Foreign Policy In Central Asia Research Articles

CONTEMPORARY PROCESSES IN CENTRAL ASIA AND CHINA'S DIPLOMACY IN THE REGION IN THE ERA OF UPGRADED COOPERATION

In this academic article, an attempt is made to present the perception of Chinese scholars on the development of contemporary processes in Central Asia and the policies of foreign states and unions in the region in the context of changing international and regional dynamics. The research results shed light on the existing perceptions within Chinese academic circles regarding the current state and trajectory of Central Asian countries' relations with foreign actors, ongoing geopolitical changes, the process of strengthening intra-regional cooperation, and a significant shift in China's foreign policy in Central Asia.

The Main Factors Underpinning Turkey–China Relations: The ‘Turkic World’ Narrative and Its Implications for Future Relations

This article analyses how shifts in the international system and Turkish domestic factors determine the current relations between Turkey and China. They are combined with changes in the international system and Turkish domestic economic, political and ideological factors. The Uyghur issue, Turkey’s new activism in Central Asia, and the ‘Turkic narrative’ are analysed in the context of bilateral relations. The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War brought the ‘Turkic narrative’ to a new level and gave new impetus and confidence to Ankara in forging a new assertive foreign policy in Central Asia, which could be a challenge for Beijing in the future.

The EU Foreign Policy in Central Asia: Structural and Relational Dimensions

The EU foreign policy in Central Asia pursues both structural and relational objectives. In contrast to the 1990s, the EU no longer prioritizes the transition and modernization of countries from the region but focuses on their resilience. Compared to the policies of China, Russia, or the US, the EU exerts a more limited influence on its partner countries that varies across domains and issue areas. While the Union is losing the structural power competition in this region, it nevertheless maintains its ambition to be and act as a pole of the international system. The EU conducts its dialogue and cooperation with the Central Asian states mainly in a multilateral “region-to-region” format. At the same time the Union adopts differentiated approaches towards individual countries. Many observers assert that as an international actor, the EU is more trusted than other major powers in Central Asia. It aims to support the independent development of the sovereign Central Asian countries, contributing significantly to the emergence of some degree of regionalization in this part of the world. It is on this perceived benevolence that the EU can capitalize.

The Central Asian Direction of French Foreign Policy (1992-2022)

From the moment of the collapse of the USSR to the present days France showed interest in building relations with the countries of Central Asia in a wide range of areas of interaction. France was one of the first European states to recognize the independence of the new republics. The article is aimed to expand knowledge about French policy in Central Asia and the factors that determine the interest of Paris in the Eurasian region. In the context of the transformation of the world order and global geopolitical tensions France's capabilities are narrowing which encourages Paris to pursue a proactive foreign policy on the Central Asian track. At the same time the place of France's ideological and value rhetoric in its foreign policy in the Central Asian countries is gradually occupied by economic reasonability. France's interests in the region are focused on energy resources and Afghan issues. France's efforts are aimed at reducing the dependence of Central Asian countries on Russia and China. It is concluded that France is strengthening the economic dimension of its foreign policy in Central Asia with an emphasis on expanding cooperation with the two leading countries of the region - Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan.

Religious and Political Factor in Iran's Foreign Policy in Central Asia

This article highlights the role of the religious factor in Iran's foreign policy in Central Asia. In order to determine the priority directions of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the stages of formation and development of foreign policy towards Central Asia were analyzed. The significance of the concept of "Shiа crescent" (Shiа triangle) has been studied as the main direction of Iran's foreign policy and its reflection in cooperation with the countries of Central Asia and the Middle East. In the foreign policy of official Tehran in relation to the countries of the region, the reasons for rejecting the idea of "exporting" the revolution and the reasons for reorientation to a pragmatic policy were also analyzed. Iran's approaches to solving security problems in Central Asia have been studied. Special attention was paid to the strategic importance of Iran for Central Asia, at the present stage, common interests and directions for the development of economic relations between Iran and the Central Asian states were highlighted. In the 90s of the last century, Iran, using religious rhetoric, tried to lay the foundation for a policy towards the countries of Central Asia. It can be said that the countries of the region found themselves in such a difficult situation as the choice between a secular regime and a religious renaissance. Despite the confessional differences with the countries of the region, it should be noted that Iran sought to support political Islamic groups in the region. Key words: Iran, Shiism, Central Asia, religious factor, exporting the revolution, Islam.

Small State Foreign Policy in Central Asia: The Cases of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan

This article examines and compares the foreign policy preferences of three small states in Central Asia, namely Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, in the post-independence era. Although the three countries share similar features, such as a common Soviet legacy, landlocked position, and population size, the foreign policy behavior differs in Turkmenistan. While Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan align with Russia, Turkmenistan embraces permanent neutrality. This study argues that natural resource endowment, coupled with fewer internal threats and geographical constraints compared to Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, helped Turkmenistan to pursue a neutral and more independent foreign policy. Yet, over-reliance on China as the major buyer of Turkmen natural gas may make it difficult to sustain permanent neutrality.

Eurasian Concept: Central Asia in Russian and Chinese Foreign Policy

This article focuses on the reasons for both increasing attention to Eurasian ideology among political and scientific circles in Russia and the Chinese interest in Central Asia. Given a realistic paradigm, the authors analyzed aspects of Russian and Chinese foreign policy in the context of strengthening their influence in the region. Based on traditional values the ideology of Eurasianism is considered as a basis of Russias foreign policy in Central Asia. The authors paid attention to an analysis of the effectiveness of the Russian concept of Eurasianism and the Chinese initiative the Belt and Road Initiative, reminiscent of the Silk Road, in Central Asia. The paper covers theoretical-analytical and systemic-historical methods that offered an opportunity both to analyze the approaches of Russia and China to strengthen their influence in Central Asia and to examine the possibilities and contradictions of cooperation between Russia and China in Central Asia. The authors consider an interface among the EAEU and the Belt and Road Initiative as an opportunity to increase the efficiency of Russian-Chinese interaction, to create significant benefits to the countries in the Central Asia, and to expand the Russian and Chinese presence in the region. The authors pointed out the strengths and weaknesses of Russia and China in their interaction with the countries of Central Asia. Although Russia enjoys significant advantages, China is strengthening its presence in the region by its investments. The main hypothesis of this article is that the interface among the EAEU and the Belt and Road Initiative initiatives may curb competition between Russia and China in Central Asia, but the authors do not rule out the Shanghai scenario, which demonstrates a gradual strengthening of Chinas position.

EU Policy in Central Asia

Geography and a preference for regional approaches have an impact on EU foreign policy. From the EU perspective, the countries of Central Asia are classified as “neighbors of EU neighbors.” The EU’s policies assume the existence of strong centripetal forces in the Eurasian heartland, whereas in fact the regionalization is still in the initial stages there. Consequently, EU foreign policy in Central Asia pursues both structural and relational objectives. The specific goals and performance of EU member states add a two-tier dimension to this process. In parallel with other external actors such as Japan, the United States, South Korea, and India, the European Union conducts its dialogue and cooperation with the Central Asian states in a 5+1 format. Compared to the policies of China, Turkey, or Russia, the EU has much more limited influence. It primarily aims to support the independent development of the Central Asian countries, for which some degree of regionalization appears to be a prerequisite.

Features of the US Foreign Policy Towards the Central Asian States

The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia’s economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington’s policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of “exporting democracy”; attempts to “nurture” the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent “appointment” of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of “democratization” from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.

The Biden white house and the new foreign policy in Central Asia

The world anxiously waited for the results of the US presidential election in 2020, expecting a new direction by the new president and his White House’s policy towards its friends and foes alike. Now President-elect Joe Biden and his administration will assume power on January 20, 2021, the White House’s worldview and policy will most certainly either change or modify President Donald Trump’s diplomatic, economic, and military engagements in the Central Asian countries. These and other issues will become critical concerns for policymakers and scholars of international relations for years to come. This article explores the background of the US foreign policy in these Asian countries and presents an analysis and potential areas for engagement of the Biden administration in the Central Asian region. The modern dynamics of international realities requires a constant analysis of the ongoing changes for the operational calibration of internal and external management decisions for both regional and non-regional actors. As an international actor the US will have to be responsible to keep the world and regional balance in the region by trying to get its place in the region in the realities of Chinese – Russian dominance. Key words: Central Asia, US, Joe Biden, White House, policy, geopolitics

THE IMPORTANCE OF CENTRAL ASIA IN CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY AND BEIJING’S SOFT POWER INSTRUMENTS

Throughout history, Central Asia was seen as a vital region by the great powers that struggled for the influence in this region in the past. After the breakdown of the Soviet Union, new independent states have emerged in Central Asia. This article provides an analysis of China’s implementation of foreign policy towards Central Asian states through soft power. China recently implemented the idea of soft power as a crucial foreign policy instrument. The study focuses on the fact that soft diplomacy can be essential in forming an attractive image of China in the international arena. Furthermore, it argues that China’s ambition to become more authoritative in the region is associated with the activation of efforts in its soft power policy. Employment of soft power is entirely determined by China’s national interests. It is in China’s national interests to establish a secure and peaceful climate for its economic advance, to adjust its vast and growing energy needs, and to curtail the domination of other powerful actors. Thus, this article offers an analysis of China’s soft power and its application within the Central Asian region in pursuit of its foreign policy tasks. The paper aims to solve the following problem: What is China’s soft power and how does it use it in the Central Asian states? To address the problem, we compare Chinese soft power to the policy of other regional actors. The goal is to study China’s foreign policy in Central Asia, with the purpose of highlighting Chinese political strategy in the region. The article begins with the discussion of China’s foreign policy chief aims and objectives to understand the meaning of good neighborhood diplomacy, which forms the basis of China’s soft power diplomacy in Central Asia.

Iran’s Soft Power Tools in Kyrgyzstan

The article examines the use of “soft power” tools used by Iran in relation to Kyrgyzstan. The analysis of the evolving fundamental concepts of Iranian foreign policy in Central Asia allowed us to trace a shift in the Islamic Republic’s international priorities in the region. Objective logic prompted the Iranian leadership to move from “exporting the Islamic revolution” to the pragmatic model of pursuing its national interests. Iran has consecutively incorporated soft power tools into its foreign policy activities in Central Asia. Given the pressure from the sanctions imposed by the United States, Iran attaches particular importance to improving the effectiveness of its soft power in order to expand cooperation horizons with the outside world. By the end of the 20th century, Iran’s leadership had already laid the foundations of its cultural diplomacy in the region, which mainly served to promote influence through the export of cultural values. The Iranian approach to soft power in world politics is based on the principles of reciprocity between different civilizations and peaceful coexistence of all countries and peoples. Through the Persian language, philosophy, literature and poetry, Iran influences the population of the Central Asian region, mainly the peoples sharing certain features with the Turkic-speaking world. Iran’s cultural and educational activities in Kyrgyzstan have demonstrated noticeable dynamics: the spread of soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Kyrgyzstan is carried out through cultural institutions and educational projects. Despite the fact that Kyrgyzstan is culturally more inclined towards the Turkic world, the experience shows that Iran’s cultural values also find support among the population of the republic.

Public diplomacy of Japan in Central Asia: the examples of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan

This study focuses on the role of public diplomacy in shaping and implementing Japan’s foreign policy in Central Asia. Based on elements of cultural empathy, Japan creates an attractive image in Central Asia through the active use of public diplomacy resources and official development assistance. The central issue is that Japan uses public diplomacy in Central Asia more actively than is officially indicated. The dynamics of the development of foreign policy relations between Japan and Central Asia (CA) is examined by analyzing the examples of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, focusing on common areas of cooperation and manifestations of public diplomacy in the two countries. Qualitative research methods are used in work, including analysis of the content of documents and interviews. Both in the documents and responses in the interviews, in line with a constructivist approach to international relations, evidence was sought on how Japan identifies and promotes itself with the CA region and the countries concerned, and on the use of public diplomacy as a social power tool respectively. It was concluded that Japan has several areas of interest in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, including cooperation in the fields of education, economic development in the region, political reforms, and energy resources. Following Japan’s new initiative in 2015, the countries of Central Asia and Japan have established diplomatic ties and partnerships that continue to grow. Even though the analyzed documents seem to show that Japan’s interest in CA is low, the existence of implemented projects proves the opposite.

Development of Сooperation Between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union at the Present Stage

After the collapse of the USSR, the West received favorable conditions for promoting its geopolitical interests. Accordingly, the European Union began to establish relations with the countries of Central Asia. The EU policy in Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century is characterized by the fact that Brussels concentrated its efforts on the allocation of economic assistance, the promotion of democracy and market relations. The EU policy in the Central Asian republics was based on cooperation and partnership Agreements signed with the leadership of the countries of the region. These agreements were intended to formalize the political and economic relations of the countries of the region with the EU. The role of the Central Asian countries in EU foreign policy was more clearly defined after the adoption of the European Union Strategy for Central Asia in 2007. The European Union has taken a number of steps to strengthen its position in the region. Several formats of bilateral and regional cooperation have been created, and EU representative offices have been opened in the countries of the region.Over the past decade, the European Union has significantly intensified its foreign policy in Central Asia. It expanded diplomatic ties and successfully implemented mechanisms for developing cooperation with Central Asia. In particular, it has expanded its presence in the region, successfully launching several of its strategic programs in various areas of cooperation.In 2019, the European Union adopted a new Strategy for Central Asia. This is the first radical revision of the document adopted in 2007. This indicates a desire to update the base of interac tion and to build relations with the countries of the region in a new way. The European Union pays special attention to such areas of cooperation as energy issues, global security problems and joint struggle against the threats of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and radical extremism, transport and infrastructure. Particular attention is paid to the prospects and problems of the EU’s interaction with the Kyrgyz Republic, which cover various aspects: political, economic, social, trade, cultural. On 19 November 2017, the European Union and the Kyrgyz Republic began negotiations to update the existing bilateral agreement, which is intended to replace the partnership and cooperation Agreement. After the completion of the negotiations, a new agreement on expanded partnership and cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union was initialed on July 6, 2019. It includes new areas of cooperation and significantly improves the regulatory framework for trade and economic relations in accordance with WTO rules and regional economic agreements. The new agreement provides for cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the EU in areas such as: policy and reform, enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security issues, in the areas of justice, security and freedoms, as well as in trade.

Public Diplomacy as an Instrument for Obtaining Foreign Policy Goals of the USA in Central Asia

The article deals with the features of public diplomacy resource’ application in US foreign policy in Central Asia. The author claims that American public diplomacy which has been actively working in the region since the collapse of the USSR appears to be an important instrument of achievement of not only regional, but also global objectives of the USA. Despite a certain de-emphasis on the Central Asian direction in the American foreign policy at the present stage, the rising Russian public diplomacy activity and increasing Chinese influence in the region forces Americans to look for public diplomacy response in order to secure their positions in this important, from geopolitical viewpoint and energy resource perspective, region. The aforementioned tendencies shape a competitive regional environment for implementation of public diplomacy.

Evolution of the ‘Russian factor’ in Japanese foreign policy in Central Asia

Evolution of the ‘Russian factor’ in Japanese foreign policy in Central Asia

ВНЕШНЯЯ ПОЛИТИКА РОССИИ В ЦЕНТРАЛЬНОЙ АЗИИ: МЕТОДЫ МЯГКОЙ И ЖЕСТКОЙ СИЛЫ

Russia’s foreign policy in Central Asia from the point of view of soft and hard power concepts is considered. Foreign policy is an important element of the state apparatus, which is becoming increasingly important in a globalizing world. Integration at different levels requires the search for increasingly new and effective methods of foreign policy interaction. On the example of soft and hard power strategies, an analysis of the methods of Russia’s foreign policy in the Central Asian region is conducted. The article analyzes the possibility of searching for new models of cooperation. This region is selected based on historical features of the relationship both in the times of the USSR, and earlier. In addition, the countries of the region actively cooperate and interact in political, economic, energy, social, and other fields. All this causes the existence of the basis for the existence of mechanisms of soft, hard power in Russia, as one of the most interested party in participating in the processes taking place in the region. Thus, Russia uses the opportunities and advantages of spreading Russian as one of the main instruments of soft power. There is also a military political presence in the region within the framework of mutually cooperative relations. All this allows us to promote our foreign policy and to coordinate with other countries in this direction.

Identity Politics of Turkey Towards Central Asia

If we consider that identity is shaped in an objective frame formed by geopolitical, historical and cultural factors (Gadjiyev, 2013, p. 1-21), it will not be possible to draw a predictive scenario analysis without comparison of past and present situation of identity basedon Central Asia relations of Turkey and Russia that providing antithesis integration models to each other in historical context. So, this paper aims to find out reasons and outcomes of Turkey’s foreign policy in Central Asia based on Turkic identity and also difficulties while applying so. Thus, previous research outcomes will be used to highlight the concept. Also, Central Asian states attempts towards integration will be analyzed. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n6s2p21

Central Asia/Caspian Sea Basin Region after the Withdrawal of U.S. and NATO Troops from Afghanistan

ABSTRACT Concern has been growing that, in light of the major U.S. policy decision to withdraw from Afghanistan in 2014, U.S. interests and foreign policy in Central Asia and the Caspian Sea Basin Region are in danger of falling between the stools through a combination of shifting priorities, diminishing resources, and Central Asia “fatigue.” As a result, the NCAFP conducted a Roundtable to address the following three questions: Why is the region important to U.S. strategic interests, why is it necessary for the United States to maintain a presence in the region, and what would be the consequences if the United States walks away? The report explains the importance of U.S. strategic interests in the region and sets forth specific policy recommendations.

The Emerging US-China-Russia Strategic Triangle in Central Asia

본 논문은 최근 중앙아시아 국제관계의 최대 논쟁인 중국의 “평화적 부상(peaceful rise)” 이 기존 지역 강대국인 미국, 러시아와의 세력균형에 가져온 변화를 연구한다. 중국의 부상이 대개 미국의 힘을 약화시키는 방향으로 이루어진 것을 강조하는 연구들이 주류를 이루었으나, 본 연구는 중국-러시아 관계를 강조하고 최근 중국 부상을 견제하기 위한 러시아의 재부상을 분석한다. 2004년 월포스(William C. Wohlforth)의 연구는 중앙아시아 국가들이 기존 강대국인 러시아를 견제하기 위하여 새로운 강대국인 미국이나 중국에 편승하지 않는 점에 주목하였다. 본 연구는 2011년 현재 이러한 월포스의 가설이 여전히 중앙아시아 국가들의 대(對) 강대국 외교행위를 설명하는지를 살펴본다.