Reviewed by: Public Forgetting: The Rhetoric and Politics of Beginning Again Katherine E. Mack Public Forgetting: The Rhetoric and Politics of Beginning Again. By Bradford Vivian . University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010; pp x + 212. $60.00 cloth. Bradford Vivian's Public Forgetting: The Rhetoric and Politics of Beginning Again challenges both the hallowed position that memory enjoys in popular culture and the interdisciplinary field of memory studies alike. Dominant cultural representations figure memory as a bulwark against time and mortality, yet portray forgetting as memory's antithesis, and consequently, as that which must be resisted. In this framework, memory constitutes a "public imperative" and forgetting the "tragic failure to heed it" (15). Vivian acknowledges that recent scholarship accounts for memory's inevitable [End Page 591] fragmentation, transience, and mediation, processes akin to forgetting, but he insists that it still exhibits a pervasive skepticism and wariness toward forgetting as such. Public Forgetting seeks to complicate scholars' understanding of forgetting and memory by revealing their "productive (rather than destructive) interplay" and by presenting forgetting as memory's "worthy alternative" (7-8). At its best, Vivian argues, public forgetting can stimulate deliberation and judgment, reconstitute existing sociopolitical relations, and "transform a public's perceived subservience to its past into an expression of agency over the future" (59). Public Forgetting offers readers a new conceptual approach, analytical vocabulary, and evaluative framework with which to recast forgetting in this more favorable light. Part I of Public Forgetting traces the historical origins of the equation of forgetting with oblivion to set the stage for Vivian's reconsideration of public forgetting. Vivian reviews the dominant tropes and figures in the Western tradition that depict forgetting as the enemy of remembrance and as synonymous with absence, erosion, loss, and death. He describes the thinner tradition of ars oblivionis, which highlights the advantages of "forgetting as oblivion" rather than questioning the logic of the equation itself (40). For example, one forgets to promote forgiveness, as in the cliché "forgive and forget," or to remember better or differently. Vivian draws on cognitive psychologists' notion of "adaption," Foucault's "counter-memory," Neitzche's "critical history," and Arendt's "natality" to generate an alternative heuristic for identifying and evaluating public forgetting. This heuristic focuses on public forgetting's fostering or repression of res publica, defined as pluralist speech and action and the contexts wherein such activities thrive (59). In the conclusion, Vivian elaborates on this heuristic by proposing three additional criteria with which to evaluate public forgetting: the degree to which forgetting results from violent suppression or deliberation; the kairos of forgetting as it relates to the existence of an archive (or lack thereof) of the event in question; and the public's proximity or distance from that which is being forgotten. In Part II, Vivian analyzes four instances of public forgetting and evaluates them according to his heuristic. The speeches given on the first-year anniversary of September 11 exemplify pernicious forgetting in regard to res publica, as they urged audiences to participate in traditional commemorative rituals, but to forget the obligations of democratic praxis that such rituals typically extol. The three subsequent case studies provide increasingly positive examples of public forgetting, demonstrating respectively how public forgetting "may contribute positively to the content of formal public history, the evolution of [End Page 592] informal cultural heritage, and transformative political leadership in periods of national crisis" (169). To produce a novel historical episteme about the inevitability of scientific progress and the superiority of scientific thought, the 19th century historian John Draper enacted public forgetting of the historically compatible relationship between religion and science. Though Draper's history enacted this forgetting without resorting to totalitarian historical revisionism, it did not foster "the prospects for informed critical judgment," thus placing his rhetoric of forgetting on "ambiguous middle ground" (110). For Vivian, the Gypsies' "ethic of communal nonrecollection," as elaborated and promulgated in their folklore, constitutes a double-edged sword (115). On the one hand, their forgetting of injustices suffered enables them to adapt to new contexts and circumstances; on the other, this continual forgetting "fails to assist in forging new, more durable social and political customs" (132). Abraham Lincoln's "Gettysburg...