Forms Of Citizenship Research Articles

A Narrative Approach to Europe’s Identity Crisis

Alongside the institutionally constructed European identity, research shows that insights into citizens’ sense of belonging are valuable as well in assessing questions of identity. The tendency to conflate European identity with EU identity has spurred debates about the components that underlie European identification. The online subsidiarity adopted by the EU through e-platforms has allowed for a new form of citizenship where e-citizens (de)legitimate the issues under debate. This article examines the contents of European and national identities in the e-debaters’ comments posted on the Debating Europe platform. Drawing on narrative and discursive approaches, we propose a framework to operationalize the (de)legitimation and identification categories used by e-debaters within their discursive construction of European identity. The qualitative empirical research shows three main (de)legitimation clusters: the “EU as a loss,” “inclusive gain,” and “exclusive gain.” We discuss these findings within the broader context of Europeanization, identity multiplicity, and the conditions of the EU enlargement policy.

Informal networks and religious intolerance: how clientelism incentivizes the discrimination of the Ahmadiyah in Indonesia

Despite formal guarantees, minorities in new democracies often have difficulties securing their rights. Many scholars have focused on formal institutions to explain the quality and character of citizenship. In this paper, however, I argue that the ability of minorities to access the benefits and protections of citizenship is conditioned not only by formal guarantees, but through the clientelist networks through which political power is delivered. State actors will allow, or even actively participate in, the persecution of minority groups to win the support of brokers of key networks. I make this argument by looking at the restricted citizenship of Indonesia’s Ahmadiyah community, which has experienced high levels of discrimination in the democratic era. Through a paired comparison of two districts, Bandung city and Tasikmalaya district, I demonstrate that the ability of Ahmadis to access their rights and protections was shaped by the structure of clientelist networks. In districts where politicians relied on the brokerage of individuals with anti-Ahmadiyah preferences to win political office, Ahmadis had more difficulty accessing the rights and protections provided by formal citizenship.

“We must use every legal means to … put them behind bars, or to run them out of town”: Assembling citizenship deservingness in Toronto

This paper examines the assemblage and reassemblage of citizenship deservingness in Canada in the past few decades. By citizenship deservingness, I refer to the ways immigrant and racialized persons are accorded value and opportunity to access and retain formal citizenship status, including the right to remain in Canada. In order to make this argument, I examine the response to a 2012 shooting in Scarborough, an “inner suburb” of Toronto, Canada. I situate the shooting responses alongside policy and discursive changes that have made it easier to deport permanent residents from Canada if they have committed certain criminal acts. As scholars have noted, the targets of such policies are often the same individuals profiled and typecast as committing criminal acts—namely, immigrant and racialized men. In the Scarborough shooting, Jamaican men were specifically criminalized and targeted for exile from the city and country. My analysis demonstrates how, through this process, discourses of race and space came together to produce and legitimate policy changes that continue to erode the rights accorded to permanent residents and citizens.

DIRECTIONS FOR PROVISION OF PUBLIC BODIES’ TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY IN CONDITIONS OF PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY DEVELOPMENT

The article is devoted to issues of ensuring transparency and accountability of authorities in the conditions of participatory democracy (democracy of participation). It is argued that the public should be guaranteed not only the right for access to information but also the prerequisites for expanding its participation in state governance. These prerequisites include: the adoption of clearly measurable macroeconomic and social goals and the provision of control of the processes of their compliance with the government by citizens of the country; extension of the circle of subjects of legislative initiative due to realization of such rights by citizens and their groups; legislative definition of the forms of citizens’ participation in making publicly significant decisions, design of relevant orders and procedures, in particular participation in local referendum; outlining methods and procedures for taking into account social thought when making socially important decisions. The need to disclose information about resources that are used by authorities to realize the goals is proved as well as key performance indicators that can be monitored by every citizen; the efforts made by governments of countries to achieve these goals. It was noted that transparency in the conditions of representative democracy in its worst forms in a society where ignorance of the thought of society and its individual members is ignored does not in fact fulfill its main task — to establish an effective dialogue between the authorities and society. There is a distortion of the essence of transparency: instead of being heard, society is being asked to be informed — and passively accept the facts presented as due. In fact, transparency and accountability in this case are not instruments for the achievement of democracy in public administration, but by the form of a tacit agreement between the subjects of power and people, where the latter passes the participation of an “informed observer”.

PEMBENTUKAN KEBIJAKAN PARTISIPATIF DALAM PERSPEKTIF PEMERINTAHAN KOLABORATIF DI KABUPATEN SAMBAS PROVINSI KALIMANTAN BARAT

Convensional model of public policy makings in Sambas district, West Borneo Province, so far rely more on the strength of institutional structures and elites with less open processes. The impact in many case of planning has failed to identify and accommodate governance issues. This research uses qualitative explorative methods which are assisted with soft system methodology as suggester by Checkland (1999). Analysis of research uses collaborative governance theory in looking at the process of preparation of regional medium term development plan (RPJMD) of 2016-2021. Result of this research illustrates that the failure in the preparation of planning for this is caused by access to stakeholder involvement that is limited, the role of the government is very dominant so that RPJMD is not considered as a shared commitment and responsibility, the implication of each party working independently in accordance with their respective interest. It is also apparent that the process of preparing planning has not been sufficient to meet accessability and drivers in the form of citizen's education and lack of seriousness in the implementation of bureaucratic reform to become an implementative reference for the formation of participatory policy making according to the perspective of collaborative governance in regions with similar characteristics.

DIRECTIONS FOR PROVISION OF PUBLIC BODIES’ TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY IN CONDITIONS OF PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY DEVELOPMENT

The article is devoted to issues of ensuring transparency and ac- countability of authorities in the conditions of participatory democracy (democ- racy of participation). It is argued that the public should be guaranteed not only the right for access to information but also the prerequisites for expanding its par- ticipation in state governance. These prerequisites include: the adoption of clearly measurable macroeconomic and social goals and the provision of control of the processes of their compliance with the government by citizens of the country; ex- tension of the circle of subjects of legislative initiative due to realization of such rights by citizens and their groups; legislative definition of the forms of citizens’ participation in making publicly significant decisions, design of relevant orders and procedures, in particular participation in local referendum; outlining methods and procedures for taking into account social thought when making socially im- portant decisions. The need to disclose information about resources that are used by authorities to realize the goals is proved as well as key performance indicators that can be monitored by every citizen; the efforts made by governments of coun- tries to achieve these goals. It was noted that transparency in the conditions of representative democracy in its worst forms in a society where ignorance of the thought of society and its individual members is ignored does not in fact fulfill its main task — to establish an effective dialogue between the authorities and so- ciety. There is a distortion of the essence of transparency: instead of being heard, society is being asked to be informed — and passively accept the facts presented as due. In fact, transparency and accountability in this case are not instruments for the achievement of democracy in public administration, but by the form of a tacit agreement between the subjects of power and people, where the latter passes the participation of an “informed observer”.

Teachers Navigating Civic Education When Students Are Undocumented: Building Case Knowledge

Currently, a knowledge gap exists at the intersection of immigration, citizenship, and education. We have little knowledge of how teachers teach about citizenship when they anticipate that some of their students are undocumented. Conceptually, we distinguish between formal and cultural citizenship and draw from immigrant political incorporation theories. We investigate how high school civics teachers navigated the tensions of teaching youth in settings meant to socialize them for future political participation when some students did not have formal citizenship rights. Based on 88 hours of observational and interview data, we analyze three cases of U.S. government teachers selected from a pool of 39 secondary social studies educators. We ask: How did skilled and experienced civics teachers who supported immigrants’ rights teach about elections in mixed-citizenship settings where some youth had formal citizenship rights and others did not? We argue that key features of teaching in mixed-citizenship classrooms were context, safety, and legitimacy. We also generate a set of propositions to be tested in future research. As scholars increasingly discuss what civic education should look like in light of immigration and globalization, we offer grounded perspectives about the situated roles of teachers in mixed-citizenship contexts. Understanding how skilled and experienced teachers address the possibilities of inclusion despite structural exclusions opens a window into how schools can be sites that defy the formal boundaries of citizenship.

Introduction: trends towards particularism in European citizenship policies

In this introduction to the special issue, we present the general lines of particularistic tendencies in citizenship policies in Europe. Norms that establish special treatments for specific groups of people are increasingly important in the citizenship laws of European countries, but remain understudied in literature. We summarize the development of comparative citizenship legislation research in Europe and the social relevance of formal citizenship in contemporary societies, in order to contextualize the significance of particularistic tendencies in this field. We further underline how different definitions of ‘Europe’ (European Union, Council of Europe, Schengen Area, specific regional groupings of countries) are relevant for the study of citizenship legislation. Finally, we introduce the articles of the special issue.

Citizenship without Nation? Political and Social Citizenship in the Habsburg Empire

This article investigates constitutional laws and practices in the Austrian half of the former Habsburg Monarchy to argue for the possibility of forms of citizenship that are not connected to ethnic national identity, to ethnically defined territories, or to beliefs about membership in ethnic national communities. The article examines forms of citizenship and welfare provision at the local, regional, and imperial levels in the Habsburg Monarchy in the period 1867-1918, and critiques the presumed link between nationalism and democracy that have dominated our post-1918 understandings of citizenship.

Looking downward: ethics, foreign policy and the domestic politics of protection

This article examines the increasing prevalence of foreign policy commitments to the protection of distant strangers and the interaction this has with domestic political contexts. Although we do not live in a post-state cosmopolitan order, civilian protection practices appear premised in part on cosmopolitan-minded ethical obligations to help non-citizens in dire need. However, this seemingly expanded moral concern sits uneasily with the inconsistency in the translations of such ethical commitments into policy and into practice. Using the lens of recent British foreign policy, the article argues that in order to better understand the inconsistency in cosmopolitan-minded protective action in Western foreign policy, a downward gaze must be directed towards domestic contexts, intra-societal foundations and the increasingly nebulous state–society connections upon which cosmopolitan-minded foreign policy comes to rest. ‘Disaggregated’ forms of citizenship and exceptionally high levels of technological interconnectedness present a difficult intra-societal context within which to craft a unified ethical foreign policy narrative that resonates well with the diverse identity constituencies of which contemporary Western states are comprised.

Pluralism and Democratic Participation: What Kind of Citizen are Citizens Invited to be?

Classic pragmatism laid the foundations for a practice-based notion of citizenship that views democracy as a fragile accomplishment in need of constant self-actualisation. This article revisits this heritage to explore different notions of pluralism and democratic participation developed over the last century. Drawing on James and Dewey, the article interrogates how different understandings of democracy deal with pluralism and the meaning of democratic life. The focus is on three prominent models in contemporary democratic theory and practice, namely: representative, participatory and deliberative. The purpose is to review different ways of thinking and enacting citizen participation and explore key distinctions, overlaps and productive tensions. The conclusion argues that a vibrant democratic ecology requires combining the practices that underpin these models in order to develop deeper, and more sustainable, forms of citizenship and democratic life.

Critical global citizenship: contextualising citizenship and globalisation

Abstract This introductory paper to our first issue provides reflection on the concept of critical global citizenship at both theoretical and practical levels. We maintain that ‘citizenship’, irrespective of its level of articulation (i.e. national, international, global, etc.) remains an issue that reflects a status, a feeling and practices that are intrinsically interlinked. As a legal status, formal citizenship allows individuals to form a sense of belonging within a political community and, therefore, empowers them to act and perform their citizenship within the spatial domains of the nation-state. Critical global citizenship, asks these same individuals not so much to neglect these notions of belonging and practice to a particular locale, but to extend such affinities beyond the territorial boundaries of their formal national membership and to think critically and ethically about their local, national and global relationship with those who are different from themselves. Making a case for a critical global citizenship, however, also requires acknowledging material inequalities that affect the most vulnerable (i.e. migrants, asylum seekers, those experiencing poverty, etc.) and which mean that efforts to cultivate global citizenship orientations to address social injustice are not enacted on an even playing field. As such, a critical global citizenship approach espouses a performative citizenship that is at once democratic and ethical, as well as being aimed at achieving social peace and sustainable justice, but which is also affected by material conditions of inequality that require political solutions and commitment from individuals, states, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society organisations.

Geographies of fat waste. Or, how kitchen fats make citizens

While waste marks the beginning of relocation, re-materialization, and resourcing processes, it is also a set of connections, producing specific figurations of citizenship that follow from, as they inform, waste management strategies. This article regards household practices to do with the disposal of used fats as a site where citizenship forms. The authors see the figure of ‘good citizen’ appear along the trajectory of kitchen fats. They contrast this figure with the ‘re-user,’ who acts by a different set of rules, so as to explore logics and normativities embedded in the mundane processes of discarding fats. Fat waste not only turns out to be different things for different stakeholders; it is in different fat disposal practices that different (kinds of) stakeholders emerge. As the authors situate citizenship in mundane practices, kitchen fats suggest the situational, material-relational character of waste and waste-eliminating schemes – and of citizenship itself.

Time and Resources Processes Associated with Organizational Citizenship Behavior

Organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) continues to be one of the cornerstone constructs tied to organizational behavior and human resources. Indeed, both affiliative (e.g., helping) and challenging (e.g., voice) forms of citizenship are generally viewed favorably by managers and are associated with employee and organizational performance improvements. Critically, in recent years, two trends have emerged within this literature: a deeper consideration of time-based processes (i.e., how OCB unfolds over time) and an emphasis on resource-based processes (i.e., whether OCB is beneficial or depleting to employees). Although work in these areas has been fruitful, the relative newness of these trends leaves many questions still unanswered. In this symposium, we further the discussion surrounding time and resource-based processes in OCB by highlighting four papers that tackle issues associated with time utilizing various methodological approaches (e.g., longitudinal, episodic, event-based research designs), in addition to addressing how OCB both affects, and is affected by, an individual's personal and organizational resources. Overall, this symposium furthers the ongoing conversation in the OCB literature and provides a timely research agenda for the future.

The re-emergence of wardship: Aboriginal Australians and the promise of citizenship

In this paper, I suggest that the category of ‘ward,’ a designation used for Aboriginal Australians in the 1950s and 1960s, has re-emerged in contemporary Northern Territory (NT) life. Wardship represents an in-between status, neither citizens nor non-citizens, but rather an anticipatory citizenship formation constructed by the Australian state. The ward is a not-yet citizen, and the deeds, acts, and discourses that define the ward's capacities to act as a political subject can maintain their anticipatory nature even as people ‘achieve’ formal citizenship. Wardship can be layered on top of citizen and non-citizen status alike. Rather than accounting for the grey areas between ‘citizen’ and ‘non-citizen,’ therefore, wards exist beyond this theoretical continuum, demanding a more nuanced accounting of political subjectivities and people's relationships to the state.I trace the emergence of the category ‘ward’ in the 1950s and 1960s in Australia and its re-emergence for Aboriginal Australians impacted by the 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response legislation. The promise of citizenship offered by the status of ‘ward’ is built upon expectations about family life, economic activity, and appropriate behaviour. These assumptions underscore an implicit bargain between individuals and the state, that neoliberalised self-discipline will lead to both formal citizenship rights and a sense of belonging. Built-in impediments, however, ensure that this bargain is difficult, if not impossible, to fulfil.

New(s) Readers: Multimodal Meaning-Making in AJ+ Captioned Video

New(s) Readers: Multimodal Meaning-Making in AJ+ Captioned Video

Social Citizenship of Young People in Europe: A Comparative Institutional Analysis*

This article explains the diversity of young people’s access to social welfare by distinguishing between two models of social citizenship in a comparative analysis of 15 Western European countries. On the one hand, social citizenship can be familialized, when young people are considered as children and therefore do not receive state benefits in their own name. This form of citizenship is found in Bismarckian welfare states, based on the principle of subsidiarity. On the other hand, it can be individualized, in which case young people can be entitled to benefits in their own right, insofar as they are considered as adults. This form of social citizenship is found more in Beveridgean welfare states.

What are the gender, class and ethnicity of citizenship? A study of upper secondary school students’ views on Citizenship Education in England and Sweden

The purpose of this article is to examine and compare how the ethnicity, gender and social class conditions of citizenship influence, and are understood by, teachers and secondary school students in England and Sweden. The intention is also to compare how conditions of citizenship are dealt with in social studies for upper secondary school in England and Sweden. The relationship between students education and real conditions for citizenship is complex and partly differs between, as well as within, the two countries. The present comparative examination and analysis aims to visualize both specific and common conditions of citizenship in England and Sweden. This is to draw attention to how the meaning of frequently used terminology and images in the field of Citizenship Education do not always coincide with teachers’ and students’ own opinions and perceived meanings. By doing this we hope to contribute some new knowledge regarding one of the most difficult challenges that citizenship education is struggling with, whether the provided knowledge and values prepare todays youth to defend and develop future democratic and just societies. To achieve this, we have conducted a number of interviews with teachers and secondary school students and asked them about their experiences and opinions regarding Citizenship Education and the nature of citizenship. The following main questions were central to the interviews:
 
 What knowledge and skills does a citizen need in a democracy and how is the meaning of citizenship connected to gender, class and ethnicity?
 How are personal liberties affected by the citizen’s gender, class and ethnicity according to the respondents?
 What are teachers’ and students’ experiences of Citizenship Education and how does school pay attention to citizens´ conditions based on gender, class and ethnicity?
 
 In recent years, both public debate and published research have shown that, in order to understand the real meanings of citizenship, it is necessary to understand and interpret formal citizenship rights and responsibilities from individuals’ social and cultural conditions as characterised by gender, ethnicity and social class. During the 2000s, the Swedish National Agency for Education (Skolverket) presented recurrent reports that shows how socio-economic background, in combination with foreign background, are crucial for pupils school results. The reports also show how segregation between schools and residential areas has increased on the basis of residents socio-economic and ethnic background. This group of students are a part of tomorrows citizens, which are also likely to remain marginalized even as adults. The links between Swedish school policy, pupils school results and the democratic development of society at large has been observed and analysed in contemporary Swedish research.
 In England, the picture is slightly different with the 7 per cent of the population who experience private education being over-represented in positions of power and influence. In May 2012, the then Secretary of State for Education Michael Gove provided a list of leaders in the arts, sciences, politics, sports, journalism, entertainment and other fields who had all been to independent schools, concluding that
 “the sheer scale, the breadth and the depth, of private school dominance of our society points to a deep problem in our country . . . Those who are born poor are more likely to stay poor and those who inherit privilege are more likely to pass on privilege in England than in any comparable county.”
 There is significant evidence that socio-economic background, in combination with ethnic background, continue to be highly influential on pupils school results. Links between national education policy, social class and pupils school results appear to remain entrenched in England. 
 When we identify cultural and social conditions as in any way hindering the status of citizenship, we do so from a perspective which does not seek to blame the less powerful for holding particular cultural perceptions but which recognises the barriers a dominant culture sets against those with less power. The insight that tells us it is necessary to comprehend individuals’ social and cultural conditions in order to understand and interpret their formal citizenship rights and responsibilities is not, however, particularly recent. Marx wrote over 160 years ago that, “if you assume a particular civil society . . . you will get particular political conditions”, from which it must follow that any society divided on the grounds of class, ethnicity and gender will present political conditions which reflect such divisions. It is also the case that there is likely to be a significant space between what is (the real) and what is perceived (the formal); just because there is inequality it does not follow that everyone is aware of that inequality.

Cultural production in peripheral urban spaces: lessons from Barriera, Turin (Italy)

ABSTRACTPractices of cultural production within a peripheral urban neighbourhood can contribute to foster the sense of place, community belonging and local collective action. Starting from a critical perspective on the interconnections between cultural practices and urban regeneration, and developing on the concept of place-making, the paper has two main purposes: to investigate the nature of embeddedness of these practices and explore the ways of self-organization of cultural actors and their relationships with public policies. The case study concerns ‘Barriera di Milano’, a large peripheral area in Turin (Italy), formerly one of the most industrialized zones of the city. Over the past few years, and particularly after the real-estate bubble burst of 2007–2008, in Barriera a lively concentration of initiatives of culture has been taking place, redefining the urban and social space. These initiatives seem to be innovative for many reasons: firstly, while demonstrating a peculiar but significant embeddedness in the neighbourhood, they are mostly self-generated; secondly, the institutional assets, the economic self-sufficiency and the low degree of connection among initiatives support new forms of citizenship and place-making based on a ‘not-for-profit entrepreneurship’.

Communicating law, building peace: the pedagogy of public outreach from war crimes courts

ABSTRACTThere has been a growing interdisciplinary concern with the implications of public outreach processes from war crimes trials for new forms of citizenship in the wake of violent conflict. The enactment of such outreach, through seminars, civil society initiatives and workshops, provides a glimpse of the tensions between different conceptions of justice, belonging and rights in the post-conflict period. Specifically, such events constitute a rare public arena in the more fragmented and securitised domain of international legal practices. This paper focuses on a series of public workshops for survivors of wartime sexual violence carried out in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) 2011–13. Drawing on participant observations and open-ended interviews, we argue that such public outreach programmes can be viewed as a form of pedagogy, where the materials, format and arrangement of the events structure the nature of participation and engagement. In doing so we are making two contributions. First, the discussion advances understandings of public outreach as a form of pedagogy, illustrating how practices of dissent, rejection and resistance animate processes of public outreach. Second, the paper illuminates the role of pedagogy as a governmental instrument, reflecting the micro-situations within which individuals are interpellated into the state.