Alliance Formation Research Articles

Multimarket contact between partners and strategic alliance survival

AbstractResearch SummaryThe impact of multimarket contact (MMC) between partners on strategic alliance survival is unclear, even though recent studies have suggested that MMC increases the likelihood of alliance formation. Our study investigates this issue by integrating two mechanisms occurring between multimarket firms: mutual forbearance and technological resource imitation. We argue that MMC between partners deters opportunism in alliances via mutual forbearance, resulting in a positive effect on the likelihood of strategic alliance survival. We also suggest that the positive effect is weakened in two settings with higher risks of technological resource imitation: technological overlap between partners and the presence of R&D activities in an alliance. Evidence from strategic alliances in the global semiconductor industry supports these conclusions.Managerial SummaryRecent research has shown that firms encountering each other in multiple markets are more likely to form strategic alliances, but it is unclear whether these firms are likely to stick together. Our theory suggests that the threat of broad retaliation limits opportunism and increases the likelihood of alliance survival when partners encounter each other in multiple markets. Nonetheless, in settings where partners have similar technologies, or in alliances involving R&D activities, their ability and incentives to copy each other's technological resources offsets the positive effect of multimarket contact on alliance survival. We study strategic alliances in the global semiconductor industry and find evidence consistent with these arguments.

The Enduring Sino–Russian Strategic Relations of Mutual Dependence—The Attribute of Military Cooperation

ABSTRACT Beijing’s relatively ambiguous response to the Ukraine War has tested how firm the Sino—Russian strategic partnership is. This article aims to decipher the endurance and complexity of Sino-Russian strategic relations by evaluating the nature and dynamics of Sino-Russian defense cooperation amid the worsening international environment against both countries. By examining two Sino-Russian Joint Exercises and analyzing their joint military patrols, exercises, and technological projects, this article argues that the general Sino-Russian military collaboration has been enhanced. Beijing and Moscow have gradually strengthened the combat orientation of their military cooperation to deter the perceived third-party threat, solidify their strategic partnership and against the challenges posed by conflicting interests in the overall bilateral interaction. Both Beijing and Moscow consistently remain vigilant against the risks of abandonment and entrapment, emphasizing the importance of maintaining strategic autonomy and refraining from formal alliances. However, they confront the worst-case scenario of being simultaneously dragged into two separate armed conflicts by a shared adversary. Therefore, align with their own national interests, the ability of Beijing and Moscow to achieve a delicate equilibrium between avoiding entrapment and preventing abandonment will determine the vitality and long-term trajectory of their strategic partnership.

Maintaining Portland’s “progressive dystopia”: housing, carcerality, and the real estate state

ABSTRACT In 2020, a coalition formed between a local real estate developer, a nonprofit, and a senator soon to run for state governor, with the goal of turning a never-used county jail in Portland, Oregon, into a homeless shelter. Reading with abolitionist anthropologist Savannah Shange’s concepts of “progressive dystopia” and “carceral progressivism,” this paper is a case study of Wapato Jail’s redevelopment into the Bybee Lakes Hope Center, serving as an in-depth look at how Portland’s localized real estate state utilizes the logics of “carceral progressivism” to maintain the city as a dystopia that works for them [Shange, S. (2019). Progressive dystopia: Abolition, anti-blackness, & schooling in San Francisco. Duke University Press]. Utilizing data from archival materials, news media, and twenty interviews, I argue that the real estate state, composed of local developers with long-standing stakes in the city, form alliances in an attempt to shift the provision of services away from a Housing First approach and to maintain the city in a state of “just crisis enough” to keep growing profits and property values. Cutting across abolitionist and carceral geographies, I present an engagement with the maintenance and growth of carcerality within the real estate state, particularly as elites get involved with homeless services.

Turismo rural comunitario en un bosque seco de Perú: Diagnóstico y propuesta para la sostenibilidad

El turismo rural comunitario representa una actividad propulsora del desarrollo económico local aprovechando sosteniblemente los recursos de una comunidad. El Área de Conservación Privada Bosque Seco de Colina Juan Velasco Alvarado -ACP BSC JVA- tiene potencial turístico latente que, hasta la fecha, no ha sido debidamente explotado por la Comunidad Campesina Juan Velasco Alvarado -CC JVA-. El objetivo del estudio consiste en formular una propuesta de desarrollo de turismo rural comunitario del ACP BSC JVA. Se ejecutó un análisis situacional de la oferta y demanda turística del área donde se reconocieron al Cerro Pilán, la Mina Inca, los Jaguayes Salas y Cerezo como los recursos turísticos más importantes, mientras que el principal problema identificado fue la deficiente gestión del turismo del ACP BSC JVA por parte de la CC JVA. Como resultado final, se elaboró una propuesta de plan de acción que plantea el fortalecimiento de capacidades, la mejora de la infraestructura ecológica y la formación de alianzas estratégicas, para así lograr la sostenibilidad de la gestión de los recursos naturales en el bosque seco y el progreso de la comunidad local.

“An Honest Bargain?”: Transatlantic Marriage, Domestic Violence, and Garden Restoration in Frances Hodgson Burnett’s The Shuttle (1906)

ABSTRACT In The Shuttle (1906), Frances Hodgson Burnett explores the mercenary dimensions of the transatlantic marriage alliances of the late nineteenth and early twentieth. In The Shuttle, the naïve Rosalie Vanderpoel, is harangued and beaten into submission by her husband, Sir Nigel Anstruthers, into relinquishing her inheritance, money he has no access to without Rosalie's authorisation. Drawing from the work of Lisa Surridge, Sarah Wagner-McCoy and Thomas Recchio, this article explores how The Shuttle centres domestic violence and its impact. Surridge argues that scenes of domestic violence can be seen as “peripheral” or on the border of a narrative. By moving the transatlantic courtship plot of Bettina Vanderpoel and Lord Mount Dunstan to the border of the narrative, this essay explores the ways that Burnett problematises transatlantic marriages. Sir Nigel's considered and deliberate plans for abuse shape the novel, and the enduring ramifications of the traumas he inflects through outright violence, emotional manipulation and neglect are what Bettina Vanderpoel undoes to rescue her sister. Investing her family funds into the estate Sir Nigel has bankrupted, Bettina models a different form of transatlantic alliance, one of active investments in the English country estate to better the community.

THE FIRST STEPS TOWARDS STRATEGIC ALLIANCE IN AZERBAIJANI-TURKISH RELATIONS BEFORE THE SECOND KARABAKH WAR

Azerbaijan and Turkey are historically linked by many common cultural, linguistic and religious ties, which creates the basis for the development of strategic allied relations between these two countries. After President Ilham Aliyev came to power in 2003, relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey continued to strengthen, and both sides expressed interest in a deeper strategic partnership. In this article, we will consider the first steps towards strategic alliance in Azerbaijani-Turkish relations during the reign of Ilham Aliyev, especially in the context before the Second Karabakh War.
 To analyze the first steps towards strategic alliance between Azerbaijan and Turkey during the reign of Ilham Aliyev, a comprehensive analysis of official statements, political documents and treaties, as well as acts of foreign policy of both countries was carried out. Data from studies and analytical reviews published in various scientific journals and reputable analytical publications were also used.
 The purpose of this study is to identify the first steps taken by Azerbaijan and Turkey towards deepening strategic alliance during the reign of Ilham Aliyev before the Second Karabakh War. We strive to analyze the main stages and factors that contributed to the formation of closer ties between these two States.
 During the reign of Ilham Aliyev, a number of events and political initiatives aimed at deepening strategic relations with Turkey were initiated in Azerbaijan. This included increased military cooperation, the signing of agreements on security and mutual support, as well as agreements on cooperation in the field of energy and transport. Azerbaijan's support of Turkey in various international issues also played a key role in strengthening diplomatic ties.
 The first steps towards strategic alliance between Azerbaijan and Turkey during the reign of Ilham Aliyev turned out to be an important stage in the development of relations between these two states. The deepening of cooperation in various fields, including military, political, economic and cultural, contributed to the strengthening of mutual understanding and trust between Azerbaijan and Turkey. This process had a significant impact on the further development of relations and played a key role in the formation of a strategic alliance, which turned out to be especially important in the context of the Second Karabakh War and subsequent events.

How negative self-views may interfere with building positive relationships: An experimental analogue of identity dysfunction in borderline personality disorder.

A disturbed, negative sense of self is associated with various interpersonal difficulties and is characteristic of disorders such as borderline personality disorder (BPD). Negative self-views may affect an individuals' ability to build positive relationships, including a therapeutic relationship. However, it is not yet well understood how identity disturbances give rise to interpersonal difficulties. Using an experimental analogue design, we tested whether identity disturbances are associated with interpersonal difficulties. Participants were university students (N = 43, age M = 20.51 (SD = 3.08), women N = 32 (74.4%)) who reported moderate to high levels of BPD features, with 34.9% reporting significant BPD features as measured by the Borderline scale of the Personality Assessment Inventory (PAI-BOR). In a within-subject experimental paradigm using a Social Feedback Task, participants received negative, intermediate, and positive evaluations, supposedly from a panel. Using multilevel models, we tested whether negative self-views were associated with how much the participants liked, trusted, and felt close to each of the three panel members who provided either predominantly negative, intermediate, or positive feedback. People with more negative self-views reported lower mood in response to positive feedback. In addition, where people with more positive self-views felt better when receiving feedback that was congruent with their self-views, people with more negative self-views did not report a better mood. Importantly, people with negative self-views felt lower desire to affiliate with the member who provided predominantly positive feedback. Affiliation was not affected when feedback was given by the negative member and intermediate member to those with negative self-views. The findings validated that those with more negative self-views anticipated and expected more negative responses from others. Negative self-views, as relevant for BPD, may explain how people relate differently to those giving different types of feedback. Pervasive negative self-views may interfere with building new relationships including the therapeutic alliance. It may be helpful for clinicians to be aware of the potential challenges around creating a supportive therapeutic relationship for patients with negative self-views. Overly positive affirmations made by clinicians may inadvertently lower the patient's mood and may impede alliance formation.

The interplay between product development failures and alliance portfolio properties in the formation of exploration versus exploitation alliances

We investigate the role of product development failure as an important behavioral driver of explorative (vs. exploitative) search in interfirm collaborations. We also suggest that the effect of product development failure on the level of exploration in subsequent alliances hinges on the properties of the firm’s existing alliance portfolio. We suggest and show that the positive association between a firm’s product development failures and the level of exploration alliances is mitigated when the firm faces a high level of relational embeddedness. We also demonstrate that the positive association is amplified when the firm has a low level of technological diversity in its current alliance portfolio. We test our hypotheses using established firms’ alliances in the biopharmaceutical industry and find evidence that supports our arguments.

Diplomatic Relations and Globalization: A Historical Analysis of China and America during the Post-Cold War Era

This research delves into the intricate diplomatic ties between China and America, tracing their journey from Cold War adversaries to contemporary partners. The primary objective is to scrutinize the historical evolution of this alliance, emphasizing the blend of political, economic, and strategic factors shaping their complex relationship. The study aims to unravel critical questions surrounding the genesis and progression of the China-America alliance, dissecting diplomatic ties from the Cold War era to the present. Analyzing the influence of the Cold War context on the formation of the China-America alliance. Identifying pivotal milestones in their diplomatic relations during and after the Cold War. Assessing the contemporary nature of the China-America partnership and its implications for regional and global geopolitics. Using a comprehensive historical research design, the study reviews primary sources like diplomatic archives, treaties, and official statements. Secondary sources, including academic works and policy analyses, provide essential context and depth. The research reveals a nuanced interplay of geopolitical, economic, and strategic considerations sustaining the China-America alliance. Critical junctures in their diplomatic history shed light on factors contributing to the partnership's resilience. This research offers a holistic understanding of the historical roots of the China-America alliance, providing insights into contemporary implications. By seamlessly integrating historical analysis with present-day dynamics, the study contributes to broader scholarship on international relations and regional geopolitics.

Collaborative Research in Imperial Vienna: Science Organization, Statehood, and Civil Society, 1848–1914

Abstract This article deals with the goals, practices, and transformations of collaborative research that emerged between and within bureaucratic and bourgeois models of science organization in the late Habsburg monarchy. It offers novel insights into the political, social, and epistemic dimensions of public engagement in research, and evaluates the frameworks, profit expectations, and challenges involved. As will be exemplified by joint undertakings in the High Alps, the “Orient,” and the Adriatic Sea, private-public partnerships in the form of scientific societies or institutional alliances assumed vital functions. Their stakeholders volunteered for large-scale research projects, coordinated and funded infrastructure such as field stations, research vessels, or collecting expeditions, and became driving forces in establishing new forms of intra-imperial and cross-border collaboration. As such, scientific societies are useful indicators for understanding science-related developments and for illuminating the tensions between imperialism, (inter)national aspirations, and civil-society building. Based on sources from the archives of the k.k. Meteorological Society, the Natural Scientific Oriental Society, and the Adriatic Society, this article will analyze scientific collaboration as a purposeful and power-related interaction process, oriented toward mutual benefits, that took place on three levels: between state-owned research facilities and private societies, between bureaucrats and bourgeois, and between scientists and “non-professionals.”

Evolution of Cooperation among BRICS Countries in Global Climate Governance: From UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement

In the complex world of international negotiations, nation-states often navigate a spectrum of political relationships, from alliances and partnerships to competition and rivalry. Despite their diverse backgrounds and interests, the BRICS countries collectively constitute a significant proportion of global greenhouse gas emissions. Drawing upon the principles of neoliberal institutionalism, this study delves into the origins of the BRICS cooperation mechanism and its impact on climate cooperation among its member states. Our analysis traces the climate policies of BRICS nations since the inception of the UNFCCC in 1992, taking into consideration factors such as their level of economic development, environmental vulnerability, and the broader international political context. We argue that these three factors primarily shape the dynamics of alliance and partnership within BRICS regarding climate governance, although underlying competition may also influence collaborative efforts. This study aims to stimulate further theoretical discourse on the formation of political alliances within the context of global climate governance.

The effects of knowledge network characteristics on R&D alliance formation

ABSTRACT Firms’ knowledge characteristics shape their research and development (R&D alliance activities). When denoting the characteristics, the alliance literature has exclusively focused on firms’ internal knowledge characteristics, leaving structural properties of their knowledge relatively unexplored. Therefore, this study aims to investigate how firms’ knowledge network characteristics are associated with the propensity to ally. By using 235,024 unique alliance dyads between U.S. semiconductor firms and their potential partners, we examine the effects of two knowledge network characteristics – degree centrality and structural holes – on alliance formation. We further examine the joint effects of the knowledge network characteristics. Our findings reveal the curvilinear relationship between degree centrality and the likelihood of alliance formation. We also find support for the positive joint effects on the likelihood of alliance formation. These findings provide implications for the varying propensity to ally associated with the knowledge network characteristics, i.e. structural positions of a firm’s knowledge elements in the sector-level knowledge network.

Insufficiency of informal alignment: why did Finland choose formal NATO membership?

Abstract In May 2022, less than three months after Russia started its war of aggression against Ukraine, both Finland and Sweden applied for membership in NATO, thereby revoking their longstanding policies of non-alliance. What led to this shift? And what made formal NATO membership more attractive to these countries than their previous relationship with the alliance, which already amounted to informal alignment between them and NATO? To answer these questions, this article reviews the process and debates preceding the Finnish NATO application, which also proved decisive for Sweden's alliance bid. In doing so, the article contributes to the existing literature on Finland's NATO process as well as the broader scholarly debate about alliance formation. It argues that two factors prompted the Finnish NATO application: first, a dramatic shift in Finnish public opinion on NATO membership and, second, the emergence of a broadly shared view among Finland's elites of the insufficiency of Finland's existing security arrangements in view of Russia's increased threat potential, with NATO membership seen as the only viable remedy. The article duly highlights the role of public opinion in shaping a state's alignment preferences. Moreover, it finds strong evidence for realist (threat) and rationalist (efficiency) explanations for alliance formation.

Justice, inclusion, and incentives

How does justice affect individual incentives and efficiency in a political economy? We show that elementary principles of distributive justice guarantee the existence of a self-enforcing contract whereby agents non-cooperatively choose their inputs and derive utility from their pay. Chief among these principles is that your pay should not depend on your name, and a more productive individual should not earn less. We generalize our analysis to incorporate inclusivity, ensuring basic pay to unproductive agents, implemented through progressive taxation and redistribution. Our findings show that without redistribution, any self-enforcing agreement may be inefficient, but a minimal level of redistribution guarantees the existence of an efficient agreement. Our model has several applications and interpretations. In addition to highlighting the structure of economies and organizations in which fairness and efficiency are compatible, we develop an application to the formation of rent-seeking political alliances under the threat of fake news.

The Shifting Geopolitics

Geopolitics has now taken center stage in shaping the domestic and foreign policies of nation-states. This trend largely aligns with the principles of political realism, where states aim to survive in an anarchical international order by maximizing power and wealth while minimizing losses. In an era characterized by rapid ecological, economic, and technological changes, as well as uncertainty and conflicting dynamics in international politics, geopolitical narratives have captured the attention of statesmen, journalists, academics, policy analysts, and military strategists. The traditional version of geopolitics, which was characterized by determinism, expansionism, and aggression, has given way to a more nuanced understanding of where states make strategic choices in a multi-polar world. However, this shift has also witnessed a decline in multilateralism and the rise of nationalism, populism, and fundamentalism, which has weakened international regimes and global governance institutions. These developments are occurring at a time when many global issues, such as arms proliferation, pandemics, poverty, inflation, and climate change, require international cooperation. The global power shift from the Atlantic to Asia, particularly with the ascent of China as a geo-strategic rival to the USA with global influence in security, development, and civilization initiatives, as well as the growing Sino-Russian partnership, has created new geopolitical dynamics. India's neutral stance between a resurgent Russia and the USA, while being part of America's Indo-Pacific strategy, alongside rival strategies aimed at containing, deterring, and pushing back against China, has placed small states like Nepal in a challenging position. The Russian invasion of Ukraine, driven by the latter's interest in joining NATO and the EU, has reshaped bilateral relationships among major and minor states. This ongoing conflict shows no signs of resolution, further complicating global geopolitics. The emergence of the Eurasian geopolitical pole and the Atlantic solidarity, along with their contest for supremacy, are affecting global security, political and economic order, and the formation and dissolution of alliances among nation-states as they strive to rebalance their relationships.

The social-ecological landscape of herding on the high mountain commons of Larrau in the western Pyrenees (France)

IntroductionMuch has been written about herding, pastoralism and the ethos of the commons that persists in Soule and the valley republics of the western Pyrenees. However, more has been written about the idealized norms of the practice than the social dynamics of alliance formation on which cooperation in herding on the high mountain commons in Soule has depended for centuries. We use empirical evidence from the parish-commune of Larrau to analyze the emergence, social alliance, and landscape placement of Cayolar, a syndicate of herders associated with a named inholding within the high mountain commons, to inform our understanding of the process of settling down in the western Pyrenees.MethodsWe abstract the institutional features of herding in the Soule Valley then proceed with a (1) Bayesian analysis of calibrated radiocarbon dates from herding sites across the commons, (2) a Bayesian social network analysis of herders and other alliance-relevant information, and (3) a landscape analysis of the placement of Cayolar inholdings.ResultsA syndicate of herders organized as a Cayolar succeed by following mutually agreed upon rules, making credible commitments to each other, and monitoring members' conformance to the rules. The organizational performance of a Cayolar depends on the articulation of herders to the members of the Soule community of interest through nested levels of institutional decision-making. Archaeological, historical and ethnographic results provide direct evidence for use of Cayolar structures and inholdings by c. 1000 CE and the institutional and organizational aspects of decision-making by c. 1100 CE.DiscussionThe Cayolar is an enduring place-based organization with an average use-span of c. 850 years. Members have a regulatory interest in enforcing the collaboration of others in collective herding and little incentive to defect since unlike Hardin's herders, Cayolar members share a past and expect to share a future as members of the Soule community of interest. Íñigo Arista established the Basque kingdom of Navarra in 824 CE, and his donations contributed to the founding of the Benedictine monastery of Leyre that established a pastoral enterprise at Betzula within the Soule Valley. Other monastic orders soon turned their attention to the western Pyrenees responding to attempts by the Catholic Church to counter civil unrest in southern France. The real turning point for collective herding on the high mountain commons was the introduction of primordial fueros on the Iberian side of the Pyrenees. These direct royal agreements with freemen encouraged resettlement and repopulation of the western Pyrenees and provided the means for local communities of interest to coalesce and develop institutions to organize the collective effort of individuals for the benefit of a group.

Pathways to Cooperation: A Relational Theory of Rebel Alliance Formation

Why do some rebel organizations form a united front when others confine themselves to a loose partnership? Existing research on rebel movements reveals that insurgents should quickly leave cooperative agreements if doing so will provide particular advantages in a post-conflict setting. Still, rebel groups may build diverse alliances, from joint attacks to shared command structures. If rebels are indeed purely pragmatic, why would they tie themselves to partnerships that hinder their ability to defect easily? In this article, I argue that three relational factors shape how armed groups cooperate: rebel-civilian relations (civilian support), inter-rebel relations (partners), and rebel-sponsor relations (external patrons). Groups connected through these social networks will be more likely to join a united opposition with their shared channels of trust. Developing a new dyadic dataset, I find that sharing allies or civilian support is positively associated with forming united fronts. Yet, state sponsorship does not produce similar results.

India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) and BJP: A Comparative Study

This article focusses on the formation of a new alliance, namely the India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA). The Indian National Congress, which has long dominated Indian politics, leads the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance. Opposition parties formed the India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) to challenge the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. The coalition contends that the BJP is endangering India’s multiparty democracy and secular principles. The “Collective Resolve” campaign includes a pledge to preserve and uphold the idea of India as it is expressed in the Constitution of India. Efforts are being done to resist the claimed systemic conspiracy by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to target, punish, and suppress specific Indians and address polarization. Findings of the reveal that there have been instances of Hindu extremist groups initiating anti-Muslim operations, resulting in numerous casualties and injuries among the Muslim community, as well as other minority groups within the region. The BJP challenged the Indian National Congress, the Nehruvian state, and secular democracy. The policies implemented by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from 2014 to 2019 were highly detrimental to society, as they strategically employed the Hindutva ideology for political gain and suppressed minority groups through their uncompromising ideological stance. Contrarily, the policies implemented by Congress subsequent to 2009 exhibited a greater emphasis on principles such as freedom, economic growth, liberalism, and prioritization of the welfare of the populace.

Regionalism and Alliances in the Middle East, 2011-2021: From a “Flash in the Pan” of Regional Cooperation to Liquid Alliances

ABSTRACT This article addresses the shifting patterns of regionalism and alliance formation in the Middle East in the decade following the 2011 Arab uprisings. It seeks to explain why regional organizations, most notably the Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council, failed to advance any durable regional cooperation, in spite of an initial period of bold activism. Second, the article seeks to shed light on why government-driven, informal and instable regional alignments that also include non-Arab parties and non-state actors came to prevail instead. Our approach draws on Stephen Walt’s concept of the balance of threats; we posit however that this concept needs to integrate a liberal-constructivist perspective to assess both the nature of threats and the significance of domestic factors. While we consider the Arab uprisings a potential turning point, our explanation of the patterns of cooperation and conflict in the Middle East after the uprisings points to regime (in)security and shifting threat perceptions as key factors. They explain the side-lining of established regional organizations and the priority given to alternative and volatile forms of regional cooperation, that is, the prevalence of “liquid alliances.”

Engagement of European Countries in the Implementation of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy (Part 2)

Globalization has contributed to the development of economic relations between Europe and the Indo-Pacific. However, after 2011 they were influenced by the American “pivot to Asia” and the shift of US attention from countering international terrorism to rivalry with the “revisionist” powers — Russia and China. In 2019, with the adoption of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy, China became their main regional rival. The rivalry with him provided for the Americans to unite their Asian allies in a network of managed formal alliances, as well as to connect Great Britain and France to solving strategic tasks. On February 11, 2022, a new Indo-Pacific strategy of the United States appeared. This document emphasized the strategic value and increasing role of Great Britain, France, the EU and NATO in Indo-Pacific and set the task of building bridges between the Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions. The main role in its solution was assigned to AUKUS, a trilateral military alliance of the United States, Great Britain and Australia, created on September 15, 2021. At about the same time, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the European Union approved their own strategies in Indo-Pacific. They had in common an unwillingness to see China as the main opponent in the context of the US-Chinese rivalry. At the same time, the documents did not indicate that Europe was equidistant from global rivals. On the one hand, being part of the collective West, the EU demonstrated its support to America, on the other, being the most important economic partner of the Celestial Empire, it refused to see it as an existential threat to its security. Against this background, a similar British document published in March 2021 stood out, characterized by a hostile attitude towards China. However, significant differences in the strategies of European countries were offset by their membership in NATO. At the Alliance summit in Madrid in June 2022 the Europeans, together with other allies, proclaimed a strategic course for “systemic rivalry” with the PRC in the context of the interconnection of the security of the Euro-Atlantic and the development of the situation in the Indo-Pacific. With the signing of the NATOEU joint declaration in Brussels on January 10, 2023, there was a further rapprochement of the two Western structures on an anti-Chinese basis, as well as the complete subordination of Europe to the interests of American global policy.