Exclusion In Europe Research Articles

Social exclusion and poverty in Europe: Territorial patterns

With the Europe 2020 strategy and its headline target of lifting 20 million people out of poverty and social exclusion until 2020 (European Commission, 2010b), a number of policy initiatives in poverty reduction, social inclusion, education and employment have been adopted at the European and the Member States’ national levels. The European Social Survey shows that preventing poverty and reducing inequality through the welfare state has high priority among European populations (van Oorschot et al., 2012). Thus, there seems to be a strong general support for political initiatives that combat social inequality and exclusion. This special issue is aimed at reflecting on policy achievements and the challenges ahead and take stock of our understanding of the processes and factors underlying social exclusion and poverty across Europe. Social exclusion is a term used to describe new forms of inequality (Atkinson and Davoudi, 2000; Copeland and Daly, 2012; Madanipour et al., 2003), from a multidimensional perspective, transgressing sectors and spheres of life. It relates to different spheres of integration: labour market participation is an important cornerstone of social inclusion or exclusion; access to welfare state entitlements and adequate housing; or the right for political participation are others. Place plays an important role here, too, in terms of place-specific patterns and integrated strategies (Bentley and Pugalis, 2014). Social exclusion has a spatial dimension (Murie and Musterd, 2004: 1442), visible in distinctive patterns of spatial segregation, in small-scale concentration of urban disadvantage, or in the rural problems of remoteness and accessibility. The drivers for these patterns differ across European countries and regions (Arbaci, 2008; Marcinczaka et al., 2015; Musterd, 2005; Tasan-Kok et al., 2013: 22). This was an underlying rationale for the research project, upon which papers for this special issue are based. Undertaken by a European consortium of researchers, the TiPSE (Territorial Dimension of Poverty and Social Exclusion in Europe) project, which was funded by the ESPON 2013 programme, aimed at extending and deepening the conceptual understanding and knowledge of the

The New Anti-Semitism in Europe: The Islamic Dimension of, and Jewish Belonging in, the EU

This article examines the sense of Jewish vulnerability and exclusion in Europe that has resulted from manifestations, and Jewish perceptions, of the “new anti-Semitism,” and the role of Islamic communities in Europe in propagating this form of hatred of Jews. First emerging in 2000 with the outbreak of the second Palestinian Intifada, and tied in with the Middle East conflict, anger at Israel is directed at Diaspora Jewish communities. This “new anti-Semitism” targets the Jewish collective with the characteristics of anti-Semitism previously aimed at individual Jews. The article focuses on the wave of anti-Semitism that erupted as a result of the 2014 Israeli–Hamas War. Based on an analysis of European Jewish communities, it considers the active part played by European Muslim communities in perpetrating the new anti-Semitism. Using an analysis of survey data, emigration statistics and newspaper opinion articles by leading European Jewish intellectuals, the article considers how the new anti-Semitism is adversely affecting Jewish–Muslim relations and the concomitant sense of “belonging” of European Jewry. The article considers what is required to overcome the new anti-Semitism propagated by Muslim communities to restore a greater sense of Jewish belonging to, and identification with, Europe.

The Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Western Africa, 1300–1589 by Toby Green (review)

Reviewed by: The Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Western Africa, 1300–1589 by Toby Green Rebecca Shumway The Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Western Africa, 1300–1589. By Toby Green. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012. 366 pp. $99.00 (cloth); $79.00 (e-book). Drawing on archival sources in Europe, Latin America, and the Caribbean, Toby Green presents a new study of the earliest phase of European maritime activity and settlement on the Cape Verde islands and the West African coast between the Senegal River and Sierra Leone. The book examines conditions in fourteenth- and fifteenthcentury Iberia and West Africa that set the stage for the complex interactions between Europeans and Africans that followed, though the book primarily focuses on the period from 1460 to 1589, when Cape Verde was a hub of long-distance trade. Most of the nine chapters deal exclusively with the islands and coastal towns where Iberians conducted trade, although frequent reference is made to the African hinterland as well as locations in Europe and the Americas that were connected to Cape Verde by maritime trade. The book provides a richly detailed analysis of the evolution of Cape Verde as both an entrepôt for trade in enslaved Africans and a very early European colony in which African slaves produced agricultural products for export. Green’s use of documents from the Inquisition enables him to paint a detailed portrait of the settlers who came from Iberia in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries seeking their fortunes in the first site of what Philip Curtin has dubbed the “plantation complex.” A large proportion of these settlers were New Christians of Jewish ancestry, and Green argues that their experiences with violence and exclusion in Europe shaped the ways in which they built a new society based on slavery and slave trading on Cape Verde and the African coast. One of the most intriguing ideas presented in the book is that this part of the world was simultaneously shaped by three overlapping diasporas in this period: the New Christian diaspora in Cape Verde and the Mediterranean, the diaspora of Islamic traders involved in trans-Saharan trade, and the Mandinka diaspora through which coastal Western Africans shared a cultural and linguistic link with their neighbors in the distant interior. Green is very keen to show that he has uncovered new evidence that warrants a reassessment of the volume of the early slave trade from Upper Guinea. He makes a strong argument for the underappreciation of the Portuguese contraband slave trade and introduces evidence showing that the scale of this trade may have been quite large. For example, he demonstrates that many slave ships could have been provisioned by the increasing agricultural production in Upper Guinea [End Page 729] in this period. The number of enslaved Africans taken by slave ships in this period nevertheless remains extremely uncertain, however, and historians who have used quantitative methods to assess the volume of the trade will undoubtedly question Green’s interpretation. Moreover, this evidence alone does not refute the generally accepted view that African gold was more important than slaves to the first generations of European traders in Africa, which Green rejects. New evidence presented here regarding early Europeans’ travels in the Americas has more potential to stimulate fruitful historical analysis. Green shows that many of the first “explorers” of the Americas, including Columbus, actually had extensive experience in and knowledge of West Africa, and that they referenced their African knowledge in their encounters with the indigenous people of the Americas. The ways in which these European travelers introduced ideas about slavery and slave trading from the Old World to the New constitute a new dimension of the ideological processes involved in the formation of the early Atlantic World. Some readers will be put off by Green’s exaggerated claims. This book certainly advances historical knowledge of the complex processes that might be called the making of the Atlantic World (à la John Thornton); however, it is a stretch to say that it makes a significant contribution to our understanding of major events in the more recent history of the world—such as the colonization of Africa...

Nothing to be done about them without them: The Slovenian National Police and Roma joint-training program

This research contributes to police policy formation aiming to confront Roma social and political exclusion in Europe. Since Roma are technically protected by European national constitutions, as well as by the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and other human rights declarations, how Roma are handled by national governments, and in particular the police who may regularly encounter them in daily life, becomes an important part of whether the promises of democracy and multiculturalism can be achieved in actuality. This research outlines promises and challenges faced by a unique Slovenian joint-training program and suggests that a program which leverages relationships with the diverse communities that are Roma-identified can have benefits beyond merely educating police officers. The main methodologies used to document and asses the training program and its community effects were police focus groups and semi-structured interviews with past participants in the program, from both the Roma and non-Roma communities, as well as semi-structured interviews with other community stakeholders. The research shows that increased confidence in the police and community problem solving and dialogue may be attributed to a police focus on Roma-related joint training.

‘I Am White … Even If I Am Racially Black’ ‘I Am Afro-Spanish’: Confronting Belonging Paradoxes in Transracial Adoptions

Transnational adoption and ‘racial’ diversity as a result of immigration developed nearly at the same time in Spain. This circumstance offers a singular frame to examine what has been called the ‘new rhetorics of exclusion in Europe’, in which ‘race’ is replaced by ‘ethnicity’. Through four case studies of transracial adult adoptees in Spain, this text explores how the ‘racialisation’ of their bodies is (re)negotiated in their self-construction processes, and how they reproduce and resist the social dominant discourses on belonging and difference. The conclusions point out the failure of closed categories to content and hold the diversity of subjective positions and cultural identities in a globalised world. It is also suggested that the emergence of complex identities – in which individuals recognise themselves as simultaneously belonging to different ethnic groups – seems to need not only physical proximity among the different groups, but also relational; multiple identification seems only possible when establishing horizontal relationships with different groups.

The policies of unemployment protection in Europe

The abundant literature on welfare state policies, regimes or ‘worlds’ has been only limitedly interested in unemployment protection, and even less in youth unemployment protection. What is clearly lacking in the literature is an updated analysis of the most recent policies developed in European countries targeting youth. This mini‐symposium aims to fill in this gap by presenting findings from an EU‐funded research project entitled ‘Youth, Unemployment and Exclusion in Europe: A Multidimensional Approach to Understanding the Conditions and Prospects for Social and Political Integration of Young Unemployed’ (YOUNEX). The main aim of the research endeavour was to develop theory and contribute to empirical knowledge concerning the social and political exclusion of unemployed youth in Europe.

Health related social exclusion in Europe: a multilevel study of the role of welfare generosity

IntroductionThe aim of this paper was to investigate the association between health, social position, social participation and the welfare state. Extending recent research on the social consequences of poor health, we asked whether and how welfare generosity is related to the risk of social exclusion associated with combinations of poor health, low education and economic inactivity.MethodsOur analyses are based on data from the European Social Survey, round 3 (2006/7), comprising between 21,205 and 21,397 individuals, aged 25–59 years, within 21 European welfare states. The analyses were conducted by means of multilevel logistic regression analysis in STATA 12.ResultsThe results demonstrated that the risk of non-participation in social networks decreased as welfare generosity increased. The risk of social exclusion, i.e. non-participation in social networks among disadvantaged groups, seldom differed from the overall association, and in absolute terms it was invariably smaller in more generous welfare state contexts.ConclusionsThe results showed that there were no indications of higher levels of non-participation among disadvantaged groups in more generous welfare states. On the contrary, resources made available by the welfare state seemed to matter to all individuals in terms of overall lower levels of non-participation. As such, these results demonstrate the importance of linking health related social exclusion to the social policy context.

Digital local agenda: bridging the digital divide

PurposeWhile information communication technologies (ICTs) are essential for social and economic development in today's emerging digital society, the problem of the digital divide persists. To close this gap, the European Union has proposed eInclusive policies. However, a general belief has emerged that this issue must be dealt with at the local level. The purpose of this paper is to report on such an effort, the Digital Local Agenda (DLA). It aims to show the DLA development in Europe and provide an example of its utilization in practice through a European initiative.Design/methodology/approachThe paper explains the rationale for the DLA, and examines implementation of the DLA in pilot sites in five European countries to support civil servants in small municipalities, and empower them to develop and utilize their capacities to use ICTs and reach people most in danger of eExclusion.FindingsPreliminary findings indicate that the DLA should be considered when looking for solutions to the persistent problem of digital exclusion in Europe. Implementing the DLA may improve public service provision and reduce the digital divide faced by disempowered groups.Originality/valueGiven the flexible and adaptable instruments provided for in the DLA, the paper argues that the DLA is an effective and strategic approach to translate policy frameworks into solutions that practitioners can deploy to overcome the barriers of accessing eGovernment, reduce the digital divide among marginalized groups in Europe and include all stakeholders in decision making processes.

La exclusión social en el discurso educativo: un análisis basado en un programa de investigación

El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar los fundamentos teóricos y metodológicos y las etapas de un programa de investigación, que ha cubierto ya más de una década. Este programa pone el acento en las complejas relaciones entre exclusión social y educación, y más específicamente entre la inclusión-exclusión social y el gobierno de la educación, en el marco de las políticas generales y también de las prácticas institucionales. Este programa combina dos enfoques analíticos: el enfoque de la equidad y el enfoque del conocimiento, siempre desde una perspectiva político-comparada y cultural. Ambos tienen raíces epistemológicas e incluso ideológicas diferenciadas, aunque no contradictorias: ambos, en una u otra medida, están presentes en los tres proyectos sucesivos de este programa de investigación: 1. Gobierno de la Educación, Inclusión y Exclusión Social en Europa; 2. Estudiantes en riesgo de exclusión educativa en la Educación Secundaria Obligatoria; 3. Exclusión social y educativa de Niños y Jóvenes con SIDA. En conjunto, este programa sostiene la idea de que ciertos cambios en el gobierno de la educación se pueden volver mecanismos de inclusión/exclusión, en términos de diferenciación y estratificación social y cultural. Esto quiere decir que ciertos cambios en las políticas educativas pueden afectar severamente la capacidad de la educación para combatir la exclusión social. Hablamos de aquellos cambios concernientes a la manera de construir la solidaridad social y las racionalidades políticas, según la cual se establecen las formas de comprender a los individuos. Tratamos de estudiar, a partir de varios conceptos y categorías, como los de transición y narración, cómo se producen los cambios o se modifican los principios que ordenan la política, la pedagogía, el éxito escolar o incluso las estadísticas. En otras palabras, cómo se introducen ciertos sistemas de razón que juegan su papel en un medio desigual, así como ciertas reglas de acción que premian o castigan, califican o descalifican, integran o marginan a los individuos o a los grupos.

Urban Sprawl in Europe

The alienated atmosphere, the shallow relationships of the residential suburbs inhabited by the American middle classes and the spatial manifestations of the failure of the American dream and family model are spectacularly presented in Edward Albee’s dramas written in the 1960s Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf?, Everything in the Garden, or A Delicate Balance. The problems of some types of European, including French, suburbs such as suburban crime, violence or fear are best illustrated in the context of art cinema by films such as Mathieu Kassovitz’s La Haine (Hate) or Luc Besson’s Banlieue 13 (District B13). Naturally, for us examples from the context of art are not as important as scientific studies indicating the main causes of today’s social problems, which are basically the lifestyle of the middle class, its self-fulfilling confinement and individualism in the American suburbs, and the concentrations of socially disadvantaged classes and social exclusion in Europe. Behind the differences, behind the characteristics of the American and European societies, and the traits of their history, economy and development, the different social structural features of cities are evident. The American middle classes live mostly in suburbs, and more disadvantaged groups are spatially concentrated in inner cities. The European middle classes are located predominantly in the inner city or betteroff suburban areas, while the disadvantaged classes are increasingly concentrated in suburban areas. Although European suburbs are different from their American counterparts, there are visible signs of increasing convergence. Now European cities also have to face tensions which hitherto characterised mainly American urban societies. European cities are also typified by fragmentation, the rise of individualism, and the disintegration of community sense and social cohesion (Cattan p. 1). Slums, which in the past were mainly typical of American cities, are now spreading in European cities as well and segregation is also increasing (Haussermann–Haila 2010, p. 60). The hereto positive features specific to Europe, namely the European welfare state which has played an outstanding role in comparison with America, the relatively limited enforcement of market impacts and public efforts to manage social tensions, have been damaged and needs to be limited (Kazepov 2010, Cities of Europe). It is a fact that the European welfare states are not always able to restrain the various tensions, particularly due to different social structural and economic difficulties and crises, and to the strengthening of European urban sprawl and its sociological impacts. Besides American suburbanisation, which fundamentally has historical relevance to America, European suburbanisation is also gradually spreading (Kazepov 2010, p. 13). Because of global economic interests, metropolitan * This article is the introductory part of the book entitled Urban Sprawl in Europe published by Aula Kiado (Budapest,

Agency in a Changing Educational Context: Negotiations, Collective Actions and Resistance

The celebration of individual agency, which is closely connected to the promotion of the knowledge economy, competition and performance, is obvious in contemporary European education and youth policy, at national and supranational levels. Schools and teachers are thus expected to be crucial agents in fostering the development of flexible, responsible, self-governing and entrepreneurial citizens by adopting personalised pedagogies and continuous and close evaluation (Hartley, 2009). For example, the project Education Governance, Social Integration and Exclusion in Europe (EGSIE), which included studies from several European countries, revealed considerable consensus among teachers, principals and decision-makers on what constitutes a good student, a good teacher or a good head teacher, clearly reflecting such ideas about agency (Lindblad et al, 2002; Lindblad & Popkewitz, 2004). Consequently, structural and institutional power relations (Arnesen & Lundahl, forthcoming 2010) are downplayed and expressions of individual agency in terms of collective action and resistance are rendered more or less invisible. Furthermore, the emphasis on learning combined with high achievement and control may lead to more children and young people being marginalised and left with less room for agency, resulting in teachers’ attempts to promote socio-emotional development and fostering democratic citizenship being toned down. Such findings, however, make it no less essential to map and analyse new forms of influence and action, new freedoms and controls, individual as well as collective, resulting from or being in conflict with emerging power configurations This special issue highlights the subject of agency in Nordic educational institutions during the early 2000s, with respect to acting on, negotiating, opposing, transgressing and resisting, as well as examining the options for participation by various actors. It is suggested that altered relationships and increased tensions between individual ‘freedom’ (cf. Rose, 1999) and institutional control, as well as conflicting policies and values, bring about particular power dynamics, through which different actors within institutions may gain more or less influence. We also inquire into disruptions or actions that go against the grain. Whilst studies focusing on resistance often regard teachers and students as conflicting groups (see McFadden, 1995), our aim is also to search for alliances that might involve various constellations of students, teachers, and other actors. We look for contradictions in critical manifestations, since the position of being critical and in opposition is more open for some actors, e.g. middle-class boys and male teachers with permanent posts, than

Social exclusion and collective action in contemporary France

This symposium focuses on the theme of the collective action of marginalized people in contemporary France. It draws on papers originally delivered at January 2008 conference entitled ‘Collective Action and Social Exclusion in Europe’ organized on 11–12 January 2008 by the Triangle Research Center of the Ecole Normale Superieure de Lyon – Lettres et Sciences Humaines, with the support of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, the Universite Lyon 2 (France), and the Irish Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences. These four articles are substantial revisions of some of the conference papers. A key objective of the conference was to discuss dominant social movement paradigms and to confront them with the specific cases of the political mobilization of people who face difficult social and economic circumstances. At a time when the French are overly preoccupied by the problems of unemployment, poverty and social exclusion, the country’s thorny social, economic and political climates presents its political and civil society actors with key challenges. One such challenge is how to deal with the effects of the French’s increasing wariness of mainstream institutions (political parties and trade unions) and the efforts of many people to create autonomous spaces for action (Waters, 2003). In this regard, some commentators point to a revival of issues of a social nature (Aguiton and Bensaid, 1997), to a development of protest (Sommier and Crettiez, 2006), and to an increase in novel forms of workplace or work-related conflict and resistance (Francfort, 2005; Beroud et al, 2008). These issues were underlined quite forcefully on 29 January and 19 March 2009 when between two and three million people demonstrated throughout the country – some of the highest numbers since May 1968. Indeed, the rise in social conflict and protest within French society are core

Book Review: Heinz Steinert and Arno Pilgram Welfare Policy from Below: Struggles against Social Exclusion in Europe

Book Review: Heinz Steinert and Arno Pilgram Welfare Policy from Below: Struggles against Social Exclusion in Europe

The Perils of Belonging: Autochthony, Citizenship, and Exclusion in Europe and Africa (review)

The Perils of Belonging: Autochthony, Citizenship, and Exclusion in Europe and Africa (review)

Citizenship through education. A comment on Social exclusion in Europe: some conceptual issues

This contribution deals with the integrative model underpinning contemporary European social policy. It was conceived as a comment on the article by O’Brian and Penna, addressing the same topic and published in this issue of IJSW. The author looks at processes of social inclusion/exclusion through the lens of political theory and the notion of citizenship, which is at its core. Based on this approach, the comment provides a perspective that in many respects is complementary to the conceptual analysis presented by O’Brian and Penna in their article.

Financial Exclusion in Europe

This article outlines the nature, causes and extent of financial exclusion in Europe and discusses policy/industry responses to tackling it. Policy response has been ad hoc and country specific. Policy-making by the EC has been disappointing; national solutions are preferred to US-style affirmative action. The offer of basic banking accounts typically lies at the heart of many countries' efforts to increase financial inclusion and they are a common feature of European policy.

Social exclusion in Europe: some conceptual issues

In the late 20th and early 21st century, social exclusion has become something of a trope around which is pegged justifications for various reforms. The notion of social exclusion has found its way into the lexicon of all major global governance institutions. How has this happened, and what are its implications for scholars of contemporary welfare reforms? In this article, we consider the ‘rise and rise’ of the discourse of social exclusion, with particular reference to its development as a policy paradigm within the European Union. We note that its initial iteration was anchored in a functionalist discourse of social organisation but that this was quickly challenged both by post‐structuralist and post‐colonial perspectives and by research findings that undermined the view of mainstream institutions as fundamentally integrative and inclusive in nature. The debate about social exclusion, we suggest, is simultaneously a debate about the historical and social dynamics of European modernity.

Is the United States a Good Model for Reducing Social Exclusion in Europe?

Advocates of U.S.-style labor market flexibility have long argued that Europe could generate jobs and lower unemployment if the continent's economies followed the example of the United States. More recently, proponents of the U.S. model have suggested that labor market deregulation also holds out the possibility of reducing the problem of "social exclusion" in Europe, primarily because unemployment is one of the worst forms of social exclusion and contributes to other forms of social marginalization. The authors review a broad range of social and economic indicators and conclude that the United States fares poorly compared with much of Europe on social measures. Meanwhile, U.S.-style flexibility has had only mixed success in improving employment outcomes, and the U.S. economy consistently provides lower levels of economic mobility than economies in Europe.

Roma in Europe: Human Rights or Humans Out of Sight?

Europe is confronted by a painful paradox; while the idea of ‘Europe’ conceptualizes the European Union as a champion of liberal democracy, human rights and equality, the position of the Roma clashes with this vision. This paper looks at human rights and exclusion in Europe with specific emphasis on the Roma ethnic minority and argues that prevalent anti-Roma discrimination in both Western and Central- Eastern Europe holds larger ramifications than merely the Roma’s constant position of alien, or “despised outsider”. The power of discrimination, popular culture and opinion in marginalizing the Roma effectively limits their equal exercise of civil, political, and human rights. The Roma therefore represent tangible limits to the ideas intertwined with European integration. It is argued that the unwillingness to address the issue of Roma exclusion on the local level within specific countries possesses the effect of creating a two-tier citizenship regime that possess the capacity for unraveling the social and intellectual aims of the European Project. Social, legal, and actual exclusion of the Roma therefore holds significant ramifications for social policy within an enlarging EU. The paper presents popular depictions of the Roma and illustrates the pervasive power of exclusion by examining events such as the 1993 Czech citizenship law; the 1999 construction (and subsequent debate over the dismantling) of a wall around Roma apartments in the Czech town of Ústi nad Labem, widespread use of physical violence and intimidation to discourage Roma settlement and racism in Central and Eastern Europe. These events suggest that the pan-European “identity” is far from constructed and that systematic and fundamental change in attitudes towards among elites and society at large and representations of the Roma is essential if the EU’s enlargement is to expand the protection of Human Rights on an equal footing throughout Europe for the Roma. Combating historical representations constructed by social and political elites of the groups such as the Roma as an other is of paramount importance if the Roma, and other ethnic minorities, are to be included as equal stakeholders in an enlarged Europe.

Roma in Europe: Human Rights or Humans Out of Sight?

Europe is confronted by a painful paradox; while the idea of ‘Europe’ conceptualizes the European Union as a champion of liberal democracy, human rights and equality, the position of the Roma clashes with this vision. This paper looks at human rights and exclusion in Europe with specific emphasis on the Roma ethnic minority and argues that prevalent anti-Roma discrimination in both Western and Central- Eastern Europe holds larger ramifications than merely the Roma’s constant position of alien, or “despised outsider”. The power of discrimination, popular culture and opinion in marginalizing the Roma effectively limits their equal exercise of civil, political, and human rights. The Roma therefore represent tangible limits to the ideas intertwined with European integration. It is argued that the unwillingness to address the issue of Roma exclusion on the local level within specific countries possesses the effect of creating a two-tier citizenship regime that possess the capacity for unraveling the social and intellectual aims of the European Project. Social, legal, and actual exclusion of the Roma therefore holds significant ramifications for social policy within an enlarging EU. The paper presents popular depictions of the Roma and illustrates the pervasive power of exclusion by examining events such as the 1993 Czech citizenship law; the 1999 construction (and subsequent debate over the dismantling) of a wall around Roma apartments in the Czech town of Ústi nad Labem, widespread use of physical violence and intimidation to discourage Roma settlement and racism in Central and Eastern Europe. These events suggest that the pan-European “identity” is far from constructed and that systematic and fundamental change in attitudes towards among elites and society at large and representations of the Roma is essential if the EU’s enlargement is to expand the protection of Human Rights on an equal footing throughout Europe for the Roma. Combating historical representations constructed by social and political elites of the groups such as the Roma as an other is of paramount importance if the Roma, and other ethnic minorities, are to be included as equal stakeholders in an enlarged Europe.
 Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.180