Forms Of Citizenship Research Articles

Bringing city size in understanding the permanent settlement intention of rural–urban migrants in China

AbstractChina's recenthukoureform provides opportunities for rural–urban migrants to acquire formal citizenship and for the country's urbanisation to step into a fair and humanistic stage. However, the between‐city variation in migrants' intention ofhukoutransfer and the heterogeneity of its influencing factors have rarely been examined. These research gaps make it impossible to the rationality and effectiveness of the localisedhukouentry criteria formulated by city governments. In this paper, we addressed the gaps by using nationwide large‐sample survey data and a multilevel modelling approach with particular focus on the effects of city size. Results confirmed the higher willingness of migrants in larger cities forhukoutransfer, which is in sharp contradiction with the small‐city orientation of the currenthukoureform. Our findings further verified the greater preference of well‐educated migrants for large cities than less educated groups, implying an accelerated concentration of talents in leading cities. This research demonstrates the importance of the between‐city variation perspective in understanding the variegated thoughts of rural–urban migrants, the effectiveness of localised public policies, and the future of China's migrant‐dominated model of urbanisation.

Sustainability’s forgotten third E: what influences local government actions on social equity?

ABSTRACTWhat differentiates communities that emphasise social equity in their sustainability policy? We use a 2015 survey of 1899 cities and counties across the United States and find only 26% of local governments report prioritising social equity. We use a distributional justice lens to create measures of social equity policy, and a procedural justice lens to assess processes for community engagement. We find that both distributive and procedural justice are important in local sustainable development. Our regression models find that plans and organisational capacity are important, but what differentiates municipalities that engage in more social equity policy is procedural justice – formal citizen engagement through a citizen task force and cross agency collaboration, as well as explicit links to economic development actors – notably, municipal ownership of utilities, and pressure from local businesses. A more engaged governance that incorporates the public, business, with cross-sectoral government agencies may mitigate the conflicts between three Es and help localities pursue a more balanced local sustainability agenda.

Political (Tax) Equity in a Global Context – Some Initial Reflections on How Individuals May Indirectly Influence Tax Legislation and Public Spending In Sweden, Germany and the U.S.

Ongoing globalization and increased taxpayer mobility not only exacerbate already existing shortcomings when allocating taxing rights but also challenges formal citizenship as the basis for bestowing political rights and benefits as this practise instigates states to utilize citizenship as a tax incentive when attracting high-income earners, high-skilled workers and high-net value individuals. Challenging the traditional perception of formal citizenship as one may argue that this practise erodes its value and meaning in addition to highlighting the differentiation between individuals with reference to economic status. At present time, mobile individuals may as a result of disparities between tax allocation, formal citizenship and voting privileges contribute financially to a state yet not have the possibility to exercise influence over their situation due to the lack of formal citizenship and voting privileges in said state. The group who may influence taxation and public spending through voting is therefore not always the same as those who pay taxes. This issue is naturally complex as the group of individuals excluded from such political influencing is a highly diverse group, reaching from high-net individuals to state-less persons seeking asylum, subject to individual circumstances and needs. This paper separates itself from previous research within the tax scholarship as it does not focus on tax nexus or the right to participate in democratic influencing but rather on how individuals may influence tax legislation and public spending themselves other than through traditional voting. Tax rules and constitutionals safeguards offering taxpayer protection gathered from Sweden, Germany and the U.S. are introduced in order to describe and to what extent a taxpayer may exercise such influencing. The paper concludes that affluent individuals often have greater access to such legal instruments and subsequently indicates that political power is awarded to the few rather than the many. Arguing a present need to revise how political rights and benefits are allocated, both on a domestic level but also in the international context.

What makes a brand citizen in the restaurant industry?

We proposed a framework comprising the 3 dimensions of formal ownership practices (profit sharing, participation in decision making, and access to business information) that influence brand psychological ownership, thereby facilitating brand citizenship behavior. Data were collected from 342 frontline employees in restaurants in Taiwan. The results of structural equation modeling analysis showed that the 3 dimensions of formal ownership practices were all strong predictors of brand psychological ownership, which enhanced brand citizenship behavior. Also, brand psychological ownership was an effective mediator in the relationship between formal ownership practices and brand citizenship behavior. If employees are to demonstrate positive brand behavior, that is, brand citizenship behavior, it is necessary for organizations to generate employees’ positive brand awareness, that is, brand psychological ownership, which plays a cross-level intermediary role between corporate management and brand citizenship behavior.

Presentación. Las formas sociales de la biociudadanía

This special issue aims to contribute to the discussion around biocitizenship given the transformations in the field of biomedicine in recent years and the increase of social conditions that would be making new forms of citizenship emerge. Effectively for some decades, the forms of social control and the articulation between biology, identity and modern institutions do not follow a stable and univocal path.

Intractable conflict in the age of globalisation: An examination of the education system in Israel

This special issue explores various aspects of educational policy formation and enactment in the contemporary Israeli education system, a country where certain groups are dominating over the others in narrating and enacting certain forms of citizenship. The collection contains a high level of integration and collaboration. The papers reveal the tensions, power relationships and struggles that shape policies and their implementation in a country embroiled in a seemingly intractable conflict.

Identifying dead migrants: forensic care work and relational citizenship

ABSTRACTThe Mediterranean Sea has become an iconic site in the so-called migration crisis. Thousands of dead bodies have washed up on the southern beaches of Europe. We draw on ethnographic material collected at sites in Italy where the bodies of drowned migrants have been cared for by professionals and volunteers. We argue that while caring for the dead allows them to be identified as persons, it also produces relationships that go beyond formal citizenship. We introduce the notion of forensic care work to analyse the practice of identification and show how it produces a relational citizenship. We follow the movement of bodies from where they are found to examination and burial. We show that this process involves constant tinkering and experimenting with in this specific forensic practice and argue that caring for the dead requires caring for the forensic infrastructure.

How do schools affect inequalities in political participation: compensation of social disadvantage or provision of differential access?

Both direct and indirect influences have been assumed to impact the transmission of political orientations within families. A lower socioeconomic status is related to lower intended political participation of adolescents. Within this context, schools play a crucial role in political socialisation, as citizenship education is assumed to either equalise or maintain these social disparities. We analyse a sub-dataset of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2016 which includes 14-year-old students in four European countries: Belgium (Flanders), Denmark, Germany (North Rhine-Westphalia) and the Netherlands. Multi-level regression analyses reveal that formal citizenship education compensates the relationship between students’ socioeconomic status and intended electoral participation in Denmark, Germany (NRW) and the Netherlands, but not in Belgium (FL). Further, the composition of school classes is related to the perception of an open classroom climate in each of the four countries and to participation in civic activities at school in three countries.

Participación política de la población afrodescendiente en los procesos de ciudadanización del estado del Cauca, 1853-1863

El presente artículo aborda las formas de participación de la población afrodescendiente en los procesos de construcción y ampliación de la ciudadanía en el estado del Cauca entre 1853-1863. El argumento central indica que los afrocaucanos, excluidos de la ciudadanía formal, participaron de los procesos de ciudadanización a través de reivindicaciones y demandas ciudadanas de tipo convencional y no-convencional. Esta población usósu capital social para salir de la sombra eincursionar en los asuntos públicos, así como disputar y configurar diversos caminos para la ciudadanización.

Staging Baghdad as a Problem of Development

This article examines a cinematic artefact from 1957 titled The Housing Program of Iraq, which contains rare footage of sarifa (reed and mud) settlements inhabited by rural migrants in mid-century Baghdad. The film, which was never finished, was produced as a collaboration between the Greek architect Constantinos A. Doxiadis and the director Demetrios Gaziades, who shot and edited the footage between Baghdad and Athens. Through this film Doxiadis intended to complement the Doxiadis Associates’ (DA) entry for the Iraq National Housing Exhibition and also to promote the modern housing projects designed by DA. In this period, various statist actors used the representational medium of documentary film in an attempt to redefine the boundaries of Iraqi citizenship. This film, thus, offered a cinematic portal into an other Baghdad, which was staged as the problem of development. Subsequent scenes narrated the solution to these neighbourhoods and positioned a family in a modern low-income house to animate the film’s developmental fantasy. The film projected universal Iraqi home ownership as a form of citizenship where the house was an instrument to facilitate financial, legal, and social agreements between rural migrants and the Iraqi state. By interrogating the methodological question of how to assemble an archive of ephemeral and subaltern places, this essay suggests expanding our notion of historiographic evidence to understand the intertwined relationships between the politics of development and architecture, and their representation in media.

Insecurities of Expulsion

Abstract This article examines citizenship formations and political practices in relation to racialized and gendered postcolonial insecurities for the “Asian community” in contemporary Uganda. After disaggregating the notion of Asian community, it examines (1) how formalistic, liberal, and legal-juridical conceptions of citizenship and political practice are ineffective analytics in the context of Africanization efforts and racialized expulsion in Uganda; and (2) the tendency to erase people of South Asian descent from the study of normative state-society relations and political engagement via civil society in mainstream scholarship. It argues for a productive synthesis of Indian and African postcolonial theories of democratic agency and political practice by analyzing the possibilities and limitations of Partha Chatterjee's notion of “political society” relative to local community governance and the cultural politics of informal citizenship practices in contemporary Uganda. Contemporary citizenship formations are richly textured practices that can be both democratic and antidemocratic in nature, often characterized by disavowal of liberal, legal-juridical forms of citizenship. Finally, by closely examining domains of gender-based activism and coalition building within and across racialized communities, this essay explores the possibilities for popular politics and democratic, inclusionary multiracial and gendered citizenship in the post-Asian-expulsion context of Uganda.

‘Escaping’ managed labour migration: worker exit as precarious migrant agency

ABSTRACT This article narrows in on the mundane yet extraordinary events surrounding migrant farm workers’ decisions to leave their state-approved employment and to seek a better life in Canada outside of state-managed circulatory labour migration. In so doing, this research contributes to conceptualisations of precarity, and of precarious status in particular, that are beginning to recognise its effects not only on workers’ economic survival, but also the more ordinary daily conditions surrounding workers’ sense belonging and personal autonomy. In their refusal to accept the terms of their contractual circulatory labour migration agreements through what is conceptualised here as an act of ‘escape’, workers claim a space of belonging that contradicts the precarity of their formal citizenship status. In carving out a space in which they may perform autonomy and self-determination in daily life, however, this rejection of contingent citizenship status intensifies the precarious material conditions governing workers’ relationship to the state.

THE ROLE OF A PARTICIPATORY SPACE IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CITIZENSHIP

Research and policymaking are paying increasing attention to the development of citizenship, stimulated by the transition towards a participatory society. In this paper we focus specifically on citizens in mental health and homeless care, whose citizenship is often underdeveloped. Pols (2016) endorses the need for a participatory space outside home or work where people in a vulnerable position can develop relational citizenship. We reflect on the influence a participatory space can have on the development of individual and democratic citizenship besides the more commonly described relational citizenship. We specifically focus on characteristics of a participatory space that can influence the development of citizenship. To this end we use both theoretical insights and empirical data from a longitudinal participatory study into Je Eigen Stek (JES, Your own place), a self-managed transitional programme in homeless care. JES as a participatory space contributes to the development of individual, relational and democratic citizenship, even though not all participants benefit equally. The different forms of citizenship both hinder and stimulate each other. Our paper brings to light aspects of a participatory space that can influence the development of individual, relational and democratic citizenship. We also found indications for the importance of looking at physical aspects of a participatory space in relation to the development of citizenship. Citizens in homeless care are able to develop citizenship, supported by a participatory space if adequately facilitated. It is therefore important to assess the quality of the participatory space.

Creating hierarchies of noncitizens: race, gender, and visa categories in South Korea

ABSTRACT Building on Charles Tilly's theory of categorical inequality, this article examines how the proliferation of visa categories created to accommodate labour shortages in South Korea has led to the development of noncitizen hierarchies. Although contemporary immigration policies in liberal democracies do not explicitly exclude particular categories of people based on race and gender, they continue to apply discriminatory measures that reinforce social inequalities. In countries where noncitizens range from migrant labourers to native-born foreign residents, visa categories are critical determinants of a migrant's residency status, eligibility for state-sponsored rights, geographic mobility, and prospects for citizenship acquisition. This article analyzes three levels of interaction between de facto and de jure categorical differentiation: (1) the extension of racial, gendered, and class-based meaning to specific visa categories (or, how the de facto informs the de jure); (2) the institutionalisation of categorical inequality (or, how the de jure hardens the de facto); and (3) the structural effects (or, how the de facto and de jure shape patterns of incorporation). By examining the process by which seemingly race and gender-neutral categories and policies assume meaning and convey power, we are better equipped to explore emergent forms of citizenship and non-citizenship, racial politics, and social hierarchies.

Denationalisation and discrimination

ABSTRACT In this piece, I consider the relationship between denationalisation and discrimination. Denationalisation, the involuntary removal of citizenship or nationality by the state, has a dark history, reflected in the Nazi use of the power. Yet before 1945, many liberal democratic states also practiced citizenship-stripping, in ways informed by considerations of gender, race, national origin, and mode of citizenship acquisition. As denationalisation is currently making a revival across a range of liberal democratic states as a way of responding to ‘home grown’ terrorists, a question emerges: Do recent denationalisation provisions manage to break free of this discriminatory past? Here, I use a discussion of denationalisation’s history and examination of the U.K. as the basis for a critical assessment of the power’s contemporary incarnations. I find that contemporary denationalisation power is still a powerful tracer of groups within the polity who, despite holding formal citizenship, are viewed as foreign.

Navigating HIV citizenship: identities, risks and biological citizenship in the treatment as prevention era

The use of HIV Treatment as Prevention (TasP) has radically changed our understandings of HIV risk and revolutionised global HIV prevention policy to focus on the use of pharmaceuticals. Yet, there has been little engagement with the very people expected to comply with a daily pharmaceutical regime. We employ the concept of HIV citizenship to explore responses by people living with HIV in the UK to TasP. We consider how a treatment-based public health strategy has the potential to reshape identities, self-governance and forms of citizenship, domains which play a critical role not only in compliance with new TasP policies, but in how HIV prevention, serodiscordant relationships and (sexual) health are negotiated and enacted. Our findings disrupt the biomedical narrative which claims an end to HIV through scaling up access to treatment. Responses to TasP were framed through shifting negotiations of identity, linked to biomarkers, cure and managing treatment. Toxicity of drugs – and bodies – were seen as something to manage and linked to the shifting possibilities in serodiscordant environments. Finally, a sense of being healthy and responsible, including appropriate use of resources, meant conflicting relationships with if and when to start treatment. Our research highlights how HIV citizenship in the TasP era is negotiated and influenced by intersectional experiences of community, health systems, illness and treatment. Our findings show that the complexities of HIV citizenship and ongoing inequalities, and their biopolitical implications, will intimately shape the implementation and sustainability of TasP.

Unequal urban rights: Critical reflections on property and urban citizenship

In the fast-growing cities of the Global South, urban forms of citizenship and urban rights are unequally defined and locally negotiated. The aim of this paper is to add the themes of property, landownership and housing as perspectives in the understanding of urban citizenship and to demonstrate how the urban is an arena for the negotiation of rights. This is done by examining urban citizenship and the graduated system of locally negotiated rights, including the right to property, the right to belong to an urban community and the right to urban resources. The research is located geographically in Nepal, where a typology of different classes of citizenship is developed in order to explain how classes of urban citizenship have different rights in the urban. Central to this is an analysis of unequal rights and unequal access to essential urban resources and services. The paper finds that the definition of (new) classes of urban citizenship in Nepal is critically embedded in historical practices and social structures. This demonstrates the relevance of further research into exclusionary practices in urban areas in the rapidly urbanising Global South and adds to the discussion of different types of urban citizenship and unequal rights to the urban space.

Vigilantism A 'Twilight Institution': Islamic Vigilante Groups and the State in Post-Suharto Yogyakarta

The paper attempts to comprehend the nexus between identity politics, vigilantism, and citizenship within Islamist groups in Yogyakarta in the post-Suharto era. As numerous studies have revealed, post-Suharto era’s democracy in Indonesia has been marked by the persistence of militias, gangs, vigilantism, and street politics. These groups have largely embraced ethnicity, religion, and localism as their symbolism that represents a community that they claim they are defending. The widespread of identity-based groups that frequently breaking the law and public order have been portrayed either as the emergence of ‘uncivil society’ elements that challenging the state authority and threatening the very foundations of civil society and democratic values (see Beittenger, 2009, Jones, 2015, Hefner, 2016) or as the criminals that defend the political and economic interest of the oligarchic elites (Hadiz, 2003:607). Without rejecting certain degree of fact within these studies, the article suggests that these explanations failed to understand the complexity of such groups and what constitutes their persistence in the local political landscape. This article argues that such groups have exercised a form of citizenship that is characterised by the mobilisation of local support, patronage politics and discourse of localised ‘Islamic populism’. In this regard, it suggests that the prominence of Islamist-vigilante groups in Yogyakarta lies in their role as ‘Twilight institution’ that can channel the citizens into the state institutions not just to negotiating their basic rights such as employment and public service through exploiting violence, patronage, and security business but also to defending their imagined and localised Ummah community. In doing so, it embraces the notions that boundary between state and non-state is far more complex and often blurred; therefore, it will be fruitful to recognize that the state authority should be regarded as mingled result of the exercise of power by a variety of local institutions and the imposition of external institutions rather than a coherent and fixed institution (Migdal, 2004, Lunds, 2006).In making such arguments, the paper takes the role of Islamist groups in Yogyakarta particularly groups that loosely associated with the Development United Party (PPP) such as Gerakan Pemuda Kaaba (Kaaba Youth Movement), Gerakan Anti Maksiat (Anti-Vice Movement), and Laskar Hizbullah (Hizbullah troops) as the exemplar for elucidating the intersection between identity politics, vigilantism, and citizenship in localized political landscape. The primary data was conducted through in-depth interviews as well as participatory observations during 2014-2016.

Local and Transnational Citizenship

Citizenship constitutes a mechanism of social closure, securing opening toward the members and closing against aliens. Over the past decades, political discourses, practices and legislation have not only reflected changing understandings of national citizenship but also the emergence of citizenship “below” on the local and regional level and “above” on the trans- and supranational level, in the guise of dual citizenship and European Union citizenship. These forms of citizenship carry the potential to alleviate the exclusions produced by national citizenship.

The Performance Contexts of Trochaic Tetrameters Catalectic

The paper explores the evidence for the archaic performance context or contexts of Archilochus’ and Solon’s trochaic tetrameter catalectic poems, noting that they were chanted rather than sung or spoken and thus different from both elegy and iambic trimeters. It argues that in Archilochus’ fragments apparently lengthy battle-narratives, concern with the polis as a whole, and addresses to elite individuals point to their first audience being a formal gathering of warrior-citizens, perhaps before a battle, or perhaps at a mass cremation following a battle such as that attested by the late-eighth-century polyandrion in Paroikia. It is suggested that Solon’s very political tetrameters may also have been addressed to a formal citizen assembly, with possible reperformance at the Apatouria.