Field Of Foreign Policy Research Articles

Cultura e geopolítica

Este artigo explora como a política externa norte-americana e os embates específicos do campo cultural se sobrepõem na trajetória de exposições do MoMA, buscando desvelar como os imaginários de arquitetura latinoamericana cristalizados na exposição Latin American Architecture since 1945 (1955) se articulam com os esforços de integração do subcontinente noarcabouço geopolítico da Guerra Fria.

China-Bangladesh Relation: a Quest for Bangladesh’s Integrating into Sino-Myanmar Connectivity

This paper attempts to investigate the necessity of improved China-Bangladesh relation tointegrating into Sino-Myanmar connectivity following qualitative research methodology andsecondary literature. To realise Bangladesh's economic dream and attain its geostrategicpriority, she needs to extend her connectivity with the Southeast and East Asian countries.Though Bangladesh maintains excellent relationships with her giant neighbour India, it isconjectured that sole reliance of Bangladesh over India is perhaps not enough to fulfil her vision.However, to reach out to the east, she needs to fortify her relationship with her other neighbourMyanmar as the gateway. A sustained and stable relation with Myanmar opens the scope forBangladesh to tread into Sino-Myanmar connectivity, which will eventually assist Bangladesh toattain her dream. Here comes the role of China, which traditionally has a time-tested bond withMyanmar. Bangladesh has a deep-rooted historical tie with China which leaves room forBangladesh to exploit in the fields of economy, foreign policy, energy security and geostrategicissues. Bangladesh has much to gain from China by integrating herself into a good number ofChina-led regional initiatives. Good relation with China is essential for Bangladesh to integrateinto Sino-Myanmar connectivity, which is vital to realise her dream. However, while Bangladeshneeds to make India believe that whatever relations she is fostering with China is only for hereconomic progress, not for challenging India’s hegemony.

Енергетична політика України: конституційно-правовий аспект

Метою статті є окреслення загального підходу до розуміння енергетичної політики України у контексті конституційної теорії та дослідження її основних конституційно-правових засад.
 Наукова новизна статті полягає у формуванні єдиного підходу до розуміння енергетичної політики в теорії конституційного права, структуруванні та встановленні зв’язків з дотичними поняттями.
 Висновки. У конституційно правовому розумінні енергетичну політику доцільно розглядати в якості однієї з основних складових енергетичної безпеки держави, яка (енергетична політика) охоплює енергетичну стратегію, внутрішню і зовнішню енергетичну політику, а також енергетичну дипломатію, як основний інструмент здійснення зовнішньополітичної діяльності у цій сфері.
 Спрямованість енергетичної політики держави на максимальне підвищення енергетичної незалежності та захист енергетичних інтересів має також враховувати ряд конституційних засад та принципів, які значною мірою впливають на формування такої політики, як то визнання людини найвищою соціальної цінністю, дія принципу верховенства права, забезпечення екологічної безпеки, превалювання мирного вирішення проблем та співробітництва у сфері зовнішньополітичної діяльності України.
 Ефективне здійснення енергетичної політики, в свою чергу, залежить від вдалої співпраці та взаємодії Верховної Ради України, Президента України та Кабінету Міністрів України, які мають ключові повноваження у цій сфері відповідно до Конституції України.

Source Criticism and the History of Brazilian Foreign Policy

Abstract The article deals with the historical methodology in the field of Brazilian foreign policy, based on reflections on the treatment of primary sources and the lessons of two important historians of antiquity: Moses I. Finley and Arnaldo Momigliano. Without disregarding the inherent temporal differences, it is understood that it is possible to bring contemporary and ancient history closer, as well as to establish a respectful dialogue between them. The article presents a preliminary discussion on the sources for the history of Brazilian foreign policy, followed by a series of analyses and comments on several aspects of the treatment of primary sources: a) the fragmentary nature of sources and the consequences of this; b) the predominance of discursive sources; c) the use of oral history as a supplementary source; and d) the difficulty in establishing a context for document production. Studies related to Brazilian foreign policy towards the Middle East will be used, especially the case of Brazil’s controversial favourable vote on Resolution 3379 (XXX) of the United Nations General Assembly, in 1975, which equated Zionism with racism.

Effect of the roles of non - state actors on Political and security stability in the Arab region

At the beginning of the twentieth century, new entities emerged with integrated programs of political behavior in the international sphere, which required the existence of modern analytical frameworks to study them, especially in the light of the complexity of the process of foreign policy formulation and developments in the international environment due to interdependence and the emergence of new issues in the field of foreign policy. On the technological issues and the process of globalization and finally the emergence of new generations of non-state actors appear to be more organized "and influence in the state with a kind of transformation and continuous development in the nature and roles of these actors, especially as they play an important role in influencing the stability of the The study draws on its importance as an attempt to identify the most important patterns and roles of these non-state actors, their motives and their ability to bring about geopolitical and geostrategic changes in the Arab, international and regional arena. Non-state actors on the political output of the state.

Wpływ traktatu z Lizbony na wspólną politykę zagraniczną i bezpieczeństwa

The Impact of the Treaty of Lisbon on the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security PolicyIn this article, the author provides an analysis of the impact that the Lisbon Treaty has had on the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Analysis of legal documents and scientific sources permitted to conclude that undoubtedly above‑mentioned Treaty of Lisbon has extended the competences of the EU in a field of common foreign policy. However, the main purpose of the present paper is to answer the question whether this document has implemented any crucial mechanisms and institutional framework that resulting in increased effectiveness in reaching an agreement in a field of this EU policy among EU member states. The article attempts to show that theoretically, the content of the treaty gives an overall effect of a political desire to achieve a coherent foreign policy after 2009 but on the other hand, maintaining intergovernmental status of CFSP weakens this policy.

Algunas reflexiones sobre la historia de los intelectuales/diplomáticos latinoamericanos en los siglos XIX y XX Introducción al dossier Intelectuales y diplomacia en América Latina

Tanto en el siglo XIX como en el XX los intelectuales latinoamericanos han tenido protagonismo como representantes diplomáticos, favoreciendo la proyección y el prestigio cultural de sus respectivos países en ámbitos internacionales. Sin embargo, la explicación de por qué los intelectuales se involucraron en la diplomacia se ha restringido a asumir que en tanto eran representantes de la alta cultura de sus países los Estados los utilizaron para proyectar una buena imagen en el exterior. Esto dificulta la posibilidad de plantearse desde una reflexión más amplia por qué aparecieron estas figuras polivalentes y qué características tenían en momentos históricos determinados. En suma, se requiere ampliar la manera de estudiar las relaciones internacionales como un ámbito de la política exterior y dedicar más atención a las ideas, su circulación y las redes. Para ello, el presente ensayo reflexiona sobre varias generaciones de intelectuales/diplomáticos latinoamericanos ubicándolos en una temporalidad que va desde inicios del siglo XIX a la tercera década del siglo XX. Se enfatiza el eje Londres-París-Washington para entender las coyunturas, escenarios y actores clave en el desenvolvi-miento de la diplomacia latinoamericana y sus expresiones en las esferas culturales e intelectuales.

Внешнеполитические полномочия Президента РФ

The article analyzes the foreign policy powers of the President of the Russian Federation from the point of view of the complex of constituent foundations of his/her constitutional status: The President of the Russian Federation is the carrier of power in the field of foreign policy and the body that determines the country's foreign policy, its actions as a sovereign, performing integration and coordination functions of the head of state, negotiations and the signing of international treaties, signing of instruments of ratification, acceptance of credentials and revocable letters of accreditation of diplomatic representatives..

ON THE WAY TOWARDS NATO: CURRENT CHALLENGES PROSPECTS OF IMPLEMENTING SAFETY POLICY

The priority national interest of Ukraine in the field of foreign policy is the development and further deepening of relations between Ukraine's strategic partnership with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The article gives a brief overview of the history of the formation and expansion of the North Atlantic Alliance as an international intergovernmental organization and military and political alliance, showing the main milestones of Ukraine's long journey towards NATO membership. NATO-Ukraine relations have two main dimensions: political dialogue and practical cooperation. Ukraine's political dialogue with the Alliance is ensured through bilateral contacts at all levels, including the interparliamentary dimension. NATO and its Member States continue to receive logistical, advisory and training assistance to the Ukrainian security and defense sector. The author draws attention to the most urgent security problems of Europe and Ukraine, as well as highlights the latest challenges to the World Order. For Ukraine, strategic partnership with NATO is an integral part of the European integration course, as it complements the process of internal transformation in the context of the implementation of the Association Agreement between Ukraine, on the one hand, and the European Union, the European Atomic Energy Community and their member states, and their member states. . NATO-Ukraine relations have been developing ever since Ukraine gained independence in 1991.Given Ukraine's strategic position as a bridge between Eastern and Western Europe, NATO-Ukraine relations are central to building peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic region. NATO and Ukraine are actively involved in international peacekeeping operations and in addressing common security concerns. Over time, certain trends of dialogue and practical cooperation on a wide range of other issues were identified. A key aspect of the partnership was support for the Alliance and individual NATO member countries in their reform efforts, which have been further fueled by the dramatic events of the 2004 Orange Revolution and remain critical to meeting Ukraine's aspirations to integrate into Euro-Atlantic structures. Key words: NATO, alliance, permanent membership, summit, declaration, security, challenge, problems, military, aggression, hybrid war, politics, experience, forecasting, realization, solution.

Контроль Советским государством международной деятельности Духовного управления мусульман европейской части СССР и Сибири в 1945—1953 годах

The article is devoted to the analysis of the organization of international activities of the Spiritual administration of Muslims of the European part of the USSR and Siberia in 1945-1953. The issue is how this activity was controlled - primarily by the Council for religious affairs under the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR / Council of Ministers of the USSR. The relevance of the topic is determined by the need to comprehend the historical experience of management decisions of the Soviet state in the field of foreign policy, which were made based on the potential of the Spiritual management of Muslims of the European part of the USSR and Siberia. For the first time the archival material devoted to this problem is put into circulation. The content of the activities of the Council for religious affairs is covered, which was the most public body of the Soviet state for interaction with the spiritual departments of Muslims in matters of foreign policy, which determines the novelty of the study. On the basis of the analysis of archival documents and literature the system of activity of the Soviet state directed on interaction with Spiritual management of Muslims of the European part of the USSR and Siberia is reconstructed. The effectiveness of the measures taken is characterized. On the basis of the study recommendations that can be used in modern practice of public administration in this area are given.

Theoretical and legal fundamentals of state governance of national security in the field of foreign policy

Theoretical and legal fundamentals of state governance of national security in the field of foreign policy

New orientations of Mexico’s foreign policy

The phrase “the best foreign policy is domestic policy” became some kind of mantra for the new administration, headed by the new president Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (2018 - present), at the beginning of his mandate remaining focused solely on internal problems, and forgetting about representing Mexico’s interests in the world. And, despite the fact that foreign policy issues remained far behind, compared with domestic problems, the new administration has at long last taken a number of steps in the field of international relations and foreign policy, which did not go unnoticed by the wide public. The article is devoted to changes in the foreign policy priorities of Mexico, occurring after the new president came to power in the country. In this context, relations between this Latin American country and the United States, China, Latin America are considered. It is shown how, within the framework of these main directions of foreign policy, the new Mexican administration offers new ways of solving strategic issues. The article presents an analysis of Mexican-Venezuelan relations at the beginning of the XXI century. The position of the mediator, taken by Mexico in relation to the Venezuelan crisis, confirmed the traditional commitment of this country to the principles of the Estrada Doctrine. Author cites the main factors influencing today on the formation of Mexico’s foreign policy.

Цифрова дипломатія як інструмент зовнішньої політики США у ХХІ столітті.

The article considers the peculiarities of digital diplomacy as a new instrument of foreign policy in the 21st century in connection with the spread of information and communication technologies. Mechanisms of digital diplomacy are analyzed on the example of the United States as a state that actively uses this type of diplomacy. In particular, the mechanisms of digital diplomacy at the institutional level in the field of foreign policy of the USA are described by following aspects. First, the evolution of the use of electronic diplomacy in the 21st century was revealed for the administrations of George W. Bush, B. Obama and D. Trump. In particular, opening of the Office of Digital Diplomacy at the US Department of State in 2003 by J. Bush’s administration and widespread using of new media by D. Trump’s administration. Secondly, the introduction and use of so-called new media as a field of digital diplomacy – the use of social networks (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube), the creation of microblogging (DipNote and project diplomacy activities that bring diplomats closer to citizens of the host country).The use of new media creates a favorable microclimate for the spread of US foreign policy initiatives abroad through virtual contact with citizens of other countries and the dissemination of certain information content (using their mother tongue rather than English), which directly promotes American values and national interests beneficial to Washington. Although such methods are not quite liberal and democratic, they justify the concept of "soft power" in the foreign policy of the state.The author focuses on the importance of the mechanisms of digital diplomacy for US foreign policy in modern realities, as confirmed by the practical application of US President D. Trump via Twitter's social network. It has been found that some of the president's statements in social networks may go against the declared foreign policy of the United States. However, through the prism of the president's tweets, one can observe the evolution and present stage of America's bilateral relations with other countries (in particular, on the example of American-Pakistani relations).

Review of Turkish-Israeli Relations Based on Neo-Realism

Basically, the two countries, Turkey and Israel, apart from their relations with Iran, are the important and influential countries in the region and the global developments associated with the Middle East, so efforts to better understand the two countries help to answer the questions about these two countries. This research, along with the historic genealogy of Turkey-Israel relations has attempted to address the roots of Turkey-Israel Westernization and its relation with the proximity of the two countries and the formation of strategic cooperation between Ankara and Tel Aviv. Our important issue in this study is to examine the relation between Turkey and Israel from a historical point of view, based on the neo-realism approach in the field of foreign policy.

«Экономический терроризм» США в отношении Европы, России и других стран

The article is devoted to the problem of modern economic relations of the USA with the European Union, Russia and some other states. The article presents the features of the new economic policy of the United States, primarily with the European Union, Russia and China in the context of solving the problems of the country's domestic economy. This article is the result of a study of individual activities in the field of modern foreign economic policy of the United States.

Special Autonomy of Papua: A Review from the Perspective of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia

The authority of governance in Papua Province through Act No. 21 of 2001 is very large, as stipulated in Article 4 paragraph (1), which covering all fields of government, except with regard to foreign affairs, defense and security, monetary and fiscal, religion, and justice, and except with regard to a particular field. In addition to the authority, the authority of Papua Province added with partial authority of the Government called a special authority as provided in paragraph (2) is the authority in the field of foreign policy, defense and security, monetary and fiscal, justice and religion. This authority, causing some people argues that leads to form a federal state and also may lead to the disintegration of nation. The assessment object with regard to the substance of Act No. 21 of 2001 that opposed to the concept of a unitary state, and designing a special autonomy of Papua in accordance with the principles of the Republic of Indonesia, by using juridical-normative. The result indicates that the special autonomy through Act No. 21 of 2001 does not conflict with the concept of a unitary state; it strengthens Papuan into the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. Design of special autonomy in accordance with the principles of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia that gives special powers to the province of Papua in the form of delegation of authority is clear and explicit to the Province of Papua through the implementation of devolution theory and delegation of authority from the provincial to the district/cities through the implementation of real household teachings.

Internationalization and democratization interconnected: the Swedish and Finnish parliaments debating membership in the League of Nations in 1920

ABSTRACT In the aftermath of the First World War, constitutions of European states were widely democratized and parliamentarized, and similar turns were expected in international relations as a consequence of the creation of the League of Nations. This comparative analysis of Swedish and Finnish parliamentary debates on the League membership focusing on conceptualizations of the national versus international demonstrates how democratization and internationalization merged discursively. This happened to a greater extent than in the British parliament or the First Assembly of the League. Such entanglements followed from the interconnectedness of constitutional and foreign policy questions during preceding disputes on constitutional reform when Britain and Germany had provided competing models, the determination of the ministries to reconfirm national constitutional compromises by joining an international organization of democratic nations, an exceptional possibility for parliamentarians to debate foreign policy and willingness among the leftist oppositions to extend the democratization and parliamentarization of the constitutions to the field of foreign policy. After a turn from German to British political models and under a Bolshevik threat, British internationalist arguments found a positive reception among the Swedish Liberal–Social Democratic coalition and the Finnish bourgeois coalition as well as half of the redefined Finnish Social Democratic Party. Rightist and far-leftist opponents of the League were left to the margins as the membership was used to redefine the polities as internationally oriented democracies.

Moroccan foreign policy after the Arab Spring: a turn for the Islamists or persistence of royal leadership?

ABSTRACTThis article explores the power balance between the Moroccan monarchy and the Islamist Party of Justice and Development (PJD) particularly within the field of Foreign Policy, in order to determine the extent to which the foreign policy decision-making process has changed since the 2011 constitutional reforms. More specifically, it investigates how the limited duality between the king and the government works in practice, beyond the legal text. Our contention is that both the revisited architecture as well as the implementation of the 2011 Constitution minimise the agency of the government and preserve the preponderance of the king and his entourage in matters of foreign policy. We examine this dynamic through a two-step analysis which, first, determines the patterns of Morocco's foreign policy with regards to its traditional allies in Europe and the Gulf and its growing relationship with non-traditional partners like China and, second, investigates whether these patterns apply to the kingdom's most recent foreign policy decisions in 2016 and 2017. We do this by undertaking an in-depth analysis of the kingdom's rapidly-changing relationship with Africa and Russia. This analysis allows us to closely examine and shed light on the main strategies of Morocco's foreign policy in a turbulent regional and international context; the central role of the king and the ambiguous decision-making process; and the relevance of new actors (technocratic and economic elites) and novel tools (economic and cultural diplomacies).

Mirage of Reality for Dream of Neutral Government in Iran

The emergence and formation of a neutral government in Iran is considered to be among the challenging issues in the field of foreign policy and international relations. This is despite the fact that the creation of a neutral government in the current environment is impossible with regard to the main components of these governments, since neutral governments are governments that are not in a sensitive and strategic position, and all of these governments have deep deficiencies that ignore controversy in international conflicts and foreign policy seeking for relative immunity. Although in the Third World, most governments are weak, they cannot declare neutrality due to some issues such as ideological sovereignty and the relation of sovereignty. On the other hand, Iran, in addition to the two, is a regional superpower and economic and military power. Therefore, the formation of a neutral government in Iran is impossible and very far from the current situation.

E-Diplomacy as Instrument for Establishment of Interethnic Relations

The article is devoted to e-diplomacy (also known as digital diplomacy) which is a component of public diplomacy. Digital diplomacy is a one of the new tools of foreign policy that is aimed to solve the problems of international and interethnic relations. The article examines the concept and definition of digital diplomacy that concentrates on the use of social networks and digital media in the field of foreign policy. Some risks and threats of e-diplomacy are also considered. The use of opportunities of information and communication technologies for solving the problems of foreign policy and influence on mass consciousness by means of the Internet, social networks is analyzed.