democracy” (the rule of the people) and the “generating principle of democracy” (love for equality). Three contemporary interpretations of Montesquieu’s theory (by Fred Dallmayr, Michael Mosher and Sharon Krause) are introduced and critically evaluated.
 The article concludes that:
 Representative democracy suffers from a structural tension between the democratic idea of the rule of the people and its practical implementation through the model of representation, which was inherited from predemocratic monarchic regimes. The problem is not sociological but structural.
 Montesquieu’s theory offers a conceptual framework for analyzing the inner tension of representative democracy between the ideas of egalitarianism and political hierarchy. Contemporary authors suggest different interpretations of Montesquieu’s thought and offer several strategies for the possible improvement of democratic rule, such as (1) redrawing the notion of representation, (2) creating a more empowered civic society and (3) introducing a meritocratic educational system for individuals. Yet, they all miss the original idea posed by the Enlightenment philosopher regarding the balance between the democratic principle (passion for equality) and its natural claim to represent the people with “intermediary institutions” that mitigate the adverse tendencies of the democratic form of government.
 Philosophical discussions about democratic legitimacy should consider one Montesquieu’s statement that is rarely theoretically acknowledged: that democratic political representation needs non-egalitarian social ideas. This means that democracy must tolerate certain non-democratic social ideas (such as honor) for its own benefit, because they provide the necessary balancing institutions. Such an idea would benefit the ongoing debates about democracy by providing a more structural outlook on the fundamental source of the problem (which is a structural collision of contradictory ideas: “equality” vs. “hierarchy”) than those offered by the sociological strategies of democratization or civic empowerment.

Confucian Legacies and the Meaning of Democracy in South Korea: A Cultural Interpretation

Whether Confucianism is compatible with liberal democracy has been a topic of heated debate among scholars and politicians alike, but with little meticulous empirical analysis. The incompatibility thesis, represented by the Asian value argument, suggests that as a political culture Confucianism hinders the deepening of democracy in Confucian Asian countries. The compatibility or convergence thesis, in contrast, argues that Confucianism is compatible with, and even compensates for the shortcomings of liberal democracy. This article investigates the relationship between South Koreans’ attachment to Confucian values and their attitudes towards a (non)democratic form of government. Unlike previous studies that treat Confucianism as a unitary value system, this article argues that Confucianism is multifaceted - its teachings on social hierarchy, morality, primacy of community, and social harmony - have different relationships with democratic and authoritarian values. This empirical analysis demonstrates that, at least in South Korea, certain Confucian values are compatible with democratic values of political participation and individual rights and liberty. In contrast to previous literature that focuses on institutional and performance variables as key variables that explain individual attachment to (non)democratic forms of government, this study illustrates that culture has consistent and long-lasting impacts on individual political orientations.

Culture of Ancient Greece Management

Purpose of the article is theoretical analysis and generalization of the peculiarities of the culture of the management of Ancient Greece, which will contribute to the enrichment of cultural science with new knowledge about the formation and development of a culture of management at the stage of the birth of European civilization. Methodology. The methodological basis of the study is the dialectical principle of cognition, systemic, civilization, sociocultural, activity, historical approaches, fundamental provisions of the theory and history of society, its culture and management. General scientific and interdisciplinary research methods are used: analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, comparison, generalization, formalization. Scientific novelty of the obtained results is the discovery and systematic generalization of the features of the management culture in Ancient Greece. Conclusions. Entirely new and most significant achievement of ancient Greek management culture is the invention of a democratic system of governance, in which: first, the single state authorities are replaced by collective; secondly, members of joint management bodies are relatively equal in law; and thirdly, decisions are made by the will of the majority; fourthly, public authorities are elected; fifth, the independence of power control; sixth, desacralization of power; Seventh, the division of power into executive, legislative, judicial and authority. The first form of democratic governance was the aristocratic democracy, which included the power of the tribal nobility, which, on a democratic basis, formed the highest collective bodies of state power and governance. With the aggravation of the struggle between the aristocracy and the free population and the implementation of a series of reforms, the following forms of democratic organization and governance emerged: politics – the power and management of wealthy citizens, and popular democracy – the power of all free citizens. It was proved that the most balanced was political, and the expansion of freedom led to the redistribution of property, conflicts, wars, and the weakening of the state. Ancient contribution to the development of the theory, methodology and culture of management was made by ancient Greek philosophers Socrates, Xenophon, Plato, and Aristotle, forming some prerequisites for modern scientific management.

Prospects of Federalism in Pakistan

Federalism is created by a state having heterogeneous population with a desire to have provisions for adequate distribution of economic resources within a democratic form of government. The economic interaction is usually guaranteed by the constitutional arrangement of the land. The desire for the creation of a federation may be the economic interaction, interdependence on each other by the Centre and federating units. Proper distribution of powers between the Centre and Federating Units flourish when the residuary powers are vested in the federating units. The 18th Constitutional Amendment made a landmark in the history of Pakistan as it introduced a paradigm shift in the democratic set-up of the country. This shift had long been cherished by most of the mainstream political parties as it gives an opportunity to the ruling parties to complete the tenure of the government.

WHAT IS DEMOCRACY? CHALLENGES FOR DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

This article aims to explore what democracy is and what are the key tools for the success of democracy. Democracy is a famous form of government in contemporary world politics. There are few key characteristics of true democracy, for instance; free and fair elections, the role of media, education, judiciary, political parties, and religious tolerance, etc. Pakistan has experienced authoritative and democratic forms of government since independence. Many democratic governments have governed the country but despite that politicians in Pakistan could not provide the basic facilities of life to the general public. Lack of timely, free and fair elections, the gap between political elite and public, martial-laws, civil-military relations, lack of education and awareness in the general public are some key hurdles in the success of democracy. Therefore, for the success of democracy in Pakistan, it is also necessary to improve these tools.

Escape from Europe: a calculus of consent model of the origins of liberal institutions in the North American colonies

The migration out of Europe and the establishment of North American colonies presents us with a great puzzle: why did the colonists establish democratic forms of governance? Considering that early democratic colonies appeared even before philosophical works such as those of Locke and Montesquieu were written, it is difficult to make the case that ideology was the driving factor. We show that the calculus of consent model proposed by Buchanan and Tullock (The calculus of consent, Liberty Fund, Indianapolis, 1962) offers a simple but subtle solution this puzzle. Because migrants formed much more homogeneous communities, and because, thanks to the large geographical expanse, the inter-jurisdictional externalities were small, the efficient level of consensus within each colony was much greater than in Europe, and the scope of efficient centralized decision-making was much smaller. Hence, a structure of decentralized democratic communities emerged as the efficient outcome.

Praxis Kai Lexis

Debido a que la Modernidad recobró el prestigio de la democracia como régimen, la democracia se erigió como una revolución en las soterradas formas absolutistas de poder, al tiempo que se constituyó como el significante del “sufragio universal”, la “representación”, las “mayorías”, la “igualdad política…”. Sin embargo, todo indica que estos nuevos significados de carácter liberal no son coherentes con las auténticas cualidades del término “democracia” y que al parecer la creencia de que vivimos regidos por gobiernos democráticos no es más que un espejismo. Con el objetivo de elucidar la tensión entre los significados antiguos y modernos del significante “democracia”, y puesto que de la armonía de los signos dependen las realidades que se transforman en el mundo de la vida, se propuso relacionar por medio del método sintético dos categorías superficialmente aisladas e incompatibles: la idea de democracia y el signo lingüístico. Igualmente, en el escrito se trazaron vasos comunicantes con las categorías de ética y moral, bajo la hipótesis de que mientras la ética inspira a reflexionar sobre los significados, en este caso, las cualidades de “sufragio universal”, “representación”, “expresión de mayorías” e “igualdad política” que se le han endilgado a la democracia; la moral incita a sacralizar los significantes, esto es, la forma de gobierno democrática por el solo hecho de ser antigua, independiente a los significados atribuidos. Finalmente, se logró concluir que la democracia moderna es una anulación de la acción humana, un espejismo en el cual coinciden lo bueno y lo injusto, la moral y la negación de la ética.

Helping the Rebels

In a pair of recent papers, Allen Buchanan has outlined an ambitious account of the ethics of revolution and its implications for military intervention. Buchanan’s account is bold and yet sophisticated. It is bold in that it advances a number of theses that will no doubt strike the reader as highly controversial; it is sophisticated in that it rests on a nuanced account of how revolutions unfold and the constraints that political self-determination places on intervention. He argues that, despite the importance of political self-determination, humanitarian intervention may be permissible without the consent of the rebelling population. Indeed, given certain structural features of revolutions, there are often reasons to disregard the consent of the population oppressed and intervene before the revolution starts. More controversially, he argues that military force may be employed to nullify the democratic constitutional choice of the newly liberated population and impose a particular form of democratic government, if this is necessary to guarantee the conditions for the future exercise of self-determination. In this paper, I further elaborate Buchanan’s account of political self-determination and argue that once correctly understood, it places tighter constraints on intervention than Buchanan allows. Thus, his bold conclusions should be resisted.

AN OVERVIEW OF THE DISCURSIVE FIELD OF THE PROBLEMS OF THE FORMATION OF SOCIAL AND CIVIL DIALOGUE FOR PUBLIC DEVELOPMENT

The article features the behavior of participants in social and civil dialogue. Particular attention is paid to the formation of the main tools for the formation of the social and civilian potential of state development. The central role in shaping this process was played by the state authorities, providing the necessary communication tools of communication, which take place in all directions of public administration. These tools are both formal and informal.
 It has been determined that these lower units in the multilayer system of communication support of state administration may not have sufficient powers to make a complex decision in their area of competence. This may reduce their own initiative and, in a broader sense, the habit of comfort, routine and the lack of an innovative communication process. On the contrary, a properly organized social and civil dialogue is developing on the basis of stimulating its self-organization and self-improvement.
 It is substantiated that the main functions of establishing a social and civil dialogue for state development are the coordination and coordination of the main tasks of information exchange and the formation of an atmosphere of mutual support and trust. The trustworthy nature of the social and civic provision of public administration is a prerequisite for a communication process through which information for a public decision is passed from one participant to another organization. This very form of social and civil dialogue has the potential to be an integrated means for uniting often conflicting participants in the communication process to ensure that common and acceptable solutions are adopted for both parties. The main problem of the formation of the socio-civilian potential of state development is due to the fact that not all information related to decision-making is in the hands of the subject of decision-making. That is why the necessary part of the democratic form of government is the establishment of meaningful communication tools of state authorities and the public.

AN OVERVIEW OF THE DISCURSIVE FIELD OF THE PROBLEMS OF THE FORMATION OF SOCIAL AND CIVIL DIALOGUE FOR PUBLIC DEVELOPMENT


 
 
 The article features the behavior of participants in social and civil dialogue. Particular attention is paid to the formation of the main tools for the formation of the social and civilian potential of state development. The central role in shaping this process was played by the state authorities, providing the necessary communication tools of communication, which take place in all direc- tions of public administration. These tools are both formal and informal. It has been determined that these lower units in the multilayer system of com- munication support of state administration may not have sufficient powers to make a complex decision in their area of competence. This may reduce their own initiative and, in a broader sense, the habit of comfort, routine and the lack of an innovative communication process. On the contrary, a properly organized social and civil dialogue is developing on the basis of stimulating its self-organization and self-improvement.It is substantiated that the main functions of establishing a social and civ- il dialogue for state development are the coordination and coordination of the main tasks of information exchange and the formation of an atmosphere of mu- tual support and trust. The trustworthy nature of the social and civic provision of public administration is a prerequisite for a communication process through which information for a public decision is passed from one participant to another organization. This very form of social and civil dialogue has the potential to be an integrated means for uniting often conflicting participants in the communication process to ensure that common and acceptable solutions are adopted for both parties. The main problem of the formation of the socio-civilian potential of state development is due to the fact that not all information related to decision-making is in the hands of the subject of decision-making. That is why the necessary part of the democratic form of government is the establishment of meaningful com- munication tools of state authorities and the public.
 
 

Secure Online Voting System in Cloud

India is one of the most important democratic and developing countries on earth. A democratic form of government is run by the elected representatives of the common people. Voting is important because the people participate in elections to choose their representatives. Though there are several issues in implementing online voting system, security is one of the most important issues. Our objective is to design and develop a framework for a secure online voting system in a cloud environment by using digital certificate secure hash algorithm (SHA) and ElGamal encryption. The proposed system consists of three managers such as certification authority manager (CAM), Vote manager (VM), and vote tally manager (TM). In registration phase, the elector interacts with CAM to acquire a digital certificate. VM is responsible to authenticate the elector. TM finally tallies the votes. The assessment of the system is verified using properties called authenticity, verifiability, confidentiality, accuracy and non-reputation.

The forgotten Atanasije Vuckovic

The paper discusses the publicist Atanasije Vuckovic as a predecessor of Svetozar Markovic. Both were educated almost simultaneously in Belgrade, Russia and Switzerland, and they probably met and acquainted in Z?rich in their polytechnical studies, where Vuckovic graduated from chemistry. His articles treated the injustices of growing capitalism, workers' rights, advanced schooling, women?s rights and a democratic form of government. He expressed well-developed ideas for the progress of education, freedom of speech and the press, industry, agriculture, roads, regulation of rivers and their use for transportation. He particularly championed better living conditions in the cities and villages. As a representative from Morava County in Serbian Parliament, he suggested a number of useful innovations for the improvement of people's life and the state's progress.

The Battle of the Bakgatla-Ba-Kgafela Community: Access to and Control of Communal Land

Like numerous other traditional communities in South Africa, the Bakgatla-Ba-Kgafela community lost portions of their ancestral land in the pre-constitutional era. Under an all-encompassing land reform programme, which also provides for the restitution of land in particular circumstances, a land claim was lodged. Having been successful with the land claim as all of the requirements set out in the Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 were met, the first battle of the community in reclaiming their land had been won. The initial victory was short-lived as a second battle ensued, dealing with the governance of and form of control over the newly restored land. While the community wanted a communal property association, provided for in the Communal Property Associations Act 28 of 1996, the traditional leader preferred a trust. In this regard the various options of forms and constructs of collective ownership came into play. The second battle resulted in the Constitutional Court's deciding in favour of a communal property association in the light of the overall scheme of the Communal Property Associations Act, its objectives, the particular role of the Director-General of the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform, and all that had transpired in this particular case. This contribution deals with both of these battles, first setting out the struggle to reclaim the lost land, and then discussing the conflict over ownership and governance issues brought to finality in Bakgatla-Ba-Kgafela Communal Property Association v Bakgatla-Ba-Kgafela Tribal Authority 2015 6 SA 32 (CC). In this regard the judgment is analysed and thereafter reflected on with respect to recent developments linked specifically to communal property association legislation and then to other developments impacting on communal land and traditional communities in general. With regard to the former, recent draft amendments to the Communal Property Associations Act are highlighted, whereas policy developments and draft legislative measures are discussed with regard to the latter. While it is possible that some of the recent suggested amendments embodied in the Amendment Bill would have streamlined the process had these amendments been in operation when the Bakgatla-Ba-Kgafela community fought the second battle, various problems remain. In this context markedly different - conflicting - approaches emerged from the Constitutional Court judgment and official policy measures. Whereas the Court confirmed more democratic forms of ownership and governance in general, but specifically with respect to traditional communities, official policy documents coupled with draft legislative measures relating to traditional courts entrench traditional leadership constructs. In this regard more democratic forms of governance and ownership are seemingly reserved for areas outside traditional communal areas, most notably outside the former homelands. While the judgment handed down in the Constitutional Court may have brought closure to the Bakgatla-Ba-Kgafela community regarding the formation of a communal property association, the struggle of other traditional communities opting for communal property associations may just be beginning.
 

After the June War: Peace or Justice, Conflict Management or Democracy in Palestine-Israel?

The post-June War period becomes predominantly, though not exclusively, an ‘Israeli-Palestinian’ conflict rather than an ‘Arab-Israeli’ conflict. What sort of state is the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) wishing to establish? Since at least 1968, The Palestinian leadership has made explicit statements concerning governance, especially in favour of democracy and justice. Why was this ignored? The first aim of this study is not to draw out the situated nuances and contours for a complete description of the Palestinian perception of governance and international law, rather the aim is thematically to examine the Palestinian support for a more democratic form of governance. Secondly, this study attempts to examine the official Israeli record and reaction (or lack thereof) to these statements made by the Palestinians. Finally, these findings will be compared to conflict management and democratisation. The study ends with a question to the reader: what if more energy were placed into supporting democracy rather than managing conflict? Or, said another way, justice rather than peace?

Brazil’s Organization of the NET mundial Meeting: Moving Forward in Global Internet Governance

In the face of the apparent weaknesses of the state system to find meaningful solutions to global challenges such as the regulation of the Internet, more democratic forms of governance may show more creative and innovative ways to move forward. Instead of focusing once again on the usual suspects in this debate (civil society actors, Western state actors, or international organizations), this article sheds light on the role of Brazil, a developing democracy from the Global South. The article examines Brazil's organization of the 2014 Global Multistakeholder Meeting on the Future of Internet Governance (NETmundial) in Sao Paulo. NETmundial allowed governments, civil society organizations, private actors, and local Internet communities to elaborate a human rights declaration on global Internet governance. The article explores why this multistakeholder process was so successful compared to previous multistakeholder approaches in global Internet governance. In the same vein, it argues that Brazil was capable ...

C&EN talks with Seifi Ghasemi, Palladium Medal winner

Seifi Ghasemi, chair, president, and chief executive officer of the industrial gases firm Air Products & Chemicals, is 72 years old. But to explain who he is today, he tells a story about an experience he had as a 12-year-old schoolboy in northeastern Iran. Hard-boiled executives don’t often choke up when they speak to reporters. That’s especially true of those who have held major leadership roles in large industrial operations, as Ghasemi has. But the dapper and personable Ghasemi wasn’t embarrassed at all to recall a presentation he attended when the shah still ruled Iran, a country then allied with the U.S. That presentation, by U.S. information service visitors to Ghasemi’s school, described the U.S. as a land of opportunity that offered freedom of religion, freedom of expression, and a democratic form of government. “I just fell in love with the country,” Ghasemi recalls. “After that presentation, I was determined

Reinventing American Prosecution Systems

AbstractAmerican prosecutors operate within legal and practical limits, just like any other public officials within a democratic form of government. Those limits are more anemic for prosecutors than for other criminal justice officials; they have also become less effective over time. The prosecutorial function can be reimagined with more effective legal, institutional, and internal cultural constraints that would produce responsive prosecutorial services: that is, prosecutors who respond to legal standards, to public safety local priorities, to input from other criminal justice actors, and to the lessons of experience. This effort to make prosecutors more responsive to other institutions and public sentiment runs counter to ideals in most other Western countries where the objective is a professionalized and insulated prosecutorial service. A more responsive prosecutor, however, is necessary in the United States because of the strong tradition of broad criminal codes and the ingrained expectations that pro...