Foreign Donors Research Articles

Intermediaries of change: How media-focused non-governmental organizations shape meta-journalistic discourse in Ukraine

Ukrainian media is currently undergoing its most challenging period in history. Still transitioning from political and economic instrumentalization, it has been significantly affected by the Russian invasion of Ukraine, impacting both safety and the economy. The loss of advertisement revenue has made them dependent on the support of media-focused NGOs and foreign donors. Established by journalists and funded by foreign donors, these organizations find themselves in an ambiguous position – not at the core of the journalistic field, as they do not compete with legacy media in content production and revenues; and not at its periphery, as they actively shape journalism culture in Ukraine by legitimizing and delegitimizing actors, norms, and practices based on their definition of ‘good journalism.’ Due to their autonomy from state and market influence, they manage to combine regulatory and activist functions, monitoring journalists’ adherence to journalistic standards and criticizing violations while supporting the interventionist role of the media in collecting evidence of war crimes and promoting political missions like gender equality. Simultaneously, the ongoing war means that in frontline areas, the transition is held back, as the quality of the media becomes less important than mere access to information. Drawing on nine semi-structured interviews with key actors from prominent NGOs such as Lviv Media Forum, The Reckoning Project, Women in Media, the Institute of Mass Information, and a professional association (National Union of Journalists of Ukraine), conducted online in 2023–2024, this research utilizes discourse analysis to investigate how mediafocused NGOs shape the meta-journalistic discourse in Ukraine.

The Current Role of Western Development Actors as Knowledge and Policy Providers: The Making of Good Governance of Natural Gas Resources in Tanzania

The creation, dissemination, and application of knowledge are crucial for achieving sustainable development and have been at the heart of international development efforts since World War II. In conventional international development cooperation, the Global North is portrayed as the provider of knowledge and material assistance, with the South often perceived as a more passive receiver. This approach perpetuates hierarchical knowledge-power relations, as what is considered the ‘best practices’ are usually based on experiences, ideologies, and ideals from the North. This paper critically examines the current role of Western development actors as providers of knowledge and policy, specifically in the formulation of good governance for natural gas resources in Tanzania. Following significant offshore natural gas discoveries between 2010–2015, Tanzania has garnered the attention of international energy companies, foreign donors, technical advisors, and consultants, all offering guidance and capacity-building expertise to ready the country for production. Drawing on interviews with key actors supported by secondary sources, this analysis depicts how hierarchical knowledge relations persist, but also highlights the contested and evolving nature of what constitutes good governance of natural gas resources. The paper underscores how context matters in petroleum resource governance and, more broadly, the necessity for contextualising knowledge in international development cooperation.

Running a business during wartime: Voice of Ukrainian displaced business

Wars not only disrupt economic stability but also displace numerous enterprises, altering the socioeconomic landscape of affected regions. This study aims to analyze the case of relocated businesses in Ukraine, particularly their needs and adaptation in the host regions. An expert survey method was applied for 58 relocated micro-, small, and medium enterprises. The survey and review of secondary sources allowed distinguishing that security is the main driver of relocation (65% of respondents). Although for more than half of the respondents, relocation led to an increase in business activity in the host region, their ability to cover their own needs at the expense of their own funds fell, which led to the demand for external sources of financing. The biggest challenges are the cultural and doing business differences, loss of suppliers, and energy costs. In addition to financing, the TOP-3 needs include access to new markets (60%), the need for new equipment (57%), and special local permits (47%). Host regional authorities, as well as foreign donors, played a crucial role in adaptation to their region. In turn, businesses also note their contribution to the development of the host regions through tax contributions and providing jobs for the population and higher-quality products. Businesses demonstrate their openness to cooperation with foreign donors more than with local sponsors. These results are helpful for policymaking regarding regional development and the post-war rebuilding of Ukraine.

NGOization and Politicization of Aid

Abstract This paper focuses on the political economy of aid to determine its impact on Lebanon’s politics of sectarianism. I approach NGOization as a political process that normalizes a situation where citizens are accustomed to functioning without the state, and as an economic process creating a parallel economy. Both trends have expanded with the current crisis. I posit that politics of sectarianism feeds on NGOization: they allow sectarian elites to outsource aid, manage discontent and depoliticize ngo s and cso s, while silencing potential challenges to their order. Thus, organizations aiming to transform the political system lack visibility and leverage, while their space of operation has been shrinking. I also explore the role of international aid on the continuity and durability of the Lebanese state and its neo-patrimonial and clientelist governance mode. NGOization is further reinforced by the fact that national ngo s have been co-opted by foreign donors, which has the effect of depoliticizing their discourse and action.

Cameroon and its 21st Century Challenges towards Achieving Sustainable Development: Appraisals and Proposals

Purpose: This study presents an appraisal of some of the dynamics which Cameroon continues to face in the 21st Century in its quest to achieve sustainable. Using various indicia, the study identifies and proffers explanation why the country continues to face surmountable challenges in its pursuit towards achieving sustainable development. To attain this objective, a broad review of published literature was employed using various journal articles, textbooks, internet sources, etc. Methodology: The study adopts a qualitative research methodology in the interpretation of data. These data are both primary and secondary derived from laws, text books, journal articles, reports, working papers and other internet sources. This study adopts an analytical approach in the interpretation of the available data. Findings: The study observes that irrespective of existence of deterrent penal laws, policy formulations from international organization and support from foreign donor institutions, the country is not yet on the path towards sustainably sound environmental practices. Cameroon is engulf in a number of challenges both internal and external, which has accounted for continuous impoverishment of its population, social progress and economic advancement of the country generally. The Study employs the post-colonial and dependency theories of development to justify some of the key findings. The internal challenges revealed in the study ranges from the continuous prevalence of poverty and hunger, corruption and misappropriation, lack of judicial independence, the prevalence of conflicts, environmental degradation and poor enforcement measures. Similarly, this study also found the underlying external challenges to include the Structural Adjustment Programmes, the influence of Foreign Financial Institutions, and neo-colonialism. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: This study therefore concludes that strengthening enforcement measures, effective implementation of poverty alleviation policies, fight against corruption and misappropriation, and citizen participation can positive contribute to sustainable development in the Cameroon.

Elusive collaboration? The determinants of lead donorship in international development

AbstractLead donorship is a condition of sustained outsized responsibility by one foreign aid donor country for giving aid to a developing country. Prior research argues that lead donorship can either be a product of donors collaborating to carve out spheres of influence to maximize non-development foreign policy goals or else of donors buck-passing responsibility for addressing recipient needs. Which is it? This study seeks to answer this question using theory-driven expectations about when and where lead donorship should arise if donors cooperate or systematically fail to do so. It further develops novel measures of foreign aid’s public goods characteristics and donors’ marginal returns from giving aid that should help triangulate conditions under which we can expect lead donorship to arise due to cooperation or else its absence. Estimates from a flexible semi-parametric modeling strategy show that when and where lead donorship has the highest probability of occurring is consistent with systematic cooperation failure in the allocation of foreign aid. Various robustness checks are done and alternative explanations are also discussed. These findings provide insight into ongoing policy debates about donor cooperation and aid effectiveness and raise questions about what deeper strategic logics preclude donor cooperation.

Hybrid cord blood banking in a private-public-partnership: Women's perspectives.

The increasing demand for umbilical cord blood (UCB) used in stem cell transplantation led to the establishment of cord blood (CB) banks worldwide. These include public foreign donor banks and private family-directed donor banks. Recently, our department has introduced a third banking model within a private-public-partnership. This hybrid banking allows for storage of family-directed CB units, while also getting Human leukocyte antigen (HLA)-typed and included in the national stem cell donor registry. So if the need arises, the HLA-compatible CB unit can be released to an unrelated recipient as a foreign donor stem cell graft. The aim of this study was to evaluate women's perspectives on the different CB banking options as well as retrospective satisfaction with their decisions. We performed a prospective survey study in postpartum women, using a validated questionnaire. A total of 157 women were included in this survey study; 68% of them decided to have their UCB stored or donated. Among those women, 25% of them opted for hybrid storage, 72% of respondents stored UCB publicly, and 3% decided for private family-directed storage. Our study shows the potential of hybrid banking as an attractive UCB storage option, as an alternative to family-directed banking rather than a substitute for public donation. Hybrid storage potentially combines advantages of family-directed banking as well as unrelated CB donation expanding the number of registered CB units available for transplantation and giving every pregnant woman the possibility to store UCB.

Democracy and Autocracy in Africa

Contrary to the widespread claims of democratic regression in sub-Saharan Africa, our research on democratic processes reveals a different reality. We have found that the region's democratic journey over the past two decades has largely remained stagnant, with no significant advancements or setbacks in terms of political and civil liberties since the initial transitions in the early 1990s. However, this apparent lack of progress in African democratization masks the active efforts of incumbent leaders to undermine key actors, such as civil society, and structural conditions, such as urbanization, that could potentially lead to greater liberalization. To explain the uneven progress in democratization, despite increased political participation across the region, we argue that Africa's incumbent leaders have employed two often overlooked processes: legal institutions and international relationships. Firstly, these leaders have utilized the law and courts to restrict the ability of domestic actors to mobilize against them. By strategically using the law to consolidate their power and strengthen executive authority, they have undermined other institutional checks and balances. Secondly, incumbent leaders have effectively manipulated their international relationships to counteract the democratizing influence of external actors, including foreign donors and transnational civil society. This manipulation includes employing claims of sovereignty to resist external intervention in domestic politics.

"Take it or leave it": Analysis of pediatric heart offers for transplantation in Switzerland.

There is a shortage of donor hearts in Switzerland, especially for pediatric recipients. However, the rate and reason for refusals of pediatric donor hearts offered in Switzerland has not been systematically analyzed. The national transplant database, Swiss Organ Allocation System, was searched for all hearts from Swiss and foreign donors younger than 16 years from 2015 to 2020. The numbers of accepted and refused hearts and early outcome were assessed, and the reasons for refusal were retrospectively analyzed. A total of 136 organs were offered to the three Swiss pediatric heart centers and foreign donor procurement organizations. Of these, 26/136 (19%) organs were accepted and transplanted: 18 hearts were transplanted in Switzerland, and 13 of these were foreign. Reasons for refusal were (1) no compatible recipient due to blood group or weight mismatch, 89.4%; (2) medical, meaning organ too marginal for transplantation, 7.4%; (3) logistic, 1.4%; and (4) other, 1.8%. Five organs were refused in Switzerland by one center but later accepted and successfully transplanted by another center. Hearts from outside Switzerland were transplanted significantly less than Swiss hearts (n = 16/120 vs. 10/16, p < .001). The most common reason for refusing a pediatric donor heart is lack of compatibility with the recipient. Few hearts are refused for medical reasons. A more generous acceptance seems to be justified in selected patients. Switzerland receives a high number of foreign offers, but their rate of acceptance is lower than that of Swiss donations.

A matter of trust: Public support for country ownership over aid

AbstractInternational donors emphasize greater recipient-country ownership in the delivery of foreign assistance because it ostensibly promotes the efficient use of resources and strengthens recipient-country administrative capacity. The preferences of citizens in developing countries, however, are not well understood on this matter. Do they prefer that their own governments control foreign aid resources, or are there conditions under which they instead prefer that donors maintain control over how aid is implemented? We explore these questions through parallel survey experiments in Myanmar, Nepal, and Indonesia. Our experimental vignettes include two informational treatments: one about who implements aid (i.e., the donor or the recipient government) and the other about the trustworthiness of the foreign donor. The trust-in-donor treatment, on average, increases levels of support for aid in all three countries. In contrast, we observe heterogenous average treatment effects regarding aid control: control of aid by the donor rather than the government reduces levels of support in Indonesia and Myanmar, whereas it increases support levels in Nepal. We show how the cross-country variation in ATEs originates in consistent individual-level variation in reactions to aid control that is more shaped by respondents’ trust in their own government than their trust in the donor.

Exploring equity in global health collaborations: a qualitative study of donor and recipient power dynamics in Liberia

IntroductionGlobal health collaborations between individuals from high-resource and low-resource settings are complex and often built on hierarchical structures and power differentials that are difficult to change. There have been many...

Public Versus Private Health Financing Transition in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Exploring the Crowding-Out Effects

Healthcare financing is crucial for sustainable development and has been gaining attention, particularly since the COVID-19 pandemic. Although ample studies have explored the determinants of healthcare spending, the current study examines the determinants of health financing transition in 124 low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) for 19 years, from 2000 to 2018. The study first estimates the elasticity of health expenditure (i.e., government, private, and external) to per capita income, fiscal spending, age dependency, control of corruption, and time; second, it investigates crowding-out/in effects between domestic and external health financing. As the sample countries are heterogeneous in terms of development and universal health coverage (UHC) reform, our study employs a panel regression model with cluster-robust fixed effects and a bootstrapping quantile regression with fixed effects model to capture unobserved heterogeneity and produce robust estimates across quantile distributions. The results show that an increase in per capita government health expenditure (GHE) and per capita external health expenditure from foreign donors can reduce the share of out-of-pocket health expenditure to total health expenditure (OOPHE), thereby improving the health status and well-being of the people. The study also finds crowding-out effects of per capita external health financing on GHE in LIMCs. Interestingly, the results show that the control of corruption increases the per capita GHE in low-income countries. Thus, in low-income countries, improving governance would improve efficiency in fund utilization and strengthen the health system. Further, our study concludes that those countries that have passed UHC legislation are moving faster toward health financing transition by increasing public spending on health care. Healthcare policy in developing countries should prioritize (i) the adoption and implementation of UHC reform, (ii) alternative revenue mobilization strategy for financing public health care.

A Qualitative Exploratory Study of the Political Commitment for Nutrition Programming: A Case Study of Anambra and Kebbi States of Nigeria.

In Nigeria, varying levels of malnutrition across states present a critical challenge to public health, demanding tailored policy responses. This paper delves into the specific issues and dynamics influencing nutrition programs in the country. Advocating for nutrition-sensitive actions requires analyzing context-specific political commitment. This article presents a case study on two Nigerian states with varying malnutrition profiles to explore the political economy of nutrition. The study used stakeholder analysis, in-depth interviews, and semi-structured interviews through workshops, incorporating the Political Commitment Rapid Assessment Tool. The objective was to measure political commitment, the window of opportunity for action, and stakeholder analysis. The results showed that despite having a significant child malnutrition problem, Kebbi State received a high political commitment to nutrition, with proportions ranging from 0.67 to 1 in each of the six domains measured. On the other hand, Anambra State, where malnutrition was less severe, had varying commitment levels. Institutional commitment was marginally high (0.67), expressed commitment was high (0.71), and budgetary commitment was lower at 0.33. Kebbi had better support for programs dependent on foreign donors than Anambra. Both states need to use media to increase awareness about nutrition issues. When the nutrition situation is severe, foreign donors' influence grows. In conclusion, there are opportunities for strategic framing and advocacy of the nutrition profile of the states. Local state media can be effective, and institutional coordination committees that include various sectors already facilitate commitment to nutrition actions. However, individual, uncoordinated sectoral action can counterbalance the benefits of these committees. Further possibilities to generate political commitment for nutrition in the states are available. This study not only offers insights into the effectiveness of political strategies in addressing malnutrition but also lays the groundwork for future research and provides actionable recommendations for government policymaking.

INITIATIVE RECONSTRUCTION OF NEGLECTED BUILDINGS AS A WAY OF FORMING HOUSING FUNDS FOR INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS

The article provides examples of the leadership of representatives of civil society institutions, volunteers who proactively and participatoryly reconstruct buildings, help resettle internally displaced persons who suffered as a result of hostilities caused by Russian aggression. It has been proven that the reconstruction of existing buildings is an effective and quick way to provide internally displaced persons with housing. Examples of the implementation of projects of the Ukrainian Social Investment Fund (UFSI) are given. Donors of the project in different years were the governments of Germany (KfW), Japan (JSDF), Sweden (SIDA), Great Britain (DFID), the World Bank, the European Union, the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation, the Canadian International Development Agency, the International Renaissance Foundation , the UN Development Program for the reconstruction of existing residential and non-residential buildings with the aim of arranging housing for internally displaced persons, which creates conditions for fruitful cooperation with foreign donors, productive and transparent involvement of financial resources.

Fields of contestation and contamination: Maize seeds, agroecology and the (de)coloniality of agriculture in Malawi and South Africa

Farmer-managed seed systems and the conservation of agrobiodiversity are increasingly recognized as important components of food and seed sovereignty. In contrast, hybrid, genetically modified (GM), and, increasingly, gene-edited crops continue to be promoted by Green Revolution proponents as a “climate smart” package that includes fertilizers, pesticides, purchased seeds, and links to global markets. Influencing seed laws and policies to support the uptake of modern crop varieties has been a key entry point in many countries, facilitated by networks of foreign donors, philanthropists, governments, and multinational companies. Using the case of South Africa, where GM crops have been grown for several decades, we provide insights on implications for Malawi, which passed a Seed Act in 2022, implicitly supporting GM crops. Both countries have histories of colonial agriculture with strong policy support for modern, hybrid varieties of maize, and the replacement (and displacement) of local, open-pollinated maize varieties. In South Africa, several studies have revealed the contamination of smallholder fields and seed systems. Through a political ecology lens, we explore how maize and its cotechnologies were commodified in South Africa and Malawi, and what South African experiences of GM crop adoption in smallholder farming systems can tell us about the challenges to be faced by smallholder Malawian farmers. We reveal how colonial histories and ongoing colonialities of power, knowledge, being, and nature continue to shape the character and form of agriculture in both countries, running counter to the needs of agroecological smallholder farmers and their ways of knowing and being. We conclude by envisioning what reimagined, transformed and decolonial approaches for food and agriculture might look like on the African continent, and how they might contribute toward the attainment of food and seed sovereignty and an agroecological future.

Foreign Aid, Donors and Consultants- Analyzing Pakistan's Foreign Aid Inflows and Its Outcomes

Foreign Aid, Donors and Consultants- Analyzing Pakistan's Foreign Aid Inflows and Its Outcomes

HLA frequency distribution of the Portuguese bone marrow donor registry.

The Portuguese donor Registry of CEDACE was the fifth largest per capita bone marrow donor Registry of the WMDA as of 2019 and has yet to be thoroughly analyzed. We aimed to characterize its various aspects, including demographics and HLA allele and haplotype frequencies, to evaluate the genetic matching propensity score and ultimately further develop it. We described and compared characteristics of the donor population with census data and used an Expectation-Maximization algorithm and analyses of molecular variance to assess haplotype frequencies and establish phylogenetic distances between regions and districts within the country. We identified 396545 donors, corresponding to 3.85% of the Portuguese population; the median donor age was 39 years, with 60.4% of female donors. Most donors were Portuguese nationals, although 40 other nationalities were present, with a significant proportion of donors from Brazil and Portuguese-speaking African Countries; almost all donors self-reported as Western, with the second largest group reporting African ancestry. There was an asymmetric contribution of donors from different districts and regions, with most coming from coastal districts and few from the southern districts and autonomous regions; foreign and self-declared non-Western donors were mainly located in the Metropolitan Area of Lisbon and the South. Although most donors were typed in three loci (HLA-A, HLA-B and HLA-DRB1), only 44% were also typed in HLA-C, 1.28% in HLA-DQB1 and only 0.77% in all five loci and in high-resolution. There were varying allele and haplotype frequencies across districts and regions, with the most common three loci, low-resolution haplotypes, being HLA-A*01~B*08~DRB1*03, A*29~B*44~DRB1*07 and HLA-A*02~B*44~DRB1*04; some haplotypes were more prevalent in the South, others in the North and a few in the autonomous regions; African and foreign donors presented relevant differences in haplotype frequency distributions, including rare haplotypes of potential interest. We also report on four loci, low-resolution frequency distributions. Using AMOVA, we compared genetic distances between districts and regions, which recapitulated the country's geography. Our analysis showed potential paths to optimization of the Registry, including increasing the male donor pool and focusing on underrepresented districts and particular populations of interest, such as donors from Portuguese-speaking African countries.

Theoretical approaches to Media and Information Literacy in Foreign Aid Projects (Model for Central Asian countries)

This article is devoted to the analysis of different theoretical approaches to the field of MIL. It provides theoretical insights and definitions put forward by various experts in the field of ML and MIL. The author analyses the role of these approaches in develop the MIL level of the population, as well as the to increase the effectiveness of grants and projects of foreign donor organizations in Central Asian countries in the field of MIL. Using the main sources concepts, theories and approaches in different books about ML and MIL, manuals of international organizations, such as UNESCO, DW Akademie etc., the materials of the journal publications and archives, the author tries to give his own approaches to develop MIL in Central Asian countries. The article analyzes the sociological surveys that substantiate the results of the projects implemented in the field of MIL by various donor organizations in recent years. It was emphasized that in Central Asian countries, it is necessary to pay attention to regional, political and cultural peculiarities in increasing the level of MIL of the population. Keywords: media literacy (ML), media and information literacy (MIL), theoretical approaches to ML and MIL, protectionism, critical thinking, empowerment approach, foreign aid international MIL projects, implementation, and efficiency.

Religion and development in Samoa: Time to draw on the strength of local culture?

AbstractMotivationAs in much of the Pacific, Samoans understand their culture through Western religious lenses. Christianity and fa'a‐Samoa (culture and practices) are entangled; they determine Samoa's daily reality of governance, society, and economic development. To discuss Samoa's development over the past two centuries without addressing Samoan agency in maintaining the Christian mantle to navigate their worldviews would be to misrepresent modern Samoa. Policy and investment for economic development, especially foreign aid, is largely determined at national level. Samoa's most vital communities to effect change, however, are local: church congregations and their leaders.PurposeI examine the intersections of religiosity and Samoa's development. Should foreign aid donors consider Samoa's religious communities to implement effective education, poverty, and development programmes if religion is regarded as a cultural entity?Methods and approachI used talanoa to collect data from discussions with directors of two leading aid donors in Samoa, the United Nations (UN) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and the Aid Coordinator for the Government of Samoa. Talanoa is a face‐to‐face dialogue often used in Pacific communities.FindingsReligion plays a significant role in Samoan society. Samoans view economic development, the improvement of the lives of ordinary citizens, job stability, and education as part of the manuia (blessings) of Samoa's religious and political status and community tapuaiga (prayers). That said, religion is not considered in formal discussions of aid and development. The interviewees agree that aid donors should understand the role of religion in daily society.Policy implicationsPerhaps it is time for aid donors and Christian Pacific Island countries to use these unorthodox methods for positive economic and social changes. As stated in Samoa's World Summit on Sustainable Development Assessment Report, “the potential influential standing and the extensive outreach of the church within the community makes it a valuable vehicle to drive pro‐harmony strategies” (Government of Samoa, 2000).

Of cebras and citizens: Kinesthetic politics in Bolivia’s transport cities

AbstractUrban planners and foreign donors have long agonized over how politics, movement, and transportation infrastructure collide in the conjoined cities of El Alto and La Paz, Bolivia. As displaced tin and silver miners migrated to El Alto in droves during the 1980s and 1990s, they banked on that transportation sector to remake their lives, investing their severance packages in the lumbering “Micro” buses and minibuses that now choke both cities’ streets. La Paz’s patchwork of neighborhoods reflects its own history—and present—of racialized class mobility. This article examines the governance politics of municipal efforts to reform pedestrian and driver behavior in cities—mundane habits of movement that are freighted with political significance. In these urban education campaigns, the ways that residents move through transportation infrastructure comprises an important dimension of what it means to be a good citizen. As youth dressed as Cebras (zebras) playfully instruct residents on responsible urban behavior, they expose the somatic and especially kinesthetic dimensions of urban governance and belonging in the city. This article argues for greater attention to the forms of bodily attunement promoted by urban education campaigns and mobilized by city residents during daily encounters with transportation infrastructure.