Party Formation Research Articles

Denominational Conflicts and Party Breakthrough: The Negative Case of the All-German People’s Party

AbstractNational party breakthrough has often been attributed to new or previously minor parties seizing favorable political opportunities. The role of their strategic choices in response to political opportunities, however, has been underexplored because less attention has been paid to relevant negative cases, that is instances when parties encounter favorable conditions without breaking through. This article argues for a historical perspective when selecting these cases and investigates an often overlooked case from Germany’s early postwar democracy: Gustav Heinemann’s All-German People’s Party (GVP). Relying on archival data and historical research, this article reconstructs the conflicts between Catholics and Protestants that provided Heinemann with initially favorable conditions for party breakthrough. Strategic decisions on coalition building, the timing of party formation, and organization building explain the GVP’s failure to seize the opportunity. These findings highlight the importance of case selection as a part of the “historical turn” in political science and of new parties’ agency when explaining (the lack of) party breakthrough. The implications of these findings for the literature on new parties, case selection, and party system development are discussed.

The Imperfect Democratic Transition in Somalia

The purpose of this paper is to examine the factors undermining the democratic transition in Somalia. During the first decade of independence, Somalia attempted to institutionalize a multiparty democracy. However, several factors, such as the lack of a clear political ideology, authoritarianism, and the formation of clan-based political parties, led to the decline of democratic practices, followed by a military coup and a protracted civil war. That had a devastating impact on the short and long-term democratic efforts in the country. Thirty years after the collapse of the central government, the country is embroiled in protracted political instability that continues to undermine efforts to establish formal democratic institutions and mechanisms. Apart from the political cleavage among political actors, this paper examines other factors undermining the successful transition to democracy in Somalia. It identifies factors such as the practice of clannism or a clan-based political system, rampant electoral corruption, and the inconsistent role of the international community in supporting the democratization process in Somalia. The paper argues that continuing the indirect elections has blocked the attaining successful democratic transition and stalled the adoption of procedural democracy. In addition, susceptible public institutions and instability have negatively impacted a prolonged transition in Somalia.

The Grassroots and Party Funding in Nigeria: Trajectories for Money Politics

This paper addresses grassroots indifference to party funding in Nigeria. It argues that all existing explanations on political apathy do not address the escalating tendency of the ordinary but educated and politically aware Nigerians to be averse to party funding. Drawing on political culture theory, the paper attributes the current trajectory of the phenomenon to a form of "inverse participant" culture by the grassroots, consequent upon their alienation that is driven by a convergence of three key variables: the cartel nature of party formation which is responsible for the disconnect in state-society relations, the appropriation and weaponisation of parties through funding, and decades of unfulfilled campaign promises. It further contends that grassroots indifference creates a funding vacuum which gives room for the monopoly of the party by the wealthy few and the moneybags. The paper concludes that, to arrest grassroots disinterest in party funding, it will require a reform of the Nigerian state to wean it of predatory and exclusionary character and arrest the prevailing cartelization of party formation and appropriation of political parties. It is also important to evolve a political culture that will create positive civic consciousness so as to shape voter-party-candidates relations in order to arrest the current negative voter attitudes that expect and demand for money from party candidates. This paper adopted the qualitative method of research , making use of extant literature on the subject matter and in addition used the interview method in seeking the opinions of a few individuals, some of them party card carrying members.

Partai Politik Lokal di Daerah Otonomi Khusus: Perbandingan Yuridis Aceh dan Papua

The existence of local political parties is one of the special powers for Aceh and Papua Provinces. Unlike Aceh, the rules regarding local political parties in Papua are not clearly stated in Law no. 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province. This paper attempts to analyze the comparison between Law Number 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh and Law Number 21 of 2001 on Special Autonomy for the Province of Papua regarding local political parties, and the consequences for Aceh and Papua of differences in local political party arrangements. The method that the author uses is library research with a law approach and a sociological approach. The results of the research show that the Aceh special autonomy law contains 20 articles concerning the formation of local political parties. Furthermore, the existence of local political parties in Aceh can be seen in the participation of some of these parties in the 2009 2014 and 2019 general elections. While Article 28 of the Papua Special Autonomy Law which accommodates political parties does not have permanent legal force to be further interpreted as local political parties. it is also not applicable because it is not equipped with government regulations regarding the formation of local political parties in Papua. Even the Constitutional Court through its decision Number 41/PUU-XVII/2019 rejected the judicial review of Article 28 of the Papua Special Autonomy Law.

The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Party (E.P.R.P.) Formation, Structure and Program

The main aim of this Article is assessing the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Party (EPRP) Formation, Structure and Program.It also tries to restructure the armed struggle of Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Part (E.P.R.P) in Qwara and Aläfa Takusa district. In fact, it was established in the 1970s by different people of Ethiopians from different areas. And its center was Addis Ababa town and other rural areas. However, in the 1980s its main center was at Qwara and Aläfa Takusa districts. Therefore, this article is aimed at the E.P.R.P military movement was legitimately ongoing in Qwara and Aläfa Takusa district since 1983. In order to undertake this study document analysis, in-depth interview, archival investigation and focus group discussions were undertaken as instruments of data collection. Moreover, I have attempted to use primary and secondary sources. It also attempts to give an analysis of the new party creation in the area. The study also examines the Ethiopian Democratic Union (E.D.U’s), one of the opponent parties of the Därg regime, in the area and its structure. The article also attempts to investigate the E.P.R.P and E.D.U temporal alliance and conflict. In the post 1980’s, the E.P.R.P had attempted to introduce the new form of approach. The legacy of the party has been encompassed in the article. Furthermore more, the article also attempts to state the final departures of the E.P.R.P, Därg and the coming of Tigrian .People. Liberation Front (TPLF) in the area. This research was undertaken based on descriptive research design. This is because, it helps to achieve the objectives of the study and to find answer to the research questions of the study by allowing the researcher to describe the characteristic of the phenomena understudy and by entertaining the research questions focusing on issues like what, how and who elements. Keywords: EPRP, EDU, Qwara and Aläfa Takusa districts, Därg, T.P.L.F DOI: 10.7176/RHSS/11-21-02 Publication date: November 30 th 2021

An Analysis of the Historical Evolution of the Party’s Discipline Construction from the Perspective of the Party Constitution

The party’s discipline construction in the party constitution is an important component. At the same time, the party constitution makes detailed records on the development and historical evolution of the party’s discipline construction, which can clarify the party’s discipline development process from the revision of the party constitution. Therefore, the investigation of the party constitution needs to be strengthened in the party’s discipline construction. This paper analyzes the historical evolution of the party’s discipline construction from the perspective of the party constitution.

What accounts for Duverger's law? The behavioral mechanisms underpinning two-party convergence in India

Duverger's Law states the single-member district plurality rules should produce two-party competition. In district-level election races where this expectation holds, what political behaviors—ranging from elites' strategic formation of political parties to voters' strategic abandonment of losing candidates—account for these outcomes? Using data from state elections in India, this article demonstrates that no single mechanism accounts for most electoral outcomes consistent with Duverger's Law. However, mechanisms related to the behavior elites, far more than voters, produce convergence on two-party competition. This article uncovers relatively little evidence of outcomes driven by strategic voting, instead finding that much of the convergence on two parties is attributable to various forms of strategic entry in which parties selectively field candidates in certain races. In particular, elite collusion—when multiple parties coordinate on where to field candidates—is especially important. Data from other countries confirm that these findings are not unique to India.

Общественные движения в Российской Федерации и их участие в выборах: современное состояние и перспективы развития

Introduction. The socio-political sphere of the state is the foundation of its democratic development and a prerequisite for longterm state-building. The history of the development of the Russian state testifies to the absence of traditions of the formation of democratic institutions and their development. Social movements in the modern state are the mainstay of the development of the country’s political system and the prerequisite for the formation of new political parties. In accordance with the Federal Law “On Public Associations”, a public movement is a type of public association that has a mass character and pursues social, political and other socially useful goals. Taking into account the peculiarities of the current stage of constitutional and legal regulation of the activities of political parties, it is necessary to consider the issue of expanding the participation of social movements in the socio-political life and in the electoral process. Theoretical analysis. Today, Russia stands on the path of democratic transformation of all state institutions. The institutions of the socio-political sphere of civil society also need this transformation. The activities of political parties in a country with a stable constitutional framework are the basis for the exercise of state power. The functioning party system of modern Russia is not characterized by elements of completeness. Social movements, taking into account the Russian reality, could become a platform for the formation of competitive political parties in the future. Empirical analysis. The analysis of the content of the Federal Law “On the basic guarantees of electoral rights and the right to participate in the referendum of citizens of the Russian Federation” indicates the legal consolidation of such a concept as “electoral association”. This concept is introduced to define the subject of electoral actions in the process of holding elections at various territorial levels. Its content indicates that in the framework of federal and regional elections, these are primarily political parties. In elections to local self-government bodies, such an electoral association may be a public movement, provided that the purpose of participation in the elections is fixed in the statutory documents. Results. The natural process of forming political parties is related to their grassroots level of formation. Today’s Russian party system is in crisis, and small political parties do not enjoy electoral support. It is necessary to create legal conditions for the development of socio-political movements – as an organizational basis for the formation of political parties with stable political programs. The conclusion is formulated that among all the variety of social movements functioning in Russia, one can distinguish such a variety as socio-political movements and provide for their right to nominate candidates for deputies in single-mandate and multi-mandate electoral districts, as well as their participation in the implementation of public control in Russia.

The Origins of the EPRDF and the Prospects for the Prosperity Party

This paper presents the historical development of the authoritarian Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) with particular attention to its origins in civil war and its use of multi-national federal structures to balance centralizing dynamics and demands for regional autonomy. It argues that the reform process launched by Prime Minister Abiy and the formation of the successor Prosperity Party failed to overcome the challenges and political logics that undermined the EPRDF. The article concludes by examining the prospects of the center to manage these contradictions and bind together the distinct and highly polarized regions and political interests.

Left-wing populism in Spain

The paper examines formation, evolution and political perspectives of the Spanish radical left-wing populist party ‘We Can!’ (Podemos) in the face of growing support for populism in the the Southern European countries as well as in the European Union in general. The author identifies the origins and country-specific characteristics of the left-wing populism in Spain and provides the general overview of trends in the country’s party system since the middle of the 2000s, including the growing axiological, generational, political and ideological cleavages in the Spanish divided society. Special attention is paid to the political portrait of the Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias and the prospects for development of political situation in the country after his resignation and subsequent electoral defeat in the Autonomous Community of Madrid in May 2021. As such, this case study can provide some useful insights on the nature of populism in the EU member-states in general. In particular, the paper shows that the fragmentation of traditional political systems and the impacts of the sovereign debt crisis per se do not provide a sufficient explanation for the growing demand for populist rhetoric and charismatic leaders, but rather they have exposed certain structural economic and social imbalances. It is exactly these imbalances which traditional political parties are unable to address that create a breeding ground for various left- and right-wing parties and movements. As a result, the author concludes that populism will remain an essential element of political landscape in Spain despite all scandals that accompany populist politicians as the case of Pablo Iglesias has clearly demonstrated. At the same time the author emphasizes that it is this clear and imminent threat posed by the populist movements that may eventually serve as an impetus for a renewal of traditional parties and of the country’s political system in general.

«Я – меч, я – полум’я»: український визвольний рух у висвітленні Бориса Грінченка (з неопублікованої публіцистичної спадщини)

This publication continues the introduction into scientifi c circulation of the original documents revealed in Manuscript Institute of Vernadsky National Library of Ukraine (MI VLNU) – the Borys Hrinchenko’s publicistic articles on topical issues of national and political life on the Ukrainian lands in the Russian empire during the years of revolutionary transformations 1905–1907 yy. The Hrinchenko’s articles were intended to introduce Russian-speaking and Ukrainian audience with the duration of Ukrainian liberation stuggles from Bohdan Khmelnitsky era to the formation of Ukrainian political parties. The purpose of the research is an actualization of the unpublished and little-known publicistic heritage of Boris Hrinchenko, which allows to fl esh out his political and historical views, its infl uence on public educational and socio-political activities. Methodology of research is based on the principles of historism, systematics, objectivity, anthropologism. The general historical methods of analysis and synthesis and special-historical methods (historical-genetic, historical-typological, comparativistic) were used. The scientifi c novelty of the publication is due to the source and historiographical value of the journalistic and public educational works of B. Hrinchenko, which to some extent, reveal the «creative laboratory» of the author. Conclusions. In these documents B. Hrinchenko considers the main milestones of the struggle of conscious Ukrainian cultural and political forces against Russian enslavement, defi nes the role of certain social groups (cossack offi cers – «starshyna», intellectuals – «intelligentsiya») and individual members of the intellectual and political elite – examples of dedication and sacrifi ce in the struggle for Ukraine. The author shows the regularity of the transition to the democratic political and party stage of the Ukrainian liberation struggle in the Russian Empire, analyzes the range of Ukrainian political forces in terms of their social and national program provisions. Special attention is paid to the Ukrainian Radical Party, in which B. Hrinchenko was one of the founders and ideological inspirers.

Māori Election Petitions of the 1870s: Microcosms of Dynamic Māori and Pākehā Political Forces

Māori election petitions to the 1876 Eastern Māori and the 1879 Northern Māori elections were high-stakes political manoeuvres. The outcomes of such challenges were significant in the weighting of political power in Wellington. This was a time in New Zealand politics well before the formation of political parties. Political alignments were defined by a mixture of individual charismatic men with a smattering of provincial sympathies and individual and group economic interests. Larger-than-life Māori and Pākehā political characters were involved in the election petitions, providing a window not only into the complex Māori political relationships involved, but also into the stormy Pākehā political world of the 1870s. And this is the great lesson about election petitions. They involve raw politics, with all the political theatre and power play, which have as much significance in today’s politics as they did in the past. Election petitions are much more than legal challenges to electoral races. There are personalities involved, and ideological stances between the contesting individuals and groups that back those individuals. Māori had to navigate both the Pākehā realm of central and provincial politics as well as the realm of Māori kin-group politics at the whānau, hapū and iwi levels of Māoridom. The political complexities of these 1870s Māori election petitions were but a microcosm of dynamic Māori and Pākehā political forces in New Zealand society at the time.

PERKEMBANGAN SURATKHABAR DAN MAJALAH DI JOHOR SEBELUM PERANG DUNIA KEDUA

Johor is often remembered as the state that witnessed the formation of the first Malay political party in this country, UMNO. Of similar significance, something that is often marginalised in Malaysian historiography, is the existence of myriad newspapers and magazines including the first women magazine in Malaya namely Bulan Melayu which was established in 1930. This article aims to examine the history of the emergence of newspapers and magazines in this state and their development before the Second World War. Some of the aspects looked into are the major locations in the publication of newspapers and magazines, the pioneers and factors contributing to its development. The study is using qualitative method and sources used in this research are newspapers and magazines that were published in Johor from the 1920s until 1941, besides official documents and records issued by the British and the Johor government. The findings of the research shows Johor’s involvement in newspapers and magazines before the Second World War was closely related to inspiration from the masses and the state in facing the pressure of British imperialism and as impact of modernisation undertaken by the state since the mid-19 century that witnessed development in the intellectual aspect that involved school teachers, religious schools, administrators and associations in the state.

Seeking Representation: The Development of Hungarian Minority Parties in Serbia and Slovakia

Ever since the 1920 Treaty of Trianon there have been sizable Hungarian minorities found in countries neighbouring the modern Hungarian state. Since the fall of authoritarian communist regimes and the rise of political plurality these minorities have sought representation, often through minority parties. This lens of political parties is applied in this article, in order to examine the seeking of representation by the Hungarian ethnic minority in Serbia and Slovakia. The overall development of parties is outlined, the stages of their development is illustrated and each stage is analysed in detail. The main findings are that Hungarian minority representation is incredibly fragmented and dogged by conflict in both countries, involving many splits in parties, with the formation and liquidation of parties common. However, during exceptional times they were able to show a united front to nationalist governments, this was observed in both Slovakia and Serbia. In more recent times conflict has returned to the fore, with the situations somewhat divergent. The high level of conflict within those seeking to offer political representation to the Hungarian minority in Serbia was notable, as was a lack of an end in sight. On the other hand, there were attempts to unite made in Slovakia, although they are yet to experience much success.

OBJECTIVE FOUNDATIONS OF THE FORMATION AND GLOBALIZATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL PARTIES AND MASS MOVEMENTS

The article provides a comparative analysis of ecological mass movements, the objective foundations of the formation and globalization of political parties, the system of subjective factors and paradigmatic changes in the context of historical time, gives theoretical, logical conclusions and methodological recommendations on modern features of development.

Anti-Establishment Parties in Government

Abstract Anti-establishment parties with either a left-wing or a right-wing ideological slant have been entering contemporary European Democracies with sizeable vote shares. During the Great Recession, the Greek party system could be perceived as a relevant case-study for the formation and breakthrough of anti-establishment parties. Given the fact that two deeply ideologically diverging anti-establishment parties, the Coalition of the Radical Left – Social Unionist Front (syriza) and the populist radical right-wing Independent Greeks (anel), came to power, forming a coalition government from early 2015 to January 2019, the primary goal of this article is to enquire into ‘supply-side’ parameters, exploring potential associations along a range of programmatic stances and policy dimensions that effectuated the syriza-anel alliance. Using the Comparative Manifesto Project and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey datasets from 2012 to 2017, our findings confirm beyond the expected programmatic differences the existence of a converging policymaking basis between syriza and anel which goes beyond the ‘pro-Memorandum vs. anti-Memorandum’ divide.

How relational contract theory influence management strategies and project outcomes: a systematic literature review

Despite growing interest in Relational Contracting (RC), few studies have comprehensively investigated the qualities required for a successful RC project. Macneil’s ten norms are principles of behaviour in contracts based on the application of relational contract theory and play an essential role in the formation and agreement of parties and their commitment to means and objectives. In contributing a missing dimension to the RC approach in construction, the purpose of this research is to conduct a systematic review of studies of relational contracting to answer the question: In what ways can the influence of RC theory be observed in the management strategies and outcomes of relational projects? Macneil's norms are used to provide a link between strategies and outcomes as a way of understanding RC and its influence on collaboration between the project actors in determining project outcomes. The results provide new insights with a view of consolidating extant literature and contributing through mapping practice back to theory. Findings show that the norms are evident in projects but with varied application and realisation in practice. This paper offers managerial implications and future research directions to investigate and capture the part played by the norms as mechanisms in construction projects.

Pasundan People's Party in Pasundan Countries 1947-1950

This research entitled "The Gait of Pasundan People's Party in Pasundan State from 1947-1950". The main problem in this research is to get to know "How was the gait of the Pasundan people's party in the Pasundan state from 1947-1950?". The method used in this research is the historical method. Based on the results of this research, it can be explained about the background of the formation of the Pasundan People's Party, the role of the founding figures of the Pasundan People's Party and the actions of the Pasundan People's Party in the Pasundan State government. The author concluded that the formation of Patai Rakyat Pasundan was motivated by Suria Kartalegawa's desire to lead West Java and was assisted by the Dutch who also wanted to form a Federal State in Indonesia. Suria Kartalegawa as a founding figure played an important role in the formation of the Pasundan People's Party which later declared the Pasundan State. The activities of the Pasundan People's Party in the government of the Pasundan State which divided into two, the first one is the Pasundan State declared by Suria Kartalegawa and second one is the Pasundan State as a result of the West Java Conference. Suria Kartalegawa's version of the Pasundan State did not last long due to the lack of support from several elements of society, both from figures or the West Java community itself and was considered a counter-revolutionary movement. Then the Pasundan version of the West Java Conference led by Wiranatakusumah V produced three West Java conferences, in this period Suria Kartalegawa and his Pasundan People's Party were more active in the Pasundan State Parliament with stand more in the opposition side. The Pasundan People's Party fainted and disbanded itself following the disbandment of the Pasudan State in 1950 and the arrest of Suria Kartalegawa, and then West Java again became part of the Republic of Indonesia.

The level of representativeness of political parties and the demand for new parties in the Polish party system

This paper explores whether the Polish electorate feels that political parties represent their interests and how many voters expect the emergence of new non-parliamentary political movements. A nationwide survey study (N=970) confirms that over 30% of a study sample has no party that could be perceived as representing their interests. Moreover, the results suggest that this may generate the demand for new non-parliamentary parties. With regard to political practice, the study, to some extent, explains why Law and Justice (PiS) won the 2019 parliamentary elections. Unlike other parties, the voters of Law of Justice declare that they have their representatives on the political scene. The one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) reveals that this opinion is more often expressed by elderly, poorly educated, very religious and right-wing voters. The formation of a new non-parliamentary party was more often expected by people describing themselves as center-left, non-religious, average earners and secondary-educated.

The British and the transfer of power in the Bechuanaland Protectorate: Neo-colonialism or passive revolution?

Deploying the theoretical framework of Italian Marxist thinker, Antonio Gramsci, this article argues that rather than a neo-colonial arrangement, the transfer of power from the British to locals in the Bechuanaland Protectorate (Botswana) could be conceptualized as a passive revolution. This passive revolution, which was triggered by demands for independence by radical nationalists, entailed the formation of a pro-British political party, the Botswana Democratic Party, and transferring power to it in a carefully managed decolonization process. The passive revolution aimed not just at preserving British economic interests in the protectorate but also at state formation for purposes of expanding the capitalist mode of production in the newly independent state. Thus, the transfer of power took place concurrently with the creation of a legitimate capitalist state that served the interests of both the British and the cattle-owning Botswana Democratic Party elite that assumed power at independence. Post-independence, the cattle bourgeois class at the apex of the Botswana Democratic Party embarked upon the construction of hegemony through the creation of an interventionist developmental state that addressed the narrow interests of other classes and groups constituting the post-independence historical bloc. Such hegemony has allowed the Botswana Democratic Party to retain power to the present day.