Federal Germany Research Articles

King Hussein and Federal Germany

King Hussein and Federal Germany

“Foreign Worker” Perspectives between German Trade Unions and Turkish Worker Organisations after the Recruitment Ban: Evidence from the Migrant Activism in Frankfurt

With the foreign worker recruitment ban in Federal Germany on 23 November 1973, the public featured one of the most controversial debates on how long the former guest workers would stay, and whether Federal Germany was a country of immigration. Between German trade unions and foreign workers these questions also remained contested during the 1970s. This paper looks into these contestations and explores conceptions of the former “guest workers” represented by the German trade unions and migrant organisations from the recruitment stop (1973) until the decade’s end. It discusses activities by Turkish worker organisations in Frankfurt, which were led by union functionaries and had charters promoting unionism, and compares them with the programmatic positions of the German Trade Union Confederation from the same timeframe. Although the period featured disagreements on the above questions, migrant activism at the local level suggests growing cooperation between trade unions and migrant groups as well as emerging agreements on the common migration issues, most importantly the foreign workers’ return option, their family migration and voting rights in German local elections.

THE ROLE OF DIGITAL TECHNOLOGIES IN THE ORGANIZATION OF CONTROL OVER TAX LIABILITY SETTLEMENTS OF BUDGETARY INSTITUTIONS

Purpose – the aim of the study was to assess the impact of digital technologies on the organization of control over tax liability settlements of state-financed institutions in the general fiscal discipline system. Research methodology – specific methods of accounting and control of tax liabilities were used: Pareto analysis; cluster analysis of EU countries by fiscal discipline level. Findings – the study proved a direct relationship between the extent at which digital technologies are applied in the control of tax liabilities and the level of fiscal discipline in the country. The clustering of the EU-27 countries confirmed the cophenetic correlation between the fiscal discipline violation rate and the total averaged amount of taxes. Research limitations – caused by a large number of budgetary institutions and the difference in the territorial structure of the EU-27 countries, due to which federal Germany and unitary Bulgaria have different levels of subordination of budgetary institutions. Practical implications – the study is analytical and managerial in nature; its results assess the contribution of the digital component in the overall decision-making system. Originality/Value – the study is particularly useful for analysing the achievements, challenges and opportunities for digital transformation of the tax control system of the EU-27 in the field of control over public finance management.

Analysis of the economic problems after the unification of Germany

The fall of the Berlin Wall, one of the eight major political upheavals in Eastern Europe in 1989, fueled popular enthusiasm for reunification, directly undermined the East German government's plans for control and reform, and put the German question back on the international political agenda. The different economic paths and outcomes between the GDR and the Federal Republic of Germany led to different social outcomes, resulting in different social structures and social problems. In the end, the economic and social model of federal Germany came to the fore, but the after-effects of reunification and the new national environment forced Germany to embark on a different economic path after reunification. Such new changes in the economic sphere constantly triggered corresponding changes in the structure of German society. How to view these changes is a new problem facing contemporary German studies.

ВЕНЧУРДУК КАРЖЫЛООДОГУ ЭҢ АЛДЫНКЫ ЭЛ АРАЛЫК ТАЖРЫЙБАЛАР

The article describes the foreign experience of venture investment in the innovative transformation of the economy. Forms and ways of development of venture investment in developed countries will be determined. The article presents an analysis of the best world practices and the possibilities of their application in the Kyrgyz Republic. The experience of the USA, Great Britain, France, Germany and China will be described in detail, since the venture industry of these countries is the most developed in comparison with venture investment in other countries. countries. The most interesting is the experience of Federal Germany, which appeared in Germany in the 70s of the twentieth century. The article focuses on the role of states in the formation and development of venture business in the leading countries for a long period of time, the experience of which may be useful in the formation of state policy in the field of innovation financing.

К вопросу о государственном устройстве Федеративной Республики Г ермания при принятии Основного закона 1949 г.

The article deals with the issues of state structure of the Federal Republic of Germany discussed in the process of adoption of the Basic Law of 1949. The author examines the constitutional and legal situation within which the Basic Law of the FRG was adopted, analyses in detail the ideas of leading constitutionalists on the issues of state structure that were discussed in the process of drafting the Basic Law of the FRG. Germany's partition was initiated by the West. Recently disclosed archive documents show that Germany's split was predetermined already in the course of the war at the meetings of the "Big Three" - the USSR, the USA and Britain. Then they were joined by France. The accusations that the Soviet Union was responsible for the split of that country are untrue. On the contrary, in the first post-war years, the Soviet government proposed free elections in both parts of Germany, on the condition that the united country would be neutral, that is, would not be part of any military blocs. The West rejected this proposal. The Soviet government has repeatedly stated that Germany must be seen as a single economic and political entity. The position of the Soviet Government is supported by the views of scholars of Soviet state law. The question of German state unity was widely discussed at that time in Soviet periodicals. Soviet scholars L. Bezymensky, B.S. Mankovsky, D. Melnikov, D. Monin, E. Tarle and I. Traynin were in favour of a united German state. On this basis, they concluded that the rejection of the political unity of Germany was directed against the democratic restructuring of the country. A dismemberment of Germany is in the interest neither of the German people, nor of the democratic countries of Europe. Only the re-establishment of a united Germany is in the interest of a lasting peace in Europe, consistent with the historical development of the country and the legitimate aspirations of the German people themselves. There were differences of opinion about the future state structure of Germany. The position of prominent Soviet jurists differed fundamentally from that of Western politicians and jurists. The Western allies were in favour of a federal Germany, while the Soviet scholars were in favour of a unitary form of government. Thus, Germany, divided first into four occupation zones, and then into American and Soviet zones of influence, which not only lost considerable territories, but also completely lost its international standing, ceased to exist as a unified nation state for many years. Two independent states, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, were created on German territory. There was a de facto split into two states, which found themselves in different military and political blocs. Since that time, all the aspirations of West and East Germans have been directed towards the unification of Germany and the reunification of the German people. The author declares no conflicts of interests.

Life After Merkel - the 2021 Federal Elections and Germany’s Changing Party System

Life After Merkel - the 2021 Federal Elections and Germany’s Changing Party System

Federal Almanya’daki İlkokul (1.- 4. Sınıflar) Çocuklarla Felsefe Dersi (Philosophieren mit Kindern) Öğretim Programının Değer Eğitimi Açısından İncelenmesi

Çocuklarla Felsefe yapma çok erken dönemde çocuklara akıl yürütmesini, sorgulamasını, eleştirel bakmasını kazandıran bir disiplindir. Bu disiplin çocuklara karşılaştıkları bilgi, inanç ve değerleri sorgulamaksızın kabul etmemelerini, değerlendirmeler yaparak tercihte bulunmalarını öğretmektedir. Temelleri 1970’lere kadar geriye giden çocuklarla felsefe yapmanın öncü isimleri Matthew Lipman ve Gareth B. Matthews olarak bilinir. Felsefenin araştırma alanlarından birisi de değerler felsefesi (Axioloji)’dir. Bireylerin davranışlarına temel teşkil eden değerler, farklı tanım ve sınıflandırmalara sahiptir. Bununla birlikte ülkeler değer eğitimine her geçen gün daha fazla önem vermektedir. Değer eğitimini içinde barındıracak alanlardan birisi Çocuklarla Felsefe Dersi olmalıdır. Bu çalışmada da öğretime konu edilen Çocuklarla Felsefe Dersi’nin, değer eğitimi açısından incelenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Araştırmanın temel sorusunu, “Federal Almanya’daki ilkokul (1.-4. Sınıf) “Çocuklarla Felsefe” dersi öğretim programının değer eğitimi ile ilişkisi var mıdır?” oluşturmuştur. Nitel desenli olan bu araştırmada verilerin analizinde doküman incelemesi tercih edilmiştir. İçerik analizi yapılarak bulgular yorumlanmıştır. Araştırma sonucunda bu dersin değer eğitimiyle doğrudan ilişkili olduğu; özgür olmak, kendi amaçlarını seçebilmek, açık fikirli olmak, barış istemek, sorumluluk sahibi olmak gibi değerleri kazandıran hedef, yetkinlik ve içeriğe sahip olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

Research Notes on Neoliberal Globalization and Unemployment Since the 1970s and 1980s

Neoliberalism is related in different levels to the force and authoritarianism that the market -and related sectors- are able to mobilize. For neoliberals, democracy is a problem and a historical reality that should be disciplined to satisfy the demands of the market. These research notes raise some elements of discussion about the implementation of the neoliberal program during the 1970s and 1980s concerning the process of capitalist globalization. Both central and peripheral capitalism experienced the intensity of new policies focused on the protection of private companies and individual initiative in different ways. These policies displaced the objectives of full employment and policies of social welfare. This deployment can be observed in societies as different as Chile and Federal Germany from the mid-1970s to the 1980s. The German case demonstrates that democracy can constrain neoliberalism, whereas in Chile the dictatorship played a fundamental role in propagating neoliberal policies.

El neoliberalismo contenido: aproximación al desempleo y las reformas económico sociales en Alemania Federal (las décadas de 1970 y 1980)

The central aim of this paper is to contribute, from a historiographical perspective, to the discussion on the processes of the neoliberal reform and the problem of unemployment deployed since the 1970s, particularly interested in the case of Federal Germany. Various social disciplines have observed the dynamics that have characterized the neoliberal itinerary in the Federal Republic of Germany, tending to agree to define the limited or restrained nature of this process. The paper presents an approach to the discussions and policy proposals developed in West Germany to address the problem of unemployment since the first oil crisis of 1973 until the 1980s. Within these discussions, there are some of the characteristics of the political discussion, together with proposals deployed by some of the most important trade union sectors of the period. The paper includes various interpretive perspectives from the social sciences and historiography, thus, it combines the review and interpretation of sources with the development of a state of the art. Keywords: West Germany, unemployment, politics, reforms, neoliberalism.

Higher education policy in Canada and Germany: Assessing multi-level and multi-actor coordination bodies for policy-making in federal systems

Modern governments are increasingly faced with problems of policy coordination. However, coordination does not come naturally to organizations as it demands overcoming institutionalized working modes. Thus, countries have to find ways to tackle these problems to ensure efficient provision of public services. This contribution focuses on a specific and complex case, namely policy coordination for higher education policy in federal systems. The main research interest is to analyse the way in which coordination bodies responsible for higher education policy in two federal countries, Canada and Germany, organize their activities. Through this the study contributes to the understanding of the relevance of policy coordination in multi-level and multi-actor policy-making environments as well as the particular institutions that are dedicated to this task. Both coordination bodies are found to have many commonalities. However, the persisting differences, which can be traced to constitutional surroundings, also stress the importance of local conditions.

El derecho fundamental a la salud en Colombia

La acción de tutela tuvo como prueba de fuego la salud y su naturaleza jurídica, ya que la mayoría de las veces se la ha utilizado para lograr la protección de este derecho fundamental. Jurisprudencialmente se comenzó por establecer que la salud era parte esencial de la vida, pero como la Ley 100 de 1993, al establecer indicadores de eficiencia y rentabilidad, sometió a criterios neoliberales la prestación de este servicio, las Entidades Promotoras de Salud (EPS) comenzaron a “rechazar” la atención de aquellos que demandaban terapias y drogas que no estaban en el Plan Obligatorio de Salud (POS). A partir de la Carta de 1949, en Alemania Federal se adopta una fórmula que cambia cualitativamente el Estado liberal clásico en Estado social de derecho, que convertía al Derecho Constitucional en el garante del régimen de libertades y derechos fundamentales, a través de la modulación de los contenidos de las sentencias de constitucionalidad y los test de ponderación y balanceo, cuando estos estuvieren en juego. Es así que la Corte Constitucional colombiana, usando la modulación del contenido de sus fallos, fue creando una especie de POS jurisprudencial a lo largo de los centenares de tutelas que revisaba por violación del derecho a la vida a causa de la no prestación del servicio de salud. Se llega de este modo a la célebre Sentencia T-760/08 que establece de modo permanente tal POS jurisprudencial y crea normas reglamentarias y de procedimiento que vinculan a las EPS a un marco jurídico para prestar su servicio, creando como figura autónoma el derecho fundamental a la salud.

From the local to the supranational: curriculum reform and the production of the ideal citizen in two federal systems, Germany and Spain

This paper examines the Europeanization of citizenship education policy through a comparative analysis of two European states, Germany and Spain, with strong traditions of regional control of education policy. While previous studies have tended to focus on national responses to and implementation of EU initiatives, they often disregarded the complex relationship regional actors have with national state and supranational actors. Using evidence from interviews and a detailed framing analysis of citizenship education curricula, textbooks, and policy documents, this paper looks specifically at Catalonia and Bavaria to explore the conception of the ‘ideal citizen’ within and across local education practice(s), regional policy imperatives, central state‐level citizenship education policy, German and Spanish federal policy related to citizenship and immigration, and EU educational initiatives.

Nosocomial infections in Germany. Their epidemiology in old and new Federal Länder

To determine the prevalence rate of nosocomial infections in different parts of Germany. The study involved 14,966 patients (45.9% medical, 35.9% surgical, 14.7% obstetrical/gynaecological and 3.5% intensive care) in 72 randomly chosen German hospitals (59 in the old [i.e. previously West German] and 13 in the new [i.e. East German] Federal Lands). Using the CDC criteria for the diagnosis of nosocomial infections specially trained doctors determined whether the infection was in fact nosocomial. There was a 3.5% prevalence rate of nosocomial infections in the entire population (95% confidence interval 3.1-3.9%). In view of the chosen methods and the in part incorrect indication of microbiological diagnosis in the included hospital, this rate of nosocomial infection is likely to be a minimum number. The prevalence rate for the most important nosocomial infections was lower in the new Lands of Federal Germany than the older ones (total prevalence of 2.7 vs 3.6%). The difference is mainly due to the less frequent employment of various devices (e.g. peripheral vascular catheters), rather than different hygienic standards in their use. The lower prevalence rate of nosocomial infections in the new Lands, because fewer devices are employed, underlines the need constantly to test the indications for their use.

Myth or Reality? The Red Hand and French Covert Action in Federal Germany during the Algerian War, 1956–61

During the Algerian war of independence (1954–62), Federal Germany became the theatre of a series of unexplained bombings and shootings that targeted Algerian nationalists and German arms dealers. At the time, these crimes were attributed to the Red Hand, a counter-terrorist organization or parallel secret service with a mission to defeat the enemies of l’Algérie française. This article argues that the attacks on West German territory were executed neither by vigilantes nor by renegade agents. Instead, they were carried out by the French foreign intelligence service SDECE with the full approval of the highest political authorities in Paris. Using the case of Federal Germany as an example, this article seeks to reveal how and why covert action – including state-sanctioned murder – became an integral and important part of the Algerian war, particularly of France's campaign to undermine the Algerian rebels' efforts to procure military and non-military supplies. The article will show that the Red Hand served merely as a cover to detract from the state's resort to such violent and criminal means.

Federal Germany and Its Non-Federal Society: Emergence of an All-German Educational Policy in a System of Exclusive Provincial Jurisdiction

William Livingston's idea of "federal society" is one of the leading sociological approaches to federalism. This article applies Livingston's approach in the opposite direction. It is argued that the unitary German societal structure, or the "non-federal" German society, has exerted centralist pressures on the federal system. In particular, the article examines the changes within the policy area of education. Despite explicit constitutional clauses that place education under the exclusive jurisdiction of the German Länder, an all-German educational policy has emerged. A process that started with harmonization and standardization has eventually led to the "nationalization" of education. This has largely come about through public demands for a Germany-wide public policy. Empirical research shows that political actors have differed over the contents of educational policy but have shared an all-German frame of reference.

Some European systems for regulation and control of private design and construction with particular reference to fire safety

Discusses the relatively close links between essential requirements and technical requirements in the Building Regulations of England and Wales and several continental European states, concentrating on a specific examination of regulations for fire safety and how it is handled in the systems of Federal Germany and France. Highlights the very different governmental systems in these two countries and how this affects Building Regulations.

Will the Two German States Solve the Problem of European Security?

WILL THE TWO GERMAN STATES SOLVE THE PROBLEM OF EUROPEAN SECURITY? Jonathan Dean . he "Gorbachev Era" and the improvement in East-West relations associated with it have not changed the basic political facts of the European situation: the division of Germany into two separate states and the continued incorporation of these states into opposing military alliances, NATO and the Warsaw Pact, is regarded by most governments in both alliances as the precondition of military and political stability in Europe. True, the three Western wartime allies — France, the United Kingdom , and the United States— undertook a contractual obligation three decades ago in the 1954 Bonn Convention to promote the reunification of Germany, but this commitment does not alter the political facts. Even the government of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), while insisting that the possibility of ultimate self-determination must be kept open for the population of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), also insists that any chance of fulfilling this possibility is distant in time and that the security of the Federal Republic can be assured only by continued Federal German membership in the NATO alliance. Majority public opinion in the Federal Republic supports the government position, although this support could shift if the German public thought other possibilities were real and would at the same time assure continuation of their current level ofeconomic well-being, political freedom, and security. For its part, the government of the GDR insists that the status of the GDR as a separate state is permanent and that it has every intention of continuing GDR membership in the Warsaw Treaty Organization. Jonathan Dean is arms control adviser to the Union of Concerned Scientists. This article is based on a contribution to a forthcoming book, The German States and European Security, edited by F. Stephen Larrabee, to be published under the auspices of the Institute for East-West Security Studies, New York. 173 174 SAIS REVIEW At present, only a portion of the GDR population (whose size cannot be measured given the authoritarian nature of the GDR system, but which is probably large) actively desires a change in the status quo, and then only under conditions that would maintain at least current standards of living and security. The forces supporting continuation of the status quo of the division of Germany and the membership of the two German states in opposing alliances are very strong. Yet, since their mutual acceptance as separate states in the Grundlagenvertrag , or Basic Treaty of December 1972, the Federal Republic and the GDR, in each case pushed by strong domestic public opinion, have entered into a complex relationship whose increasing scope and intensity has caused considerable concern in both East and West. To the allies of the two German states who have these worries, no aspect of the inner-German relationship is more sensitive — because it is, at least in appearance, so directly related to possible change in the status quo in Europe — than the possibility of inner-German collaboration on security and arms control issues. Starting from timid beginnings in the early 1970s, the security dialogue between the two German states has intensified with the emergence of the reform-minded Gorbachev leadership in the USSR. The policies of the two Germanies already overlap on an increasing number of arms control and security issues. The circumstances surrounding conclusion of the intermediate-range nuclear forces (INF) treaty have brought strong support in Federal Germany for negotiated reduction of tactical-range nuclear weapons, vigorously seconded by coordinated East German and Soviet pressures for the "third zero" — total elimination of nuclear weapons from Europe. The next five years may bring the conclusion and implementation of a United States-Soviet accord on reduction of strategic nuclear weapons, a second Stockholm-type agreement on confidence-building measures covering NATO and Warsaw Pact armed forces, a NATO-Warsaw Pact agreement to reduce these forces in the Atlantic-to-the-Urals area and, possibly, a worldwide prohibition on production and storage of chemical weapons. Such developments would intensify the inner-German dialogue on security and arms control issues. This article examines the possible extent of such intensification, its implications for the inner-German relationship, for the security policies of...

L'Église multitudiniste dans le protestantisme allemand. regards sur le concept et la réalité de la « volkskirche » en république fédérale

Marc Lienhard : The Established Church in German Protestantism. A Consideration of the Theory and Practice of the «Volkskirche» in Federal Germany. The article relates how Luther's ecclesiology and the history of German protestantism have led to a multitudinous church described since the sixteenth century as the «Volkskirche». This term covers three different meanings : a Church borne by the people (the lay), a Church offered as a service to all, and a Church created for a particular people. The writer then proceeds in his second section to a presentation of four features of multitudinism in present-day protestantism in the Federal German Republic : one joins the Church by birth rather than by personal choice, members turn to the Church for its services at decisive moments in life, the Church is active in public life, and it accepts different opinions within its fold. However, a wearing away revealed in particular by departures from the Church is affecting the «Volkskirche». A third section deals with a number of recent theological views regarding the «Volkskirche».

La normalisation du passé ? La république fédérale d'Allemagne et le problème juif

Normalizing the past ? Federal Germany and the Jewish problem, Rita Thalmann The history of Germany's relations with her past concerning the Jews and the « final solution » shows several phases. After the 1952 negotiations on « reparations » to be paid by Germany to the victims who had escaped genocide, German-Israeli relations have been ambiguous, despite exchanges of official visits, which started, it is true, only in 1970. In Germany, embarrassed silence vis-à-vis the Jews has been replaced by a kind of reexamination which resembles the end of a taboo. That is how the « Bitburg-effect » must be understood, as well as the German historians' debate on the historiography of the Third Reich, which challenges the singularity of the genocide.