Forms Of Injustice Research Articles

How data-driven reform can drive deficit thinking

Propelled by accountability policies, leaders have touted data-driven decision making as a means to improve K-12 student outcomes and drive equity, as teachers analyze data to change instruction. However, many data-driven decision-making reforms have failed to challenge inequity. Melanie Bertrand and Julie Marsh’s study of six middle schools shows that teachers’ deficit thinking about emergent bilingual students, students with disabilities, and “struggling” students contributes to this failure of data reforms. They argue that blaming these groups for test scores ultimately works to uphold systemic racism, white supremacy, and other forms of injustice, and they conclude by offering recommendations for policy and practice.

Toward interventions to reduce internalized ageism

ABSTRACT Ageism is an insidious form of injustice that is internalized from an early age with accumulating negative health impacts across the lifespan. Internalized ageism has been associated with numerous public health outcomes, including physical and mental health, functional impairment, cognition, cardiovascular stress, hospitalizations, and longevity. Research has begun to document how ageism negatively impacts health through psychological, behavioral, and physiological pathways. Yet, limited research has addressed interventions to reduce internalized ageism. This article draws from stereotype embodiment theory and successful aging, presenting a conceptual model which incorporates potential downstream, midstream, and upstream interventions at micro, meso, and macro levels. The need to examine how policy influences health through the three pathways involved in stereotype embodiment theory is discussed. This study provides a working model for scholars and practitioners to use when considering paths toward reducing internalized ageism and optimizing well-being for aging adults.

Climate change, COVID-19, and the co-production of injustices: a feminist reading of overlapping crises

ABSTRACT The overlapping global socio-ecological crises of climate change and COVID-19 pandemic have simultaneously dominated discussions since 2020. The connections between them expose underbellies of structural inequities and systemic marginalizations across scales and sites. While ongoing climate change amplifies, compounds, and creates new forms of injustices and stresses, all of which are interlinked and interconnected, the emergence of COVID-19 pandemic has also co-created new challenges, vulnerabilities, and burdens, as well as reinforcing old ones. An intersectional analysis of these overlapping but uneven global crises demonstrates the importance of investigating and addressing them simultaneously through a feminist lens. This allows for a more nuanced understanding of the co-production of injustices structurally, materially, and discursively.

Injustice for the sake of public health: Freeing prisoners in Portugal during the COVID-19 pandemic.

This case study analysis looks at Portuguese policy during the COVID‐19 pandemic whereby convicts were freed for the sake of public health. I defend this policy negatively by refuting the argument that suggested it involved various forms of injustice.

Backward-looking reparations and structural injustice

The ‘structural injustice’ framework is an increasingly influential way of thinking about historical injustice. Structural injustice theorists argue against reparations for historical injustice on the grounds that our focus should be on forward-looking responsibility for contemporary structural injustice. Through the use of a case study – the Caribbean Community (CARICOM’s) 10-Point Plan for reparations from 2014 – I argue that this reasoning is flawed. Backward-looking reparations can be justified on the basis of state liability over time. The value of backward-looking reparations is that they ensure that historical perpetrators do not evade their reparative obligations and that affected communities are taken seriously. However, I argue that this backward-looking approach should be supplemented by a forward-looking structural injustice approach and the ‘social connection model’ of responsibility, which can (a) expand the scope of responsible agents and forms of injustice that warrant repair and (b) explain how citizens living now can be expected to pay for crimes of the past.

Matter Out of Place: The Legacy of Strange Encounters in Asian American Studies

ABSTRACT This article takes the occasion of celebrating the theoretical long durée of Strange Encounters to think about two radically different forms of strange encounters. At the moment when Strange Encounters is celebrating its 20th anniversary it is important for feminists and scholars of race and ethnicity to reflect on the possibilities that Ahmed's work has provided for our critical perspectives about contemporary formations of race, gender and sexuality. The article considers two case studies: an art installation titled Enemy Kitchen by Michael Rakowitz and the memoir Know My Name by Chanel Miller. The article begins by thinking through what it means to form eating publics that often draw strangers together. Intimacy formed through strangers in this context is to be understood as generative and enabling. The kinds of intimacy that are enabled and formed through encounters with the stranger, I argue, are constitutive of positive social change that implicitly jettison the heteronormative logic of familial and familiar intimacy to imagine social worlds and possibilities in which radically different possibilities for coming together – via acts of shared commensality – are imagined and realized. The paper then moves to a different example of the encounter with the stranger, Chanel Miller's memoir. Using Ahmed's work, I explore what it means to confront strange encounters that involve coming into proximity with strange bodies that actually mean to harm women of colour. I shift from thinking about the enabling possibility of coming into contact with strangers to examine the latent violence of the encounter with the stranger that is structurally embedded in the rape survivor narrative. Together, these two examples allow me to ask how Ahmed's work has generated possibilities for a critically engaged form of social critique in Asian American Studies that takes on the challenge of confronting different forms of injustice.

Aristotle’s Virtue of Justice as an Ethical Solution to Political Corruption: Analysis and Reflection

This paper attempts to discuss Aristotle’s concept of justice as an ethical solution to political corruption. The goal of this paper is to present corruption as a form of injustice that deprives the majority from a common good. This paper is very important because it provides ethical solution to grand corruption whereby unscrupulous individuals divert funds meant for development of the entire society into private hands. Due to grand corruption the poor masses are deprived of quality basic needs. The paper focuses on corruption as an immoral act through the lens of Aristotle’s ethical and political insights. The virtue of justice in Aristotle’s ethical and political works are spelled out. The methodology used in this paper is analytical and applied. It is analytical because it analyses Aristotle’s understanding of virtue of justice in his moral theory especially in his book entitled Nicomachean Ethics and justice in his political theory. Finally, the paper makes subsequent applications of Aristotle’s virtue of justice in the realm of ethical solutions to the problem of corruption.

Perceived organisational justice among academic employees at a selected higher learning institution

Organisations depend on employees as crucial resources to execute duties aimed at realisation of organisational objectives. Organisational justice has been found to be a major predictor of employees’ performance and wellbeing. Studies found that employees tend to view justice in a different manner and that majority of employees tend to enjoy their work when they perceive that organisational justice exist within their organisation. The objective of this study was to examine the academic employees’ perceptions of organisational justice at a selected higher learning institution. A descriptive quantitative research approach was adopted in this study. A structured questionnaire developed by Colquitt (2001) was used to collect data from a convenient sample of 50 academic employees. The questionnaire consists of 20 items measuring three dimensions of organisational justice (procedural justice, distributive justice, and interactional justice) rated on a 7-point Likert scale. The collected data was analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) 26.0 published by the International Business Machines (IBM). The research findings revealed that in general, a slight majority of the respondents perceived some form of organisational justice to exist within their organisation (mean of 4.64). Although similar results were found in terms of the three dimensions of perceived organisational justice (4.19 for procedural justice, 5.14 for distributive justice and 4.78 for interactional justice), some form of injustice was reported to exist in relation to procedural justice. The study recommends that future researchers should continue to explore all the prospects of organisational justice in higher institutions of education.

Global Epistemic Injustice: An Ethical Confrontation With Jihadism

The aim of this article is to press the borders of philosophy to the terrain of literary studies and praxis of teaching. Starting from Kamila Shamsie's novel Home Fire, I try to enlarge the frame of Miranda Fricker's discussion of epistemic injustice. Indeed, Fricker's concern with everyday epistemic micro-aggressions can serve as a model of investigating global epistemic injustices. Shamsie's narrative about terrorism offers clear instances of testimonial injustice that fuse in other forms of injustices and form a continuum of epistemic injustice. Bringing the issue of terrorism and jihadism to the classroom and addressing it through philosophical epistemic lenses provides a precious occasion for an ethical confrontation with it. It is also a way to trespass the boundaries between the classroom and the outside world. The discussion with students raises the question of empathy, as constitutive of ethics, and looks into its limits.

Global (in)justice and the human right to housing. A practice-based approach

ABSTRACT Housing has become a political problem in the vast majority of cities around the world, highlighting obvious injustices. The article pursues the question to what extent the existing human right to housing can be of any interest here. The practice-based approach of Charles Beitz can help against the background of some systematic supplements. A ‘negative’ approach that distinguishes forms of injustice is an important prerequisite for a substantial use of human rights. The negative approach makes it possible to uncover injustices and shows the obstacles that stand in the way of a practice-based conception of human rights. The practice-based conception is, at the same time, necessary for the social analysis of the obstacles, in order to analyse human rights as well as to be able to justify human rights themselves. The current commodification of housing it is argued impedes the exercise of a practice-based conception of human rights in the way that Charles Beitz has suggested.

Medical Anthropology in the Time of COVID-19.

Medical Anthropology in the Time of COVID-19.

Poligami di Malaysia dan Indonesia Serta Relevansinya dengan Pemenuhan Hak Gender

This paper aims to find out the provisions of polygamy in Malaysia and Indonesia related to the protection and fulfillment of wife's rights from a gender perspective. The method of writing this article uses a comparison, by comparing the provisions of polygamy in the two countries then analyzing it with a gender approach. The result is that both countries allow polygamy. However, the provisions on the permissibility of practicing polygamy in Malaysia and Indonesia place more emphasis on physical conditions. Such as reasons because they are barren, aged, crazy and cannot serve and carry out their obligations as a wife. The ability of polygamy prioritizes the fulfillment of the husband's rights by providing solutions for channeling the husband's sexual desire. Whereas in the historical context, polygamy was carried out on the grounds of religious preaching and protection of widows and orphans. This provision is a form of injustice and discrimination against wives. The wife in a weak position has no choice and is the victim of these regulations. For this reason, it is necessary to add polygamy permissibility requirements where the prospective wife to be married is a widow who has orphans.

Revisiting Epistemic Injustice in the Context of Agency

What makes an injustice epistemic rather than ethical or political? How does the former, more recent category relate to the latter, better-known forms of injustice? To address these questions, the papers of this Special Issue investigate epistemic injustice in close connection to different conceptions of agency, both epistemic and practical.

Politics of land policies in Indonesia in the era of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

In the context of civic life, inequality is a form of injustice in development. This imbalance has the potential for the emergence of conflicts between and inter three elements, namely: the state, public and private. Agrarian reform is one way to overcome this inequality.In practice, implementing agrarian reform is not a simple and easy thing to do. The prerequisites for agrarian reform, both substantive and technical, are things that must exist. In many cases, the implementation of agrarian reform actually has an impact on the worsening of people's conditions.This research takes the case of the implementation of the agrarian reform policy that was carried out in the era of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). This research will answer questions related to how the politics of land policy implemented in Indonesia in the era of President SBY.

Determining our destiny: Do restrictions to collective autonomy fuel collective action?

Groups experience collective autonomy restriction whenever they perceive that other groups attempt to limit the freedom of their group to determine and express its own identity. We argue that collective autonomy restriction motivates groups (both structurally advantaged and disadvantaged) to improve their power position within the social hierarchy. Four studies spanning real-world (Studies 1 and 2) and lab-based (Studies 3 and 4) intergroup contexts supported these ideas. In Study 1 (N = 311), Black Americans' (a relatively disadvantaged group) experience of collective autonomy restriction was associated with greater support for collective action, and less system justification. In Study 2, we replicated these findings with another sample of Black Americans (N = 292). We also found that collective autonomy restriction was positively associated with White Americans' (a relatively advantaged group, N = 294) support for collective action and ideologies that bolster White's dominant position. In Study 3 (N = 387, 97 groups), groups that were susceptible to being controlled by a high-power group (i.e., were of low structural power) desired group power more when their collective autonomy was restricted (vs. supported). In Study 4 (N = 803, 257 groups) experiencing collective autonomy restriction (vs. support) increased low-power group members' support of collective action, decreased system justification, and evoked hostile emotions, both when groups were and were not materially exploited (by being tasked with more than their fair share of work). Across studies, we differentiate collective autonomy restriction from structural group power, other forms of injustice, group agency, and group identification. These findings indicate that collective autonomy restriction uniquely motivates collective behavior. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

داخلی امن و استحکام سے متعلق قرآنی مبادیات: ایجابی وسلبی پہلو:

Peace and security are the essential pre-requisites of a civilized human society, and thus fundamentally prime responsibility of a state to ensure its maintenance and consolidation. The Holy Quran, emphasizes the significance of peace and security, both internal and external, and provides perfect guidance laying down basic principles and guidelines encompassing diversified aspects of peace to bring about and maintain security and tranquility in the society under the elaborate state structure based on policy measures. These guiding principles of Quran, whenever put into practice, have yielded immensely beneficial outcome in terms of policy formulation and strategic implementation. Internal peace and security of a state can only be guaranteed if all the ingredients of social, economic, political and criminal justice, as ordained by Allah, are put in place. The positive measures prescribed by Holy Quran include character building of the citizens on the lines prescribed by Quran, economic welfare and social betterment of the masses besides social integration, political enlightenment and supremacy of law. Eradication of economic depravity and social inequalities, curbing criminal and anti-social elements, waging effective war against internal and external hostile forces and coming down on all forms of injustice with iron hands are the negative measures to achieve the goal of a peaceful and secure society in the light of Quran.

Reflection: Harnessing Energy of Social Movements for Lasting Change

We are witnessing a change in the social consciousness of people across the globe as they are rising up in protest against inequities, injustice, systemic racism, anti-Black racism, and other forms of oppression. Thousands of people are infected and dying from the COVID-19 pandemic which has impacted Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) disproportionately and has laid bare the structural inequities in healthcare and other aspects of society. The killing of George Floyd, an unarmed Black man, by the police has sparked not only national outcry in the U.S. and across the globe against anti-Black racism and other forms of injustice, but also conversations on systemic racism and white supremacy and their manifestations in policies and the daily lives of BIPOC. In this article I examine the role the protests and social movements for racial and economic justice can play in achieving lasting change in dismantling system racism, white supremacy, and the structures and policies that uphold it. I urge educators and organizations such as the National Association for Multicultural Education to harness the energy of the moment to call for changes in education and schooling grounded in decolonizing theory and practice. I end by calling for a rethinking and reimaging of diversity, equity, inclusion, social justice, and multicultural discourses, which some have argued, given the ongoing presence and impact of white supremacy and systemic racism in all facets of society including education, have not achieved the intended goals and in some instances have been coopted by those advancing neoliberal and neocolonial agendas.

Perampasan Ruang Hidup Dalam Referensial Alquran

Deprivation of the living sphere always interconnects with the power, precisely through a scenario of territorial and capitalist interests. In practical terms, deprivation of living space has neglected social aspects, as well as confirmed the occurrence of crisis at the social-ecological level. The crisis can also be categorized as the turbulent relationship between humans and humans with nature. In the Qur’anic referentiality, deprivation of living space is a kind of denial of the mandate of God. The essence of spreading mercy to all, as like giving rights to those who reserve, not doing unjust, no activities that damage and hurt anyone, humans, animals, nature, and all creatures, has been eliminated by the dominance of the sectoral ego. As a result, a form of injustice manifests a series of violence and destruction. As an essential factor in life, it is urgent to return the living space to its position as a social function attached to the material element. In this context, the social capital framework can be a node that could bring the community back to the trusted living, that the living sphere is a common need. The social capital framework will, in turn, bring back the social aspects that are absent from the material elements.

Representation of “mill girls” at a UNESCO World Heritage Site in Gunma, Japan

Distribution and recognition injustices are often inextricably linked throughout history. Economic exploitation of a minority group by a dominant group may even transition into cultural domination of the former group by the latter. However, dual and historical analysis of these two forms of injustices is scarce regarding representation of women in the context of tourism. This study explores how “mill girls,” young women who worked in the Tomioka Silk Mill, Japan, dating back to 1870–1940, are represented to tourists. A qualitative case study approach revealed that mill girls are represented in fantasized and sanitized forms. Also, only the short, most prosperous time of the mill is showcased at the expense of excluding the historic struggles of female workers. We argue based on our study that the touristic representations reflect persistent and changing forms of gender injustice that the mill girls have faced. While the mill girls were economically exploited as the mill was in operation, when the mill was turned into a cultural heritage, the form of economic injustice morphed into recognition injustice where the women’s experiences find little expression. The study points to the importance of understanding the role of tourism in perpetuating historically engrained gender injustices.

Hermeneutical Injustice, Contract Law, and Global Value Chains

Abstract Global value chains (GVCs) resist dominant contract framing, because presumptions about contract’s bilateral structure and party autonomy fail to capture the complex interconnections between private exchange relations. Contract law seems to obscure, rather than capture, the ways in which the relationships and experiences of various actors in GVCs are linked. This article argues that, in doing so, contract law contributes to systemic hermeneutical injustice. Systemic hermeneutical injustice captures how shared interpretative resources can render those in disadvantaged positions of social power unable to make intelligible that what is in their interest to render intelligible. The article’s primary aim is to show how this form of injustice bears on contract law and how it can function as an independent normative constraint on the institution of contract law.