After the Second World War, blind activists in Eastern Europe were busy rebuilding their prewar advocacy movements and integrating them in the administrative structure and ideological apparatus of the emerging socialist states. As they set up their new national programs, these activists also attributed great significance to international cooperation. They recognized the value that could be derived from international relations not only with the Soviet Union but also across the entire socialist camp, and moved fast to build an intra‐socialist, shared space of blind advocacy. In particular, blind activists from East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Hungary launched a series of initiatives aimed at cementing their commonality of goals and making the exchange of disability knowledge practically possible among them. These included International Sport Competitions of Blind Youth, blind vacationers' exchange programs, and formal agreements of cultural collaboration. All their international work, however, would have been of little use had the Russian Blind Union refused to be involved in it. Analyzing the personal letters, internal reports, and official public statements written by various Russian and East European blind activists, in this article I discuss the ways in which the Russian Blind Union entered the international scene of socialist blind activism and shaped its development. In the context of Khrushchev's broader shifts to revamp the domestic and international realities of Soviet life, Russian blind activists joined the network of contacts that their Eastern European colleagues had built and took up a commanding role in it. They began to use international work both to advance the propaganda goals of their government and to improve their own national advocacy movement. In doing that, they significantly augmented the meaning of socialist blind internationalism as a theater of cultural diplomacy, while also reinforcing its framing as a socialist learning space, an opportunity that would benefit the blind people of the socialist world. Their encounters with Eastern European colleagues allowed Russian activists to compare notes and expand their conceptual horizons; they exposed both the achievements and the limits of the Soviet approach to disability; and they suggested that there was much that Russians could learn from other countries. Studying these processes, historians can not only better assess Soviet claims of superiority and the paradoxes of socialist cultural exchanges, but also think about the specific meaning of these contacts for blind activist–a group that we rarely associate with internationalism during the Cold War. Ultimately, as I argue in this article, transnational socialist encounters taught Russian blind activists to balance their identity as state officers and cultural diplomats with their motives as disability advocates.