Female Prime Minister Research Articles

Disturbing Femininity

When Helle Thorning-Schmidt in 2011 became the first female Prime Minister in Denmark, this “victory for the women” was praised in highly celebratory tones in Danish newspapers. The celebration involved a paradoxical representation of gender as simultaneously irrelevant to politics and – when it comes to femininity – in need of management. Based on an analysis of the newspaper coverage of the election, I argue that highlighting gender (in)equality as either an important political issue or as something that conditions the possibilities of taking up a position as politician was evaluated as a performative speech act, i.e. an act that creates the trouble it names. Ruling out gender equality as relevant was, however, continually interrupted by comments on how Thorning-Schmidt and other female politicians perform gender in ways that fit or do not fit with “doing politician”. These com-ments tended to concern the styling of bodies and behaviour and followed well known – or sticky – gendered scripts.

Gender and Leader Effects in the 2010 Australian Election

The impact of voters’ gender on leader evaluations in parliamentary systems has been largely unexplored, while the impact of female leaders on voter attitudes and preferences remains to be fully established. This paper uses Julia Gillard’s historic candidacy in the 2010 Australian federal election to explore how voters evaluated Australia’s first female prime minister, and to test the impact of their assessments on vote choice. The authors also examine whether Gillard’s high-profile candidacy affected women’s levels of political interest, awareness and engagement in what had been largely a ‘man’s game’. Their findings confirm that Gillard enjoyed a gender-affinity effect in 2010 in terms of both leader evaluations and vote choice, and women’s political engagement was significantly affected by the Gillard candidacy.

Her Rights at Work: The Political Persecution of Australia’s First Female Prime Minister

On 24 June 2010 Julia Eileen Gillard became Australia’s first female prime minister. She had served as deputy prime minister to Kevin Rudd in the Labor government that was elected on 24 November 2007. As deputy prime minister she had enjoyed great popularity and although the means by which Gillard assumed the top job was controversial — and became more so over the course of time — initially her elevation was greeted with widespread enthusiasm. There was a palpable sense of history in the media coverage, with most outlets treat ing Gillard’s ascension as an important event, to be taken seriously. The public seemed pretty pleased as well. Her popularity rating was high. Many women and girls, especially, were thrilled at this milestone having been reached. A few weeks into the job, Gillard called an election, seeking to legitimise her position through the validation of a popular vote. The election, held on 21 August 2010, failed to deliver her an outright majority. However she was able to form a government by negotiating agreements with the Greens and three Independents.

‘Nice girls don't carry knives': Constructions of ambition in media coverage of Australia's first female prime minister

Julia Gillard became the first female prime minister of Australia in 2010. This paper examines the various ways in which her success was constructed in the Australian print media in the days immediately following her elevation. In particular, we focus on how an issue that has long beset women aspiring to power and leadership - the so-called 'double bind' in which aspiring women leaders must display high competence and ambition in traditionally masculine domains while maintaining sufficient femininity so as not to be disliked - was constructed in this high-profile instance. We discuss the coverage in terms of its implications for the need to create an androgynized presentation of ambition, the continuing relevance of gender stereotypes, and the mixture of threat and opportunity provided to women taking positions on 'the glass cliff'. These issues remain crucially important for women aspiring to power and leadership in contemporary western societies.

Leadership Change, Policy Issues and Voter Defection in the 2010 Australian Election

Leadership change formed the backdrop to the 2010 Australian federal election, with the replacement of Kevin Rudd as Prime Minister by Julia Gillard, the country's first female Prime Minister. This article uses the 2010 Australian Election Study to examine patterns of voter defection between the 2007 and 2010 elections. The results show that the predominant influence on defection was how voters rated the leaders. Julia Gillard was popular among female voters and her overall impact on the vote was slightly greater than that of Tony Abbott. Defectors from Labor to the Greens disapproved of Kevin Rudd's dismissal from office. Policy issues were second in importance after leadership, particularly for those moving from the Coalition to Labor, who were concerned about health and unemployment. Overall, the results point to the enduring importance of leaders as the predominant influence on how voters cast their ballot.

Gendered Voting at the 2010 Federal Election

While considerable variations in gendered voting patterns exist across nations, in the US, at least since the 1980s, women have tended to favour parties of the left while men support parties of the right (Edlund and Pande 2002; Giger 2009). Across European countries alternatively, there is a degree of inconsistency in gendered voting patterns. For example, in some countries women have shifted toward parties of the left while elsewhere ‘women are still found to vote more conservatively’ (Giger 2009, 475). The latter pattern resembles the Australian case, where women have tended to favour conservative parties at federal elections, traditionally voting for the Liberal Party over the Australian Labor Party (ALP) (Renfrow 1994). In the 2010 Australian federal election however, this pattern was overturned; women voters clearly favoured the ALP for the first time since Australian election survey data have been collected. Clear differences in voting behaviour along gender lines had not been seen at Australian federal elections for the last three decades (Leigh 2005; Pietsch, Graetz and McAllister 2010; Studlar, McAllister and Hayes 1998). In Australia the pattern has resembled either the ‘traditional’ model of female support for conservative parties or a ‘gender dealignment’ pattern where only minimal gender differences in voting are apparent (see Inglehart and Norris 2000). Yet the last election was distinctive. For the first time in Australia since 1916, a sitting prime minister (Kevin Rudd) was deposed before serving a single term of office and replaced by his deputy Julia Gillard, who went on to become Australia's first female prime minister. The reasons for this momentous leadership change have been described in detail elsewhere (see, for example, Williams 2011). This note concentrates on the issue of gender as it relates to federal voting and in particular, the relationship between gender-differentiated voting patterns and voter perceptions of major party leaders. Although Australian Election Study (AES) data from 1987–2007 indicate only weak gendered voting patterns over the 20 years prior to the 2010 election, in 2010 women were far more likely than men to vote for the Labor Party. While some explain this gender differential in terms of ‘convergence’ (Renfrow 1994), sex-based segregation of the workforce (Leithner 1997), or unionisation (Haswell 2000), this paper advances an alternative explanation. The extent of gender-differentiated voting in 2010 is reduced considerably once voter evaluations of the Labor leader are controlled; indicating that the gendered voting pattern reported in the 2010 Australian federal election may be at least partly related to the way voters evaluated the new prime minister, Julia Gillard.

Gender, Intersectionality, and the Executive Branch: When Do Female Prime Ministers Promote ‘Women’s Interests’?

This paper provides a theoretical framework for investigating the effect of gender on national-level executive branch leadership. Currently, there is no consensus as to what is expected of a woman who occupies her country’s highest office. I argue that this disagreement is due to the assumption of an idealized “woman leader.” Adopting an intersectional approach to studying gender and executive leadership, I argue it is not possible to a priori identify a set of “female” policy positions. Because gender norms differ within and across countries, we must determine “what kind” of a female politician we are studying to determine how her particular gender might impact her governance. I then consider what might be expected of the first eight female Prime Ministers in Western Europe, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand.

A Study on the Women Political Leaders' Fashion Style for Role Enactment - Focusing on Yulia Tymoshenko -

【Since Sirimavo Bandarinaike became the first female prime minister in 1960, women all over the world has been trying to break the highest glass ceiling. In a place where men had been dominating throughout history, women political leaders had to find a way to look the part by wearing power suits. Feminity was out of the question until the digital era of 21st century started. The world has evolved into a place where feminity could be strength instead of weakness. Now women political leaders are showing body curves, cleavage, using vivid and pastel colors, soft fabrics, elaborate details, accessories, long and curly hair. The padded shoulders of dark coloured power suits were replaced by soft colorful flowing feminine suits. Yulia Tymoshenko of Ukraine is the best example of 21st century woman political leader using feminity in her fashion style while enacting her role. When she first started politics in 1990's, she wore dark colored power suits like all other women political leaders did with short dark hair. As time passed her suits became more feminine with light colors and elaborate details. She has changed her hair into a neat braid, based on a traditional Ukrainian hair style. She used orange color for the Orange Revolution and white for pure image. Yulia Tymoshenko's fashion style as a way of role enactment showed professionalism, feminity, integrity, and ethnicity.】

Political Advertising and the Portrayal of Gender, Colour and Class in Jamaica’s General Elections 2007

In March 2006, Mrs Portia Simpson-Miller became Jamaica’s first female Prime Minister and for the first time, the role of women as political leaders occupied a critical space in public debate. Political advertising was a dominant form of communication between the politicians and the electorate. Along with gender, intersecting issues of colour and class took centre stage in discussions regarding leadership, the state of the country and the ability to govern. Through content analysis of selected political advertisements in electronic media (TV) and print media including the use of cartoons, this paper examines how gender, colour and class were portrayed during the campaign of Jamaica''s general elections 2007, with particular emphasis on the candidates for the Office of Prime Minister: Mrs Portia Simpson-Miller and Mr Bruce Golding.

Coalition

Coalition

Reality bites (of) Indian women in South Africa—an opinion piece

Indian society has placed on women for centuries. I savour the sweet taste of freedom that many of my friends and family yearn for. I am 21 years old, and already I'm an independent career woman, and my father and brothers treat me with the dignity and respect I deserve. But sadly, some Indian women are trapped into submissiveness, and their struggle to break free continues. Although I'm South African by birth, I am still viewed as an Indian woman. For many Indian women, basic human rights exist only in theory, because they are treated according to outdated and misinterpreted customs and traditions that originated in India. This is because those who practice many oppressive traditions ignore the fact that women's rights in India have been prevalent since 1966, when Indira Nehru Gandhi was elected as India's first female prime minister and became one of the world's first female leaders of a democratic country. Since 1981, organisations such as the All India Democratic Women's Association1 have been founded to ensure democracy, equality and women's emancipation, regardless of a woman's caste, class and community (Kings College, 1998). Many still choose to believe that rights for women are non-existent in India and consequently use it as an excuse to exercise oppressive practices in their homes here, in South Africa. What they fail to understand is that India is not a homogenous country. It consists of more than 1.1 billion people_ representing more than ten religious and ethnic groups. Although more than 80% of Indians consider themselves to be Hindus, when analysing the way in which women are treated in India according to traditions and beliefs, it is important to note that the Muslim population of India constitutes 13.4%, and there are a fair amount of Christians, Sikhs and Buddhists (Wikipedia Encyclopedia, 2007). As John Baptist Thakur, chairman of the Commission for Women of the Catholic Bishops Conference of India, said, 'Women have suffered discrimination and been the victims of violence not only for cultural reasons but also because out of ignorance' (Spero News, 2007). In Indian cities, women's oppression is quickly becoming a thing of the past, as modernisation and industrialisation take over and more women become educated and financially independent. However, in rural villages, where people are generally less educated, women are still being exploited. To give you an idea, India's latest National Family Health Survey (NFHS) conducted by India's Women and Family Welfare Ministry indicated that 58.5% of women in North Indian villages face physical,

Out with ‘Rainbow Government’ and in with ‘Iraqgate’: The Finnish General Election of 2003

AbstractFinland's March 2003 general election saw Anneli Jäätteenmäki lead her opposition Centre Party to a narrow victory over Prime Minister Paavo Lipponen's Social Democrat-led ‘rainbow government’. A generally lacklustre campaign, highlighted by concerns over unemployment, Finland's place in Europe and uncomfortable foreign policy decisions, is notable for making Jäätteenmäki Finland's first female prime minister and for making the country the first in the EU to have women as both prime minister and president. These distinctions proved fleeting, as scandal –‘Iraqgate’– drove Jäätteenmäki from office after only two months. Scandal aside, the election demonstrates the difficulties for still-new EU members of juggling domestic economic concerns with European and broader international commitments.

Discourse on Feminism in Korean Society: Focusing on the Controversy of a Female Candidate for the Presidency and a Female Prime Minister

Discourse on Feminism in Korean Society: Focusing on the Controversy of a Female Candidate for the Presidency and a Female Prime Minister

Modernity and the Self

Modernity and the Self

Statecraft: Strategies for a Changing World

A collection of the former Prime Minister's speeches and articles, 'Statecraft' brought Margaret Thatcher's unrivalled political experience to bear on the challenges of the early new millennium. Margaret Thatcher's influence on modern politics continues to be undeniable, controversial and unmatched by any other statesman or woman. In 'Statecraft', Britain's first ever female Prime Minister discussed the dangers and opportunities of the new millennium. In her own words, it is a book about our future: 'In this age of spin-doctors and sound bites, the ever-present danger is that leaders will follow fashion and not their instincts and beliefs. That was not how the West won the Cold War, not how we created the basis for today's freedom and prosperity. If we wish to make our achievements secure for our children and grandchildren, the West must stay vigilant and strong. In this book it will be my purpose to show that it can - and must - be done.'

Women and Democracy: The New Political Activism in Africa

Until the 1990s, it was unheard of for an African woman to run for the presidency of her country. To be sure, Africa had a few female rulers earlier in the twentieth century, but none had been elected. Empress Zauditu, for instance, ruled Ethiopia from 1917 to 1930; Queen-regents Dzeliwe Shongwe (1982–83) and Ntombi Thwala (1983–86) reigned over Swaziland; and Elizabeth Domitien of the Central African Republic was appointed as Africa’s first female prime minister, serving in 1975– 76. It was only in the 1990s, however, that significant numbers of African women began aspiring to positions of national leadership. In the 1990s, women ran for president in Kenya and Liberia, while others sought party nominations for the presidency in Angola, Burkina Faso, the Central African Republic, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Nigeria, Sa‹o Tome and Principe, and Tanzania. Although all were unsuccessful in their bids for power, these women set important precedents in their respective countries. The first woman to become an African head of state in a nonmonarchical regime was Liberia’s Ruth Perry, who chaired her country’s six-member collective presidency, the Council of State, in the mid1990s. In 1994, Uganda’s Wandera Specioza Kazibwe became Africa’s first female vice-president. Rwanda and Burundi elected female prime ministers in the mid-1990s, and Senegal chose a woman prime minister in 2001. By the end of the 1990s, legislative bodies in Ethiopia, Lesotho, and South Africa had all appointed female house speakers, while those in Uganda, Zimbabwe, and South Africa had female deputy speakers. Aili Mari Tripp is associate professor of political science and women’s studies at the University of Wisconsin–Madison and director of its Women’s Studies Research Center. She is the author of Women and Politics in Uganda (2000) and Changing the Rules: The Politics of Liberalization and the Urban Informal Economy in Tanzania (1997).

FromThe Madwoman in the AttictoThe Women's Room: The American Roots of Israeli Feminism

ISRAELI FEMINISM HAD TO BE reinvented in 1970s. About half a century had passed since Suffragettes of Jewish Palestine won vote in 1920; by 1970s, intervening events primarily Holocaust, establishment of State, and its prolonged state of siege-have turned struggle and achievements of those New Hebrew into a dim memory. familiar images of female soldiers and even a female Prime Minister [who was not a feminist!] did little to change life and status of the woman in street. From time of Independence until SixDay War (194-8-1967) status of women was, for most part, a nonissue, is succinct summary of sociologist Dafna Izraeli in her 1987 EncyclopaediaJudaica feature essay on The Status of Women in Israel'3 This summary may sound paradoxical to anyone somewhat familiar with ideological roots of Zionist movement, which was bound up with I19-century socialism and nationalism. former had openly propagated-at least in theory-both social and sexual equality for women. However, as recent sociohistorical studies in Israel have shown, not a little was lost in translation from ideological platform to lived experience. In

Bangladesh Votes-1991: Building Democratic Institutions

The sudden and, indeed, unexpected collapse of the regime of President Hossain Muhammad Ershad in December 1990 led to the appointment of Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed as acting president. His role was that of a caretaker leader whose primary responsibility was to conduct a and election to Parliament, one in which all parties, including the Jatiya Party (JP) of the fallen (and incarcerated) Ershad, would be permitted to contest.' The election on February 27, 1991, was free and fair as has been attested by a number of foreign groups who observed the process, including groups from the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), the Commonwealth, France, and the United States. The result was a plurality for the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by Khaleda Zia (Khaleda), the widow of Ziaur Rahman (Zia) who led Bangladesh from 1975 until his assassination in 1981. She was able, with the support of the Jamaat-i-Islam (JI), to form a ministry that was sworn in with her as prime minister on March 20. She thus became the second woman to be prime minister of a predominantly Muslim country, following Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan; in so doing she completed the record of the principal countries of South Asia in having female prime ministers, the others being Sirimavo Bandaranaike of Sri Lanka and Indira Gandhi of India. At the same time, Sheikh Husina Wajid (Husina), leader of the Awami League (AL) and daughter of the first leader of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Mujib), became the leader of the opposition in Parliament, a position she had held earlier in the Parliament elected in 1986.

Serial-Position Effect and Organization of Recall of Connected Meaningful Verbal Material

Factor analyses of recall measures by King have consistently resulted in a two-factor solution with the first dimension being quantitative and the second, organizational in nature. To test the generality of the serial position with respect to connected discourse, an eight-sentence passage summarizing the arguments, pro and con, of having a female prime minister was written. It was presented individually to 48 men and 48 women, with the sentences interchanged around conjunctions to control for position effects. While sex differences and the sex × position interactions were not significant, combined data supported the serial-position effect along both the quantitative and organizational dimensions. The organization of the recalls using both dependent accuracy measures was described in terms of positively decelerating functions. Analyses of the recall of sex × pro-con arguments yielded no significant differences on this presumably sex-linked topic with either dimensional measure.