Active Foreign Policy Research Articles

North Africa in the Foreign Policy of Catherine II

The 18th century represented a transformative era for the Russian Empire, characterized by substantial internal reforms and notable foreign policy achievements. Amidst sweeping modernization efforts, Russia secured significant victories on the international stage. Under Peter I, Russia "opened a window" to Europe, while Catherine II's reign expanded Russia's geopolitical reach to the Black Sea, facilitating access to fertile southern territories and establishing crucial maritime routes for international trade. These strategic advancements considerably enhanced Russia's influence and strategic capacities. During Catherine II’s reign, Russia also initiated its first forays into North Africa, a region previously beyond the empire's strategic horizon. Prior to gaining maritime access to the Black and Mediterranean Seas, Russian interaction with North African territories was negligible. However, the geopolitical landscape of Catherine's era prompted the necessity of engaging with Egypt, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, and Tripoli.This article investigates the principal foreign policy initiatives of Russia toward North Africa during the latter half of the 18th century. These efforts served as ancillary operations to Russia's overarching conflict with the Ottoman Empire. Throughout the Russo-Turkish Wars, Russia exploited separatist movements within the Ottoman periphery to weaken its adversary strategically. In times of peace, Russian priorities shifted to safeguarding merchant vessels in the Mediterranean from attacks by Barbary corsairs—specifically from Tunisia, Algeria, and Tripoli. To mitigate these threats, Russia employed diplomatic pressure on the Sublime Porte and sought to negotiate peace agreements with North African states. Nevertheless, these early Russian engagements in North Africa were tentative and often marked by limited success and instances of diplomatic adventurism, leaving several initiatives unrealized.Utilizing archival documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI) and the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA), this article provides a detailed examination of Russia’s diplomatic decision-making and negotiations with North African states. While prior Russian and foreign scholarship has analyzed specific events and countries in this context, this study seeks to offer a more holistic understanding of Russia’s foreign policy objectives and actions in North Africa during the 18th century.

Our Foreign Policy Activities in the UN Security Council, 1994-1995

Česká republika v Radě bezpečnosti OSN 1994-95. Ediční řada Česká zahraniční politika. Editor Karel Krátký. Ustav mezinárodních vztahů (na základě projektu MZV ČR č. 4/14 z roku 1997), Praha 1997, 109 stran, ISBN 80-85864-39-8.

EUROPEAN SCEPTICISM AND ANTI-AMERICANISM IN THE EURO-ATLANTIC POLITICAL PROCESS IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY

The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the development of European scepticism and anti-Americanism in the public political process in the United States and the European Union. In the countries of the European Union, the term European scepticism refers to a negative attitude towards the process of European integration and its functional result in the form of the European Union. In the United States, mostly in ultra-conservative circles, European scepticism refers to a critical attitude towards the EU as the embodiment of the liberal democracy project. Anti-Americanism as an ideological attitude is present not only in European far-left political circles, but also in European far-right political circles. In the United States, the ideology of anti-Americanism was clearly manifested in the Black Lives Matter movement. European scepticism and anti-Americanism are actively used by Russian and Chinese propaganda as signs of an allegedly inevitable crisis of the ‘collective West’ and a ‘natural transition’ to a multipolar world in which Western democracies will not be crucial for further development. The conclusions emphasise that populist diseases of liberal democracies are actively used by autocracies to discredit the democratic experience of political life. At the same time, Russia, Iran, and China are trying to take advantage of discourses on scenarios of the US isolation from active foreign policy and the European Union's self-restrictions in pursuing its own common foreign policy and impose their own versions of ‘hybrid wars’, pushing Western influence out of key regions of Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. In view of this, the transfer of ideas of anti-Americanism and European scepticism from the circle of leading trends in public political life to its deep periphery can actually ensure greater stability not only for liberal democracies, but also for modern international relations.

THE INTERESTS OF THE UK FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE FORMATION OF THE AUKUS INTERSTATE ASSOCIATION

The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the UK's foreign policy in the period after its withdrawal from the European Union (post-Brexit period) in the context of the country's participation in the formation of the AUKUS (an abbreviation of the English names of Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States). The research methodology was formed by the principles of historicism, systematicity, and objectivity, general scientific methods of logic, comparative analysis, special historical methods of historiographic analysis, historical-systemic, chronological, historical-genetic, retrospective analysis, and comparative-historical methods of scientific knowledge. It is noted that the creation of the interstate association AUKUS in 2021 was a resonant event in the world of international politics. The agreements provide for the development of systemic military-political cooperation between the three states at the strategic level in the long term with the primacy of the US-British alliance, which will potentially have a significant impact on the configuration of the international security system, especially in the context of current attempts to revise it It is stated that the relatively recently launched international security project AUKUS has already become one of the examples of active foreign policy activities of the British governments in the post-Brexit period, which is fully consistent with the Global Britain strategy. By participating in AUKUS, the British side not only contributes to global security and strengthens its military presence in one of the key regions of world politics, protects its own geopolitical and economic interests, but also guarantees the development of high-tech knowledge-intensive industries for the long term. The project of comprehensive sectoral military and defence cooperation proposed by the United States (with the support of two allied states) reflects an attempt to maintain American and British influence in the Indo-Pacific region and globally in the face of the growing conflict with China. With the resumption of the US policy of isolationism and protectionism, and possible financial problems of the UK as the second most important partner, the AUKUS project faces uncertain prospects. Ukraine's international prospects also depend on the success or failure of the AUKUS project.

Transregional Cooperation of German Federal States with Eastern Regions and Countries (Late 20th — 21st Century)

This study examines the formation and development of transregional relations between the federal states of Germany (Bundesländer) and Eastern countries and regions. It presents the findings of a normative-legal analysis of the foundations of international and foreign policy activities of German federal states, based on national legislation. The focus is on the institutional framework for cross-border interactions between individual administrative units of the Federal Republic of Germany and their foreign partners. The research explores partnerships with both neighboring Middle Eastern territories and more distant Eastern regions. The findings indicate that the international and foreign economic activities of the German states are extensive, aligning with the opportunities outlined in Germany’s constitutional documents, and are significantly broader and more diverse compared to similar activities in the regions of France and Italy. It has been identified that German states engage in a system of “horizontal partnerships” primarily with provinces of the People’s Republic of China. Additionally, it is reported that a principle of “network cooperation” is applied to most other Eastern countries, encompassing not only economic but also scientific, cultural, and humanitarian ties. The study demonstrates that among the examined EU countries at the regional level, German federal states lead in establishing the most successful and effective partnerships with regions in Eastern countries.

The Changing Dynamics of China's Threat Perception toward India: A Shift from Asymmetry to Symmetry?

executive summary: This article studies Chinese literature on China's threat perception of India and argues that the threat perception between the two rising powers is growing more symmetric in the current dynamics of international politics. main argument The India-China relationship has major implications for how world politics are shaped, yet how China perceives a sense of threat from India is an understudied phenomenon. Whereas most literature on this relationship has observed an asymmetric threat perception between the two states, with India identifying a greater threat from China than the other way around, the dynamics of international politics are causing China to become more cautious about its security and take notice of a greater threat coming from India. As a result, the level of threat perception is becoming more balanced. This shift in perception will have major implications for the overall dynamics of bilateral relations and make the relationship more confrontational and conflictual. policy implications • India's fast-growing economy, demographic dividend, geographic position, and growing strategic partnerships have made it a more confident and assertive foreign policy actor. Chinese scholars have taken note of these changes. • India's assertive border policy and partnership with the U.S. pose a growing challenge to China's power. This will make Beijing wary about actions that it previously overlooked due the asymmetry in the relationship. At the same time, because for India any Chinese action is presumed as threatening, China's growing wariness will further enhance India's threat perception. This emerging dynamic could instigate a spiral of competition. • Confrontation in Sino-Indian relations will further strengthen U.S.-Indian relations and move India closer to the U.S. camp. • With both India and China being rising powers, their relationship will have major geopolitical implications for how the Asian century will play out.

The Impact of Trump’s Policies and Rhetoric on U.S. International Relations and Domestic Politics (2016-2024) | O Impacto das Políticas e da Retórica de Trump nas Relações Internacionais e na Política Interna dos EUA (2016-2024)

Donald Trump’s tenure as the 45th President of the United States from 2017 to 2021 was marked by a series of controversial policies and rhetoric that significantly impacted both the nation’s international relations and domestic political landscape. This paper provides an in-depth exploration of the multifaceted effects of Trump’s presidency on global affairs and internal political dynamics from 2016 to 2024. Through a comprehensive analysis of his foreign policy actions, economic decisions, and rhetorical strategies, the study aims to elucidate the broader implications of his leadership on the world stage and within the United States. Incorporating a rigorous review of significant policy shifts, international agreements, economic reforms, and public opinion data, the research seeks to assess the lasting influence of Trump’s tumultuous presidency on the country’s global standing and internal cohesion.

Религиозный фактор в деструктивных социальных процессах (на примере исламизма)

Spiritual and cultural characteristics play a significant role in modern society. The religious factor is one of the key elements that ensure spiritual security, strengthen friendly relations between various ethnic and religious groups, and shape their self-determination. Religion is one of the driving forces of the development of civil society and even determines the degree of its intensity. Due to the increasing influence of religion on political processes, its influence is becoming extremely important for domestic and foreign policy activities, therefore, the government of any state should take into account religious specifics. The religious factor has a powerful consolidating condition in countering the development of destructive processes. At the same time, in order to satisfy personal ambitions and achieve political goals, despite the contradiction of the basic religious principles and doctrines, representatives of destructive religious trends actively use psychological methods of influence, using the faith and beliefs of their followers. The implementation of the proposed measures to ensure spiritual security in various spheres of civil society at all levels of government makes it possible to counteract destructive influences using religious beliefs. The aim of the study is to formulate the main outlines of a balanced policy in the ethno-confessional sphere and based on ideological principles that can provide conditions for agreement and unification of relations between political actors. It is precisely such ideological concepts that can act as a weighty opponent to the destructive process. In this study, methods based on rationalism, dialectics, comparative analysis, historiography were used, structural-functional and civilizational approaches were applied. The results of the research can be used in the development of conceptual documents in the field of security.

Regions of Italy in Context of Italian-Chinese Relations in 21st Century

This study examines the development of transregional relations between the regions of Italy and those of China, including the Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau. It highlights the interplay between centrifugal and centripetal tendencies within the framework of Italy’s ‘center — regions’ relationship system. The analysis provides insights into the normative foundations of international and foreign policy activities of Italy’s territorial communities, grounded in the national Constitution and relevant legislation. The findings demonstrate that Italian regions possess very limited capabilities for independent foreign and economic policy initiatives, a restriction stemming from the Italian Constitution, which permits regional cooperation only in the realms of economy and culture. In contrast, among the regions of China, only Hong Kong and Macau exhibit the capacity for autonomous external activities. Furthermore, it is revealed that Chinese migrants in Italy play a significant role in fostering Italian-Chinese interregional ties, maintaining connections with their homeland. The study concludes that Italian regions are notably less active internationally compared to regions in other EU countries.

The impact of NOCs in Chinese foreign policy: the cases of Angola and Sudan

AbstractChinese companies have invested substantially in countries abroad in recent years, including countries in Africa. This article investigates the activities of Chinese energy companies in Africa, looking at the cases of Angola and Sudan. It develops a theoretical framework that can examine the role of non-state actors in foreign policy. The article presents evidence that non-state actors play a role for Chinese foreign policy and sometimes go against the policy line from Beijing. Theoretically, it illuminates the increasing role played by national oil companies (NOCs) in foreign policy and contributes with explicitation of the role played by NOCs for the foreign policy of the state. The article also contributes with insights regarding the importance of concerns with domestic stability (weiwen) to Chinese foreign policy and how this motive relates to the Chinese NOC activities in a number of countries.

Determinants of Bilateral Cooperation of Small States in Contemporary International Relations: From the Neorealist Perspective of Politics and Security – A Case Study: Serbia and North Macedonia

Bilateral relations of small states represent a very limited field in academic debates and research within the science of international relations. In fact, there is a lack of research and relevant debates on what the determinants and factors of bilateral relations are between small states and how much those factors contribute to promoting it on one hand, while, on the other, how much same factors condition that cooperation, and, finally, how much small states independently determine and define their bilateral relations in their foreign policy activities. In this paper, using the example of bilateral relations between Serbia and North Macedonia in the period of the last ten years, the authors will try to answer the following main research question: What is the basis of the bilateral cooperation between Serbia and North Macedonia and what is its perspective? On those grounds, they will also answer the following questions: To what extent is this cooperation conditioned by internal political circumstances in either country; to what extent is this cooperation determined by regional circumstances; how much is it influenced by the so-called “major actors” in international relations; and, finally, to what extent is it actually a consequence of the sovereign decisions of the authorities in Belgrade and Skopje? With this methodological order of research questions, from the general to the individual in the theoretical sense through the prism of realists and structural realists, the authors will establish the perspective of bilateral relations between small states within the framework of the actual circumstances of international relations.

Kazakhstan-EU Relations in the Realities of the Geopolitical Turbulence: A Textual Analysis of Before and After Design

Global security concerns have impacted both domestic and foreign policies of international actors. A regional geopolitical crisis after 2022 has certainly impacted the relations between Kazakhstan and its external partners. This research aims to explore how the regional geopolitical turbulence shaped the dynamics of Kazakhstan’s relations with the EU, one of the major actors in Kazakh multi-vector foreign policy. This research is concentrated on Kazakhstan-EU relations after 2022 and includes two studies: an analysis of press materials and a qualitative content analysis with some quantitative approach. An analysis of 191 press materials from the European External Action Service of 2018-2021 and 2022-2024 as well as content analysis of 2018-2021, 2022, and 2023-2024 press materials revealed the intensification of Kazakhstan-EU relations.

조선시대 조선과 명의 국경인식과 조명관계

After the founding of the country, Joseon actively established foreign relations in order to stabilize the legitimacy of the dynasty and the ruling system. Joseon established friendly diplomatic relations with the Ming and established diplomatic relations with the Jurchen and Japan. The external relations of the Joseon were shaped by the international situation, and it formulated and implemented an active foreign policy to eliminate political and military threats. The Ming, which replaced the Yuan as the central state in East Asia, sought to establish a unified governance system centered on the emperor domestically during the reign of the Hongwu Emperor(洪武帝) and externally to form an international order centered on the Ming. The Ming recognized Joseon in the northeast as a neighboring country and implemented an active policy of conciliation in order to bring the Jurchen, who lived in Liaodong and the northern part of the Korean peninsula, under the influence of the Ming. Specifically, the Ming established a military government system to actively govern Liaodong and set up a loose rein policy(羈縻政策) for the surrounding Jurchen. The Ming wanted to establish a border with Joseon along the Yalu river(압록강) and Tumen river(두만강) to create a stable relationship. Joseon emerged as a state on the Korean peninsula, replacing Goryeo, and continued to have stable diplomatic relations with the Ming. In addition, Joseon wanted to keep the Jurchen, who lived in the northern part of the Korean Peninsula, under Joseon's sphere of influence in case the northern ethnic groups, including the Jurchen, were invaded by the international situation. As such, the Joseon and Ming clashed over influence over the Liaodong and the Jurchen. Basically, however, Joseon and Ming maintained mutually recognized borders and sought a stable international order. However, the concept of Joseon's borders was complicated by the consolidation of the Jurchen in the 16th century and their emergence as a new power. As the Jurchen expanded their power, Joseon, in conjunction with the Ming, actively sought to control them. However, due to the rapidly changing conditions of the Imjin War, the Joseon and Ming were unable to curb the growth of the Jurchen. The unified Jurchen founded the Later Jin(後金) and went to war with the Ming in earnest, renamed the Qing, and defeated the Ming, emerging as the center of power in East Asia. The border problems of the Joseon and Qing were both continuous and distinct from the border problems of the Joseon and Ming.

Polityka zagraniczna Austrii wobec państw afrykańskich po II wojnie światowej

AUSTRIA’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS AFRICAN COUNTRIES AFTER WORLD WAR IIAfter the restoration of sovereignty in 1955, a neutral Austria developed intensive contacts with developing countries. Vienna’s open attitude towards them fostered a positive image of the country, also within African states. The peak of activity in the political dialogue with Africa came during the so-called Kreisky era. The activist foreign policy was not accompanied by effective development aid though. From the mid-1980s there is an apparent shift away from an active policy of neutrality and global engagement in favour of European politics. After the accession to the European Union, the development cooperation takes priority and the African continent becomes one of three key regions. The cooperation focuses on the poorest priority countries south of the Sahara: Ethiopia, Ghana, Mozambique, Burkina Faso. In spite of programmatic and organisational changes, Austria’s financial contribution still significantly lags behind most small countries of the “old Union”.

Scandinavia and the 1968 International Year for Human Rights

ABSTRACT The article explores the Scandinavian countries’ contributions to the United Nations’ 1968 International Year for Human Rights (IYHR) based on archival research in Sweden, Denmark, and Norway. It traces how the three countries launched national campaigns to commemorate the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and participated in the International Human Rights Conference in Tehran. This engagement with the IYHR occurred at a time when the Scandinavian countries were elevating human rights concerns in their diplomacy as part of a new foreign policy activism. The article demonstrates that the commemoration campaigns spawned numerous activities to raise awareness of human rights issues and spurred reflection on the state of human rights at home and abroad. At the Tehran conference, the Scandinavian countries failed to strengthen international protection of human rights as the concerns of Global South countries dominated the agenda. The analysis confirms two general aspects of the Scandinavian approach to human rights: their emphasis on mutual coordination and their preference for robust civil society involvement. The article concludes that the comprehensive national commemoration campaigns facilitated broad civil society engagement with human rights, but that the IYHR did not transform Scandinavian human rights policies.

Political persuasion in international affairs: A computational sociolinguistic inquiry utilizing historical analysis of US Congressional rhetoric from 1873 to 2017

Negative sentiment, when used in the context of persuasion, can play a significant role in the effectiveness of spoken rhetoric. In this paper, sentiment analysis of publicly delivered Congressional speeches on relevant foreign policy legislation and events will be the center of exploration, evaluated through historical trends of that corresponding period. This evaluation element will be key in determining whether or not negative sentiments were successful and how overall sentiment in a speech evolved over one hundred and fifty years through computational sociolinguistic analysis. The paper explores the increase in negative sentiment by drastic global events, illustrating how negative sentiment became a necessity for significant foreign policy action.

Russian-Vietnamese Partnership in Progress: on the Occasion of 30th Anniversary of the Treaty on the Foundations of Friendly Relations

The review of a series of scientific and practical events held in April-June 2024 and dedicated to the 30th anniversary of the Treaty on the foundations of friendly relations between Russia and Vietnam assesses the evolution, current state, problems and prospects of these relations, the impact of international events on them, and the active foreign policy of Hanoi and Moscow. In particular, the author highlights main reports of experts on Vietnam at the plenary conference of the Moscow Academic Economic Forum on the topic “Intensification of economic ties between Russia and the countries of Asia and Africa”, the ninth Vietnam Day at MGIMO of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the round table “Russia-Vietnam” in IOS RAS, the international conference “Mekong: problems of the region and possible solutions” in ICCA RAS. Vietnam's participation in the multilateral formats of Russian foreign policy was also briefly reviewed, and it was recognized as extremely restrained. Vietnam's participation in the multilateral formats of Russian foreign policy was briefly reviewed too, and it was recognized as extremely restrained. According to experts, the results of cooperation between the two countries lag far behind their official format and actual potential.

Diplomatic Geography of Xi Jinping: What the Statistics of the Chinese Leader’s Foreign Visits Reveal

This article seeks to delineate the foreign policy priorities of the People's Republic of China (PRC) by analyzing the international visits of Chinese President Xi Jinping. It posits that the evolution of a state's foreign policy can be traced through the foreign engagements of its leaders. This is particularly pertinent for China, where presidential visits are historically significant. The article offers an overview of China's traditional diplomacy and the foreign policy activities of Xi Jinping's predecessors. It concludes that Xi Jinping continues to undertake foreign visits in alignment with the «openness» policy, similar to his predecessors. Through a detailed analysis of the frequency and destinations of Xi Jinping's international visits over his two terms, the authors present a periodization of his foreign policy priorities. A comparative analysis is conducted on the visit frequencies of Xi Jinping and his predecessor, Hu Jintao, with adjustments for the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. With Xi Jinping's re-election for a third term in 2023, this study provides insights into the nature and priorities of China's foreign policy for his current term and potential developments in the ongoing five-year political cycle. The findings indicate that from 2018 to 2023, Xi Jinping increased his visits to Southeast Asian countries, particularly Indonesia and Vietnam, while maintaining a consistent focus on Russia and the United States, akin to the approach under Jiang Zemin. The enduring partnership with Russia, spanning over two decades, corroborates the assertion that Sino-Russian relations are at their strongest in the history of bilateral ties. Data for this study were sourced from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation, and materials from the Chinavitae and China Power research projects.

Feeling European? The EU as an emotional community

ABSTRACT This article explores the importance of emotions in the European Union (EU), highlighting their role in shaping the EU’s self-image as a foreign policy actor and promoting social cohesion through emotion norms. Emotion norms are shared feeling rules that underpin collective identities and experiences within a group. Focusing on grief as an example, the article explains how it shapes the EU as an emotional community. By analyzing the EU in this way, the study examines how emotion norms help members navigate norm violations. The findings enhance our understanding of the EU’s emotional dynamics, shedding light on the contested nature of solidarity and public discourse. The article also critically reflects on the relevance of grief in EU foreign policy, emphasizing the significance of emotions in shaping EU policy and offering insights into the role of emotion norms.

Emotions in EU foreign policy – when and how do they matter?

ABSTRACT Despite the increasing importance of emotions in explaining political behaviour, the study of emotions in EU policies and politics remains still very limited. The core objective of this special issue is to fill this gap by shedding light on the role of ‘emotions’ in EU foreign policy and to launch a call to EU foreign policy scholars for taking emotions seriously. By analysing multiple foreign policy cases across different geographies and by elucidating the plurality of emotions expressed by the EU, the contributions to this special issue show how and when emotions bear an impact on the EU’s foreign policy decisions and actions in the cases of international norm violations by external actors. The introduction sets the framework for analysing different roles that emotions might play in EU foreign policy by introducing enabling and constraining mechanisms, whereby the EU’s emotional expressions lead to action/inaction through its institutionalised appraisal process.