Active Foreign Policy Research Articles

TÜRKİYE’NİN BALKANLARDAKİ YUMUŞAK GÜCÜ - KOSOVA ÖRNEĞİ

States have important effects on each other, factors such as history, language, culture, belief, geography, and common history are the main components that provide this effect. During the Ottoman period, a large Turkish population lived in the Balkans, the Balkans was very important for the Ottomans geopolitically. The young Turkish Republic embarked on reforms within the country after the War of Independence, failed to maintain sufficient connections and soft power in the Balkans during the Second World War and the Cold War, but the situation changed after the Cold War. With the disappearance of the Soviet threat and Türkiye's desire to pursue a more active foreign policy, the Balkans once again became very important. The Balkans has a dense Turkish population, is Türkiye's open door to Europe, and is closely linked to Türkiye by common historical and cultural ties.
 In the study, Türkiye 's efforts to increase its soft power in the Balkans after the Cold War was examined. While examining the study, the example of Kosovo, one of the most fragile countries in the Balkans, will be detailed. In the study, it is aimed to evaluate the results of these efforts by considering the policies implemented by Türkiye to be effective in the Balkans after the end of the Cold War, the activities of TIKA and Yunus Emre Institute, and Türkiye's soft power in Kosovo / efforts to increase this power.The policies implemented by Türkiye have made significant contributions to the stability of Kosovo, especially the Balkans, and to the development of mutual education, culture and social ties. This situation has had important consequences for Kosovo's integration with the Western alliances, and it is an indication that Türkiye uses its soft power policies as an effective tool in the Balkans.

Lithuanian President Gitanas Nausėda's Central and Eastern European Foreign Policy in 2019–2022: Continuation or Change?

The subject of this article is the foreign policy of the President of the Republic of Lithuania, Gitanas Nausėda. The aim of this article is to analyse the foreign policy and its main objectives pursued in 2019–2022 by the President of the Republic of Lithuania, Gitanas Nausėda. The analysis attempts to answer the question of whether foreign policy is a continuation of previously pursued foreign policy activity or marks a change, and, in the case of the latter, to what extent has the policy changed? The author focuses his research on foreign actions towards the countries of the region (the Baltic States, Poland and Ukraine). The research is based on Gustavsson’s model involving the analysis of various stages of foreign policy development.

Indonesia’s South China Sea Policy: The Limits of Hedging

This paper discusses Indonesia's hedging policies towards China, especially in the South China Sea issue. In line with a free and active foreign policy principle, Indonesia seeks a middle way by establishing cooperation with the United States and China, two major powers with different interests in the South China Sea issue. This research is qualitative research using a case study approach. In this study, I carried out two data collection techniques, namely interviews and literature studies. The political elite decides to hedge within a government, so it is motivated more internally than externally. Hedging is a tactic that demands a low commitment to a country that does not represent friend or foe. However, in line with the increasing competition between the two, Indonesia's hedging strategy may fail due to external pressure to join one side. Therefore, in maximizing the hedging strategy, Indonesia seems to need to increase its defense capabilities to increase its bargaining position and deter threats from external parties

ОТНОШЕНИЯ ГОСУДАРСТВА И ОРГАНИЗОВАННОЙ ПРЕСТУПНОСТИ В УСЛОВИЯХ КРИЗИСА ЛЕГИТИМНОСТИ

The article attempt to analyze the relationship between the modern state and organized crime as actors in domestic and foreign policy in a crisis of legitimacy. By moving away from interpreting the concept of legitimacy in Max Weber’s original sense, modern criminology has ignored the complex processes and connections that underlie the antagonism and cooperation between legal and illegal political actors.

Rich Nation, Liberal International: Ideology and Action in Japanese Foreign Aid Policy

Abstract Characterizations of foreign aid donors neglect the overarching importance of ideas in determining policy. This article explores Japan’s ideological criteria for foreign aid decision-making, differentiated both between goals and the instruments to achieve them, as well as between ideas in the specific foreground and the general background. Japan continues to operate with a recognizable postwar ideology, which synthesized aspects of an earlier militarist and economic nationalism paradigm with liberal internationalism. In recent years, the perception of a growing threat from China and other changes have catalyzed a shift in Japan’s ODA toward greater securitization and liberal value-orientation; however, aid policy still remains situated within this “Rich Nation, Liberal International” paradigm.

ПОЗИЦІОНУВАННЯ ІЗРАЇЛЮ ТА ПІВНІЧНОЇ КОРЕЇ ЩОДО ВІЙНИ В УКРАЇНІ: ТЕХНОЛОГІЧНИЙ ВИМІР

The article analyzes and considers in detail the positioning of two countries – Israel and North Korea – in relation to the war in Ukraine, which changed the structure of the world order and security architecture in Europe and, in general, in the world, as well as reset the relations of the Ukrainian state with its partners. The author characterizes the foreign policy activities and diplomacy of the countries at the present stage in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war, taking into account globalization processes, technological innovations and national interests of these states. It is determined that Israel and North Korea, as countries with different political systems, respectively, have different positions in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian confrontation. First of all, the author analyzes the foreign policy and position of Israel, which, as a democratic country, uses its diplomacy to actively participate in international relations. Particular attention is paid to Israel’s reaction to the war in Ukraine, which expresses restrained support for the Ukrainian state, supports its sovereignty and territorial integrity and condemns Russian aggression, but does not want to have a confrontation with Russia, so Israel limits its practical assistance to Ukraine mainly to the humanitarian dimension, with a categorical refusal to transfer high-tech weapons of its own production. North Korea represents a country where the authoritarian regime shapes the country’s foreign policy, emphasizing military technology as the main element of security and influence. The analysis shows that North Korea has traditionally been isolated from the international community and actively supports the aggressor country, in particular to benefit economically from closer ties with its northern neighbor, whose economy has so far been kept afloat despite harsh economic sanctions by Western countries. The study highlights key aspects of security, foreign policy, and diplomacy that influence the countries’ positions in the context of the war in Ukraine.

The Lithuania-China Row: The European Union’s Search for a Strategy and Instruments to Deal With China

The increasing use of measures of economic coercion by China has caused its trading partners to review their close trade ties with that country as well as their ability to resist such pressure. In December 2022, the European Union (EU) requested that the World Trade Organization (WTO) adjudicate its dispute with China regarding restrictive trade measures China had imposed on Lithuania in response to its foreign policy actions that were not to China’s liking. The EU also drafted new legislation – the Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the Protection of the Union and its Member States from Economic Coercion by Third Countries – to deter third countries from applying coercive measures that target the EU and its Member States. This paper considers the new instrument in the context of the EU’s evolving ‘economic de-risking’ strategy on China and a wide range of measures aimed at protecting the common market from the unfair behaviour of China and other states and reducing the EU vulnerability vis-à-vis economic and security threats. The EU’s ability to deter states from applying coercive measures against it hinges upon its ability to strengthen its market power and to use the new instrument when necessary. economic coercion, countermeasures, EU Anti-coercion Instrument, China, World Trade Organization, European Union, economic ‘de-risking’ strategy, regulatory sovereignty, selfreliance, international law

Features of the Transformation of the EU’s Foreign Policy Behavior Paradigm After a Full-Scale Russian Invasion of Ukraine

Russia’s full-scale military invasion of Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022, has put on the agenda the question of consolidating the international community’s efforts in order to oppose Russian aggression in Europe and create conditions for preventing armed confrontations in the future. Without exaggeration, it can be stated that the European Union plays a special role in creating a system of collective repulsion of the aggressor and ensuring its effective functioning. Its unprecedented “geopolitical awakening” in response to another Russian aggression against Ukraine has immediately become the subject of numerous scientific investigations by foreign and domestic experts. In addition, the change in the behavioral logic used by the EU in defending the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine between 2014, when the Russian Federation’s armed invasion of Crimea took place, and the events of February 2022 has not gone unnoticed by scholars.
 The article analyzes the main behavioral models of foreign policy actors and also makes the assumption that Russia’s full-scale military offensive against Ukraine, which destroyed the established European security architecture, has led to the transformation of the behavioral paradigm of the EU, which is primarily seen in the change of its foreign policy goals. The conducted analysis of the EU’s behavioral logic confirmed the assumption and allowed us to conclude that before the invasion, the bloc acted as an actor pursuing a policy of the status quo, but after – its role changed to a normative one.

The attitude of the USSR to the policy of repatriation at the final stage of the WWII and in the first post-war years

This article highlights the participation of the USSR in solving the international problem of refugees and displaced persons in the post-war period; shows the attitude of the Soviet government to the policy of repatriation of Soviet citizens to their homeland, reveals the participation of the USSR in international organizations on the issue of refugees and displaced persons (UNRRA, IRO, UN) at the final stage of the Second World War and after its end, the ways of interaction of the allied countries on these world platforms are fixed. To study the activities of the USSR in the development of the principles of repatriation policy, as well as to resolve the problems of refugees and displaced persons, such methods as historicism, objectivity, as well as the method of comparative analysis together with a comprehensive analysis of documents were used. Based on the present research, we can conclude that the Soviet Union conducted active foreign policy activities to achieve the main goals of the repatriation policy, establishing international cooperation and protecting the interests of its citizens. The bulk of Soviet people who found themselves in difficult conditions of the post-war period were forced to lead their lives in camps for displaced persons, awaiting the decision of the authorities regarding their fate. Despite the active assistance to the return of refugees and social protection from the Soviet Union, the generous amount of the repatriates were tested in filtration camps, especially military ones, in order to identify traitors. In addition, the solution of the problem was complicated by the ardent anti-Soviet propaganda in camps for refugees and displaced persons by representatives of the United Kingdom and the United States, which was gaining momentum in connection with the beginning of the implementation of the means of conducting the cold War.

ФИЛОСОФСКО-ЭТИЧЕСКИЕ УЧЕНИЯ КАК РЕСУРС «МЯГКОЙ СИЛЫ» АФРИКАНСКИХ СТРАН

The article analyzes the potential of the soft power of the countries of sub-Saharan Africa, which is increasingly acquiring the features of a separate civilization. Th is macro-region today causes mainly negative associations associated with diseases, poverty, crime, wars, terrorism, but it also generates positive images. Sub-Saharan African States are beginning to use soft power technologies and tools in their foreign policy activities, while having very signifi cant resources in this area. One of these resources are philosophical and ethical teachings, which for the fi rst time in Russian historiography are being studied in this article. Th e author concludes that Ubuntu in South Africa, Omoluwabi in Nigeria and Harambi in Kenya are potentially very eff ective tools of soft power, with which Pretoria, Abuja and Nairobi can achieve signifi cant success in international aff airs.

Bangabandhu’s Bangladesh Foreign Policy

In the intricate milieu of the Cold War, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh, played a pivotal role in shaping the foreign policy of the newly independent nation following the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, which was of utmost importance in establishing Bangladesh's identity and securing international recognition. This article investigates the foreign policy of Bangladesh during the tenure of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through the perspective of International Relations. However, Bangabandhu's foreign policy efforts and activities have been assessed utilizing secondary data. The study finds that Bangabandhu was quite successful in creating and implementing Bangladesh's foreign policy in securing national interest of Bangladesh, which is still applicable in Bangladesh's current situation in conducting international relations.

A crisis of ontological security in foreign policy: Iran and international sanctions in the post–JCPOA era

Since the Islamic revolution, Iran has experienced deep identity changes in its foreign policy. The Islamic Republic redefined the way to interact with the world based on the Shi’ite ideas and the historical memory of Iranians. With the growing tensions between Iran and the West, conflicts can be seen between Iran’s defined identity and its foreign policy actions, to the extent that in cases such as Iran’s policy towards Russia and the path of Iran–China relations, the principles of Iran’s identity have been ignored. This article considers why there is a conflict between the positions and actions of Iran and the identity that this country represents, focusing on the period after the withdrawal of the United States from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Using the descriptive-explanatory method, this article tests the hypothesis that although the intensification of sanctions has strengthened the narrative of anti-Westernism in Iran, the transformation of anti-Westernism into a dominant identity discourse has caused other layers of identity to be marginalised and even ignored in some cases. This situation has created a disconnection between Iran’s actions and its biographical narrative.

Speech Act Analysis on Statements Delivered by The Minister of Foreign Affairs of The Republic of Indonesia

This research investigates a speech act and felicity condition from the minister of foreign affairs of the Republic of Indonesia. In this research, the researcher analyzed speech act categories and felicity conditions in a statement. This research used descriptive qualitative research to analyze. The instrument of this research was the researcher himself. Transcripts and note-taking were also used to collect the data. The researcher analyzed three parts: the list and collection of all the statements, categories, types of speech acts, and felicity conditions. Lastly, conducted all types of speech acts and felicity condition types were found in the statement. As a result, the researcher found 70 assertive, 44 directive, 47 commissive, 12 expressive, and five declarative for illocutionary acts. Then, perlocutionary acts are 86 persuading, 80 convincing, and 12 scaring. And for the felicity condition shows 41 propositional content conditions, 61 preparatory conditions, 47 sincerity conditions, and 29 essential conditions. In conclusion, the minister's statement contains assertive and persuasive speech acts, so the condition of felicity is a condition of preparation. In addition, ministerial statements have followed the rules of Indonesia's free and active foreign policy.

The geography of public diplomacy of President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy during the full-scale Russia-Ukraine war


 
 
 Public diplomacy, as a special form of foreign policy activity aimed at shaping foreign public opinion as a factor in changing the policy of another state, requires the study of the peculiarities of geopolitical and geocultural perceptions of the foreign public. Public diplomacy has become an important channel of international communication between Ukraine and the civilized world since the beginning of the full-scale Russian offensive on its territory. The role of President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zel- enskyy in transforming public diplomacy into an effective technology of international politics is unprecedented. The uniqueness of V. Zelenskyy’s contribution to the development of public diplomacy as an international communication practice lies, first, in the incredible rise in the importance of the head of state as the main actor of such diplomacy, second, in its institutionalization and intensification as a tool for influencing global public opinion, third, in its tangible effectiveness and efficiency, and fourth, in the widespread use of digital online technologies for its implementation. The success of V.Zelenskyy’s public diplomacy is not just due to its geographically relevant content, but also to communication technologies based on geographic determinism. His public diplomacy is based on universal values, but adapted to the geocultural characteristics of the foreign public. The Ukrainian president sought to make the Ukrainian position understandable to geoculturally different audiences through a number of persuasive technologies. First of all, he used the technology of joining by appealing to values common to all geographical regions, such as life, security, freedom, children, and family. In addition, the Ukrainian national leader used the technology of engaged communication, which is empathetic, compassionate in nature and based on respect for the values, symbols, ideals, tragedies and losses that make up the geocultural background of the public’s worldview in each country. In conducting public diplomacy, the Ukrainian president outlined the geography of danger from the potential Russian threat,including the countries that were part of the USSR and the Soviet bloc. The Ukrainian national leader’s use of the technique of linking the geography of the Russian threat to the Soviet past is justified in the light of official and semi-official Russian propaganda. Exposing Russian disinformation has become one of the leading directions of V.Zelenskyy’s public diplomacy and the main information weapon against the aggressor. In proving the falsity of Russian propaganda, the Ukrainian national leader appeals to the facts, to the reasons for the distortion of the objective picture of reality and to the special geocultural experience of the foreign public, which is determined by significant historical events in a particular geographical area of the world.
 
 

Doğu ile Batı Arasında Türkiye: Siyasi Tercih mi, Pragmatizm mi?

Turkey’s relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific are on the rise with a strong focus on the economic dimension, as Ankara increases its efforts to upgrade its trade and investment links with the economic powerhouses of Asia. This rapprochement with Asian countries takes place at a time when Turkey’s relations with the West are going through difficult times, which leads to popular propositions based on the false dichotomy of Turkey ideologically choosing the East over the West. This article proposes that rather than a binary choice of improving relations with a group of countries at the expense of others, Turkey’s efforts can be more accurately interpreted as pragmatic foreign policy activism aimed at diversifying the country’s relations with a focus on gaining a certain degree of strategic autonomy and avoiding excessive dependence on any party at a time when the world is going through an era of significant uncertainty. It is also noted that while Turkey’s economic relations with Asia are yet to take off in a significant way, Ankara's foreign policy pragmatism and its quest for strategic autonomy require not only strengthening relations with the Asia-Pacific, but also re-calibrating ties with traditional partners and allies in the West such as the United States and the European Union.

The North-Eastern Caucasus as an object of Russian geopolitics (the 17th – 18th centuries)

A feature of the geopolitical position of the political entities of the Eastern Caucasus was the constant claims from Persia and, at times, Turkey. Maneuvering between the Safavids, Ottomans, Girays and Ryurikoviches (then Romanovs) often formed the basis of the foreign policy activities of local rulers. The result of such maneuvering was the periodically arising ‘general servitude’ — recognition of subordination to both the Russian tsar and the Persian shah. Only at the beginning of the 19th century, as a result of the victories of the Russian troops, the question arose about the ofϐicial annexation of the Eastern Caucasus to the Russian Empire.

Strongman politics and China's foreign policy actors: maritime assertiveness under Xi Jinping

Abstract Since Xi Jinping's ascension to power, China's foreign policy behaviour—including in the maritime domain—has become increasingly assertive. While a number of systemic, domestic and individual-level factors have contributed to China's more muscular approach, adequately understanding the dramatic intensification of its assertiveness under Xi requires a careful examination of the foreign policy implications of his strongman rule. This article contributes to such studies by examining how Xi's efforts to consolidate power, particularly through nationalistic appeals and an anti-corruption campaign, have mobilized China's foreign policy actors. I argue that the political environment that Xi has fostered shapes the career incentives of individual actors, motivating them to demonstrate their loyalty through displays of assertiveness. Drawing on a case-study of China's maritime actors, with a focus on their behaviour in the South China Sea, I show how Xi's consolidation of power has elevated the stakes of zealously showcasing support for his call to ‘resolutely safeguard’ China's sovereignty claims. I find that Xi's emphasis on demonstrations of loyalty often comes at the cost of other interests, such as reassuring potential rivals, suggesting that the current political environment risks pushing foreign policy in an even more assertive direction than perhaps intended.

National Interest and National Identity Affect The Behaviour Of Foreign Policy

There was a time when national identity influenced foreign policy, as in China, which has its Buddhist impermanence derived from its cultural identity. It has the identity of, and is derived from Japan's experience of the war in its own country. National interests on foreign policy actions are stronger than that of national identity. It targets countries without strong national identity clout, such as Western European countries such as Germany, and other countries such as the United States and Indonesia. The existence of strong national identities therefore only reinforces the influence of national interests influencing foreign policy, as has happened in China and Japan. Indonesia has Pancasila as its national identity. It has influenced its foreign policy by recognizing external threats. Moreover, Pancasila's national identity influences Indonesia's interior rather than its foreign policy. During the New Order era, China was known to be a communist threat to Indonesia, and Indonesia cut ties with China. In Europe and the United States, where societies have become multicultural societies, national interests influence foreign policy more than national identity. We should have more influence on our foreign policy to unite our national interests and multicultural societies.

Parliamentarians and Normative Power Diffusion

Abstract Are parliamentarians involved in normative power diffusion? This case study of Japanese parliamentarians’ international activities shows how they engage in international norm diffusion at interparliamentary meetings in a way that multiplies the normative power efforts of Japan’s government. While parliamentarians are neither official foreign policy actors nor diplomats, they actively promote topics that support Japan’s normative power interests and employ mechanisms identified for normative power diffusion. Thus, parliamentarians become multipliers of Japan’s normative power efforts and have the ability to reach legislators in Japan’s key partner countries. This paper argues that, when abroad, Japanese legislators adopt the identity of an international representative of Japan, who supports promoting Japan’s interests in various areas, such as climate change, overseas agricultural investments, or regional financial stability.

Indonesian Foreign Policy under the Jokowi Administration: Variations on Traditional Ideas

Since independence in 1945, Indonesia has managed to carry out its foreign policy according to a unique doctrine described as “independent and active” (bebas dan aktif). To be independent means that Indonesia does not side with world powers, while being active means vigorously carrying out peaceful policies and actively participating in the peaceful settlement of international issues. The doctrine is not a neutral policy but does not align and bind the country with the superpowers or any military pact. Instead, being independent and active primarily serves the national interest while allowing the Indonesian government to collaborate with other nations. However, the doctrine’s implementation has varied according to the different interpretations of successive presidents. This paper explains Indonesia’s independent and active foreign policy during President Joko Widodo’s presidency. It contends that while the doctrine has continued to underlie Indonesia’s foreign policy, the formulation of President Joko Widodo’s foreign policy is unique in its practical approach, prioritizing the national interest and the domestic advantages of foreign relations. In the president’s worldview, foreign policy has been instrumental in promoting the nation’s development.