Party Formation Research Articles

제2대 국회 전반 의회내 여당형성 활동과 ‘원내자유당’

이 논문은 2대 국회 전반 의회 내에서 전개된 여당 형성 활동을 분석하는 것이 목적이다. 주지하듯이 이승만은 정당 기반 없이 집권했고, 1951년 12월이 되어서야 자유당을 창당했다. 그런데 이때 자유당은 대중운동 단체들이 중심이 된 ‘원외’ 자유당으로 신당운동에 참여했던 원내세력은 따로 ‘원내’ 자유당을 만들었다. 여당 형성 작업이 두 갈래로 나뉜것은 이들이 지향하는 정치 체제가 근본적으로 달랐기 때문이다. 이승만과 원외자유당은 대통령제 강화를 원했고 이를 위해 직선제 개헌을 추진했다. 하지만 원내세력은 내각책임제 개헌이 목표였다. 즉 현 집권자인 이승만과 제휴해 여당을 형성하고 내각책임제 아래서 직접 정권을 담당하려 한 것이다.BR 원내자유당이 내각책임제 개헌을 구상한 것은 이승만 정부의 실정 때문이었다. 전쟁 수행 과정에서 드러난 정부의 무능과 실정은 1951년 봄 발생한 국민방위군사건과 거창민간인학살사건으로 절정에 달했고, 의회세력은 그 해결책으로 내각책임제 개헌을 검토했다. 그리고 이를 위해 1951년 5월 신정동지회와 공화구락부가 통합해 공화민정회를 조직했는데, 이들이 바로 원내자유당의 전신이었다. 신정동지회는 의회내 친이승만 세력이었고, 공화구락부는 정치적으로는 중립지대에 있었지만 정부실정에 대해서는 가장 비판적이었다. 정치적 성향의 차이에도 불구하고 두 단체가 통합한 것은 민국당을 견제하면서 원내 제1세력으로서 내각책임제 아래서 집권하기 위해서였다.BR 하지만 이승만의 후원 아래 원외 이승만 세력과 통합해 여당을 형성하려는 이들의 구상은 개헌 문제로 어긋나기 시작했다. 특히 1952년 1월 직선제 개헌안이 의회에서 부결되고 이에 맞서 원외 이승만세력이 의원소환운동을 일으킨 것은 원내외 신당운동 세력이 결별하게 된 직접적인 계기였다. 더구나 원내자유당의 일부가 ‘합동파’를 형성해 원외자유당과 통합을 추진하면서 원내자유당은 합동파와 ‘잔류파’로 분열했다. 결국 원내자유당의 잔류파는 민국당과 합세해 내각책임제 개헌을 추진하는 한편 의회 선거를 통한 이승만 교체를 시도했다. 그러나 이 계획들은 이승만이 계엄령을 선포하고 정치파동을 일으키면서 모두 실패했다. 이승만은 직선제 개헌에 성공했고 원내자유당은 해체 소멸했다. 하지만 이들의 내각책임제 개헌 구상은 그 후로도 계속 이어져 1950년대 후반 야당운동의 구체적 목표이자 근거가 되었다.

The Great Recession and new class voting in Iceland

Conventional wisdom suggests that occupational class plays a limited role in explaining vote choice in Iceland. In this paper, we argue that the death of class in Icelandic politics may be premature and that it still plays a role in structuring political preferences and party choice. While the importance of the traditional class cleavage may have declined to the point of irrelevance, we suggest that there is a new type of class voting in Iceland, containing both a vertical and a horizontal component. Furthermore, we argue that the Great Recession played a critical role in increasing the strength of class voting around this new class schema, both because of the conflict around economic issues it generated, but also because of its facilitation of the formation and success of new parties. We test our main hypotheses using multinomial logistic regression on data from the Icelandic National Election Study from 1999 to 2016 and apply a modified measure of cleavage strength, which we refer to as “Full Kappa”. Our results suggest that class voting is alive and well in Iceland and that its strength has increased following the Great Recession.

Common law efficiency when joinder and class actions fail as aggregation devices

We develop a litigant-based model of rule selection where parties choose to litigate rules that are efficient between two parties, but inefficient as between a potential class or potentially joined litigants and a counter-party. Collective action problems lead to incomplete party formation, which generates continuous litigation of seemingly efficient rules. By accounting for externalities borne by non-parties, we show that rules which are allocatively efficient across both parties and non-parties are evolutionary stable for any given judicial ideology or judicial preference for prestige, thus preserving the explanatory power of the Efficiency of Common Law Hypothesis.

Media and learning democracy: The face of emerging political activism in Egypt

Abstract Popular protests erupted in Egypt at the start of the second decade of the twentyfirst century, inspired by similar uprisings in the Arab world. The formation of political parties following the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak allowed a variety of Islamist actors to enter the political field with relative ease. Youth activists and groups employed bottom-up activism in a process that Larbi Sadiki has described to be ‘democratic learning’. In this article, I will explore the process through which Egyptian political actors, from an Islamist background, learnt democracy in a local context. Democracy is understood here in a decentred fashion: it is not necessarily tied to the institutional structures of the modern state. I shall examine Hizb al-Tayyar al-Masry (Egyptian Current Party) between 2011 and 2013 supplemented by other displays of democratic collective agency in the examples of Hizb Misr al-Qawiyya (Strong Egyptian Party) and al-Thawra Mustamirra (The Revolution Continues) alliance. I will explore how the forms of media practices deployed by activists were a key component of a broader revolutionary strategy of civic mobilization. An emerging generation of political activism based on inclusiveness and participation was evident in media practices at the grassroots and party-political levels.

LEGITIMASI PEMBERHENTIAN KEANGGOTAAN DPR/DPRD OLEH PARTAI POLITIK HASIL PEMILU LEGISLATIF DENGAN SISTEM PROPORSIONAL TERBUKA

This writing is analyzing the legitimacy of political party in retiring its member who still becomes the member of the representative of legislative council (DPR/ DPRD) and these representatives are chosen by the legislative general election openly and proportionally conducted by the nation. Openly proportional system is understood as the model of people’s sovereignty. It happens when the candidates are most voted as the member of representative of legislative council. Openly proportional system is done by displaying the political parties as the members of general election and then they propose some candidates of legislative members to be chosen directly by Indonesian people. The most voted representatives will be chosen as the member of legislative council (DPR/ DPRD). When there is a party retires their own representative, do they have their own legalization and is it contradictory with the concept of Indonesian people’s sovereignty? This writing is using juridical normative method by analyzing some constitutions; they are general election constitution, political party constitution, and constitution of MD3. According to the constitution, retirement by the political party has already have its own legitimacy because the constitution gives the authority, but the retirement is contradictory with the spirit of people’s sovereignty because the people have the absolute right of their own vote.

THE EVOLUTION AND PATTERN OF POLITICAL PARTY FORMATION AND THE SEARCH FOR NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN NIGERIA

Os partidos políticos são instituições cruciais na construção de uma ordem democrática participativa; eles fornecem plataformas para o desenvolvimento de propostas de políticas públicas concorrentes, bem como servem como instrumentos para canalizar grupos sociais díspares em uma plataforma política comum, proporcionando, assim, um efeito estabilizador a uma sociedade de outra forma fragmentada. O significado dos partidos políticos, portanto, vai além da função utilitária de contestar ou reter o poder político para incluir a capacidade de fornecer uma força unificadora em face de clivagens étnico-religiosas profundas. A trajetória histórica da formação de partidos políticos na Nigéria, entretanto, contraria esse ideal teórico e normativo. Os partidos políticos na Nigéria pré e pós-independência serviram como locais para a mobilização do povo ao longo das linhas de falha primordiais. Este artigo argumenta que os dois principais partidos políticos da Nigéria hoje apresentam uma oportunidade para romper o ciclo de partidos regionais que não se esforçaram ativamente para a integração nacional.

A2. “Guangdong Delegation Discusses CCDI Work Report and Party Constitution Amendment” Nanfang Daily 23 October 2017.

A2. “Guangdong Delegation Discusses CCDI Work Report and Party Constitution Amendment” Nanfang Daily 23 October 2017.

Ruch pokojowy w RFN (Friedensbewegung) w pierwszej połowie lat osiemdziesiątych XX wieku

<p>W latach 80. XX wieku ruch pokojowy mobilizujący setki tysięcy osób w protestach przeciwko podwójnej uchwale NATO z grudnia 1979 r. był istotnym elementem zachodnioniemieckiej sceny politycznej. Wpływał na układ sił i konflikty wewnętrzne w socjaldemokracji niemieckiej (SPD); będąc największym oponentem polityki prowadzonej przez rząd kanclerza Helmuta Schmidta, przyczynił się do powstania Partii Zielonych, a jego działania doprowadziły do zaistnienia polemiki w związkach zawodowych i były bodźcem do dyskusji etycznych i religijnych w Kościele katolickim i protestanckim w RFN. Stał się również przedmiotem wielu kontrowersji oraz symbolem aktywności i siły społecznej.</p>

Entre la guerra y la política. Una mirada comparativa de los procesos de paz en América Latina: los casos del FMLN y el M-19 (1986-1992)

Hace 25 años la guerrilla salvadoreña del FMLN firmaba la paz con el gobierno del partido ARENA. Este acontecimiento se daba dos años después de la firma de acuerdos entre el M-19 y el partido liberal en aquel momento en el poder en Colombia. Tanto el FMLN como el M-19 dejarían las armas y pasarían a las urnas a través de la conformación de partidos políticos, uno con un éxito electoral rotundo y otro con un fracaso de la misma amplitud. El objetivo de este artículo es dar una mirada en perspectiva comparada a los dos procesos para comprender cómo se desarrollaron las negociaciones, en qué contextos se construyeron los respectivos acuerdos y, por último, qué bases solidificaron para los futuros proce- sos de participación política.

중국의 19차 당대회에서 시진핑 사상 당장 삽입의 의미와 평가

중국의 19차 당대회에서 시진핑 사상 당장 삽입의 의미와 평가

THE FORMATION OF A MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM IN BELARUS (LATE 20th AND EARLY 21st CENTURIES)

The article addresses one of the most important aspects of party formation, i.e. the establishment of a multiparty system in Belarus in the period of political transformations. The article shows the political and theoretical basis for the formation of the modern multiparty system in Belarus in the period of political transformations. An attempt is made to identify periods of political development of the Belarusian multi-party system. The article focuses on the establishment of a multiparty system and its chronological development and analysis of both general and specific features of the modern Belarusian multi-party system. Attention is given to the participation of political parties as a socio-political institution. After the monopoly of the Communist Party was overcome, society demonstrated rapid processes to form political pluralism, i. e. to form political parties and movements. Initially, these processes were largely initiated by society itself.

Toddler Democracy and a Typical Governance in Guinea-Bissau

This paper evolves from the beginning of the democratization process which culminated with the formation of political parties and analyzed the functioning of political parties by observing the practice on democracy and governance system in much more contextualized and corresponding terms from 1991 to 2017. The paper explores the relationships between the political system and the constitution as against the transgression of constitutional power as source of conflicts. The paper also examined carefully the roles of political parties, the media and civil society in democratization process. The paper found that there are inversion of values and mis-concept of democracy, political leaders deviate from key democratic principles and there is a group of political elites addicted to power that have been resorting the political fraud to control power which is complicating democratic progress. In order to forestall the ugly trend, the paper recommends that political leaders and elites should lead the country with wisdom. Elected leaders should be people who are ready to fight tirelessly and positively contribute to building and developing society.

Party System of the Netherlands: between Pillarization and European Integration

In the article, the party system of the Netherlands is examined in the focus of two key factors: the historically inherent pillarization system that shaped the current party segmentation, and the European integration that left its impact on the party programs (the authors’ intention was to analyze especially Euroscepticism of several Dutch parties). The Dutch party system was shaped under the influence of the early 20th century corporatism, and, unlike other elements of the pillarization that was eroded in 1960-1970 years under the pressure of exogenous and endogenous factors, it is still based on the pillars backbone. This backbone largely remains as a form of institutionalization, while the party ideologies (except for orthodox Calvinist parties) moved to the center; it should also be noted here that, as a part of the depillarization process and the pan-European tendency of antiestablishment party formation, several “new type” and “new wave” parties were created. The European integration, intensively institutionalized after 1992, left an impact on the programs of all parties, old and new; soft Euroscepticism is inherent in all of them, being largely a reflection of the fear that small EU countries have towards supra-nationalization and the loss of sovereignty (in the case of clerical parties, it is also fear of the further liberalization of societal order). However, in most cases, Euroscepticism is just a background element (except for right-wing populist parties); programs are largely focused on socio-economic aspects, and the Eurosceptic features do not influence directly electoral mobilization.

Why ethnic parties form: evidence from Bolivia

AbstractResearch on the effects of ethnic politics abounds, but much less attention has been paid to where and why ethnic parties form. This article tests the explanatory power of rational‐choice and social‐movement informed approaches to ethnic party formation that, it argues, differ in their assumptions about the location of agency (elite vs. grassroots) and motives for party formation (office‐ vs. policy‐seeking). The assumptions are tested through an analysis of original data on party registration and socio‐economic factors in 327 Bolivian municipalities during the 2004 local elections. The elections took place under new electoral rules during a period of political restructuring, allowing an analysis of party entry decisions per se. Through a series of logistic regression models and various robustness checks, this article finds that social‐movement approaches are better able to explain ethnic party formation, and in particular that grievances over political maladministration and socio‐economic inequalities drive ethnic party formation.

Fuzzy politics I: The genesis of parties

We propose a novel modelization of the party formation process, in which citizens' private opinions are described by means of continuous fuzzy profiles. Those citizens who show a high level of commitment become politicians, and create a public profile of political tolerance that extends their private profile. The main goal of this first paper is to describe how parties endogenously emerge from the matching mechanism of the private-and-public profiles of politicians. We provide an algorithm for the genesis of parties, and characterize newborn parties that behave as a single politician. Future work on this topic will be devoted to a description of parties' dynamics and voting procedures by using the same fuzzy approach.

БОРОТЬБА ЛЕЙБОРИСТСЬКОЇ ПАРТІЇ ВЕЛИКОЇ БРИТАНІЇ ЗА ВИБОРЦІВ В 20-Х РР. ХХ СТОРІЧЧЯ

The article examines the processes of growth of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century. The reasons of Labour Party’s success on parliamentary and municipal elections in the 1920s have been analyzed. The main attention is paid to the party’s activities in constituencies and analysis of Labour Party General Election Manifestos, General Elections Results and other statistic data. The relations between the Labour Party and churches in Great Britain have also been investigated. The support of the Anglican Church and denominations in Great Britain gave the Labour Party some votes but they lost some votes of believers in the next election in 1924 because of Labour government’s failure to acknowledge Bolshevik persecution of the Christians in the USSR. The Labour attempts to win the countryside were also not so fruitful. It is emphasized that 1918 was the turning point in the formation of the Labour Party as mass, widely represented and influential parliamentary party. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act (1918), adoption of the “Labour and the New Social Order” party constitution have proved to be favorable for its further evolution. But some difficulties such as conflicts between left and right views in the party, absence of convincing majority, black mass-media technologies from political opponents and problems in economics of the country, seriously influenced on its abilities to win success in 1920-s.

Continuity and Change in China’s Elite Politics at the 19th Party Congress: Is Xi Jinping’s “One-man Rule” Established?

This article analyzes the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) held in October 2017. It focuses on leadership changes (including power succession) and revision of the Party Constitution. It tries to answer the question of whether Xi Jinping’s “one-man rule”, instead of collective leadership, was established after the Congress. First, it looks at several norms concerning personnel selection (including the 68 age-limit regulation) that play a critical role in maintaining collective leadership. Second, it examines to which extent the 19th Party Congress upheld these norms. Third, this paper investigates the enshrining of Xi Jinping Thought in the Party Constitution and the implications with regards to the changes of elite politics. It argues that the Party Congress followed the norms relatively well, and that collective leadership still persists. In other words, Xi’s “one-man rule” is not established yet.

Влияние Октябрьской революции 1917 г. в России на становление Коммунистической партии Великобритании (1920—1930 гг.)

Влияние Октябрьской революции 1917 г. в России на становление Коммунистической партии Великобритании (1920—1930 гг.)

The Politics of Religion and the Rise of Social Catholicism in Peru (1884-1935): Faith, Workers and Race before Liberation Theology by Ricardo Daniel Cubas Ramacciotti

Reviewed by: The Politics of Religion and the Rise of Social Catholicism in Peru (1884-1935): Faith, Workers and Race before Liberation Theology by Ricardo Daniel Cubas Ramacciotti Ruth Chojnacki The Politics of Religion and the Rise of Social Catholicism in Peru (1884-1935): Faith, Workers and Race before Liberation Theology. By Ricardo Daniel Cubas Ramacciotti. [Religion in the Americas Series. Vol. 18.] (Leiden and Boston: Brill. 2018. Pp. 297. ISBN 978-90-04-35567-5 hardback; ISBN 978-90-04-35569-9 e-book.) Ricardo Daniel Cubas Ramacciotti's well-researched study insists that the story of Catholicism in Peru cannot be understood without tracing the complex evolution of church-state relations in this ethnically diverse country. It also argues that the formation of its national identity is tied to this story. Engagement with social issues that liberationists place at the center of faith became a pivotal concern of the Peruvian church as it struggled for autonomy at the close of the nineteenth century. This struggle was enjoined with Spanish regalism (royal supremacy over the Church), during colonization, through late-eighteenth century Enlightenment reform, and up to the declaration of Peruvian independence in 1821. Succeeding republican governments exercised power over the Church through the mechanism of the patronato, offering the church establishment status and financial support while restricting appointment of bishops to state-approved candidates and controlling papal communications with them. Ramacciotti recounts policy moves that entrapped church and state alike in contradictions. In short, the Church's attempt to assert its independence ran up [End Page 561] against its reliance on government financial aid while the government needed church legitimation in an overwhelmingly Catholic nation. In fact, a concordat with the Vatican definitively severed the Church from the Peruvian state only in 1980. A focal theme in this context is Peruvian church resistance to secularization entailed in liberal politics, modernizing economics, and the sway of positivism among the nation's elite. Leo XIII's encyclical Rerum Novarum (1891) and other papal social teaching, along with writings by European Catholics such as León Bloy and Jacques Maritain, emboldened Peru's Catholic intellectuals to counter the influence of modernist thought as well as socialism and radical politics. A succession of Catholic organizations—from the lay-led Unión Católica in 1886 through Acción Católica in 1935—further raised the Church's profile in the public sphere. Episcopal letters following inauguration of the National Assembly of Bishops in 1899 effectively ratified the "rise of social Catholicism" in Peru. Notably, apologetic defense of the "rights of the Church" figured prominently in this development, while advancement of Catholic social thought depended on widely distributed local Catholic newspapers. Ramacciotti emphasizes ecclesial condemnation of slavery in mining and rubber production and defense of industrial labor rights. Animated by papal teaching and European examples, the Church sought to imbue Peru's emergent working class with Catholic values through "Circle(s) of Catholic Workers" (CCW), which sponsored night schools, mutual aid societies, and other welfare groups. Bishops and Catholic intellectuals, especially Víctor Andrés Belaunde, criticized capitalism but remained resolutely apolitical, favoring "true reformism," equidistant from "timid conservatism" and Marxism (p. 178). Thus, the Church forestalled anticlericalism but also retarded unionization and postponed formation of a Christian democratic party in Peru until 1955. As elsewhere in Latin America, the Church represented the nation in the absence of the state in Peru, particularly among marginalized Quechua and Aymara peoples in the remote Andes and Amazon. What Ramacciotti calls "ecclesiastical indigenismo" affirmed the human dignity of indigenous Peruvians against overt racism, theoretical (Spencer, Peruvian Darwinists) and practical (enslavement, expropriation). Activist bishops promoted clerical reform and seminary classes in native languages to enhance indigenous mission while insisting on integration of native people in the "living synthesis of western and native values" advocated by Balaunde as Peruanidad (Peruvian-ness) (p. 219). Still, with most Peruvians the Church assumed the need for indigenous "regeneration" (p. 209), their tutelage in "farm schools" (p. 233), and (ironically) the government's paternalistic Patronato de la Raza Indígena (pp. 231–36). Despite numerous repetitions, an often-confusing labyrinth of detail, and arguably flawed organization, this specialized monograph establishes the Church...

The Deportation of James Larkin: Irish American Politics and the British, American, and Free State Governments

The Deportation of James Larkin:Irish American Politics and the British, American, and Free State Governments Gerry Watts (bio) James Larkin (1874–1947) was founder and leader of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union (ITGWU). Almost single-handedly he organized the lowest-paid workers in Ireland, laborers who worked in subhuman conditions and lived in cramped and unhygienic housing where malnourishment and disease were rampant and mortality rates high at the turn of the century. Through his inspiring leadership and oratorical skills, he captured the imagination of the Irish working class, empowering them with a sense of their own destiny. After the travails of the 1913 Lockout, Larkin left Ireland in 1914 and landed in the United States with the double aim of furthering Irish nationalism and worldwide social revolution. Although Larkin did not ultimately achieve these goals, he did play a part in promoting Irish nationalism in the run-up to the 1916 Rising. He also worked within American trade unions, campaigned against the war, and was instrumental in the formation of the American Communist Labor Party. After an initial period working with the Irish American organization Clan na Gael, Larkin fell out with the group over political aims and in 1920 was convicted of criminal anarchy and incarcerated in the New York state penitentiary system. Three years later, he was given a full pardon by the New York governor Al Smith, and shortly thereafter he was deported from the United States by the department of labor. For his troubles, he was often penniless, subject to arrest, and exposed to danger. This essay will look at the role played by individuals within the Bureau of Investigation (precursor to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, [End Page 186] the FBI), Clan na Gael, and the Irish Free State and British governments in the deportation process of Larkin in America. This process was begun in February 1919 but only completed in April 1923. Deportation was the legal sanction for an alien charged and convicted of criminal anarchy. However, Larkin instead received a sentence of imprisonment, with deportation carried out only after a long delay. Consequently, he was unable to return to Ireland during the critical period of the War of Independence and the formation of the Free State between January 1919 and January 1923. A look at the people and circumstances surrounding his incarceration will renew focus on this period of Larkin's life, particularly the role played by Clan na Gael members in the judicial process, at his trial, and during his lengthy appeals process wherein a conviction was secured without deportation. This essay will inquire into whether or not this was a tactic on the part of Clan na Gael members to keep Larkin away from Ireland and stop him from interfering with the work of Sinn Féin. The "nationalist plot" to have Larkin assassinated in 1919, first brought to light by scholar Claire Culleton, is closely connected to these events and will receive attention here as well.1 I will first assess the authenticity of the plot and then ask if its underlying motives were similar to the tactics of Clan na Gael in Larkin's judicial process—namely, that in both cases the motive was to keep Larkin away from Irish affairs. The essay will also look at the role the British state and Free State played in keeping Larkin away from Ireland. It will consider aspects such as the British exclusion order keeping the labor leader out of Ireland, intelligence discussions on Larkin between Dublin Castle and the War Office in London, and the use made by the Free State of the Irish consular service in New York and the office of the Irish Trade Representative in tracking his activities. This analysis takes the form of an investigation and intends therefore to set out a series of exploratory questions. [End Page 187] Larkin is "Shadowed" by Dublin Castle Following the outcome of the 1913 Lockout, Larkin had become despondent. The outbreak of war in August 1914, however, changed the political landscape significantly, pushing Larkin to the fore once again—not as a revolutionary strike leader this time, but as...