SINCE the publication of Clark and Wilson's classic description of the motivations for participation in group activity, much attention has been given to this important area of investigation, and especially to the motives for participation in political organizations (Clark and Wilson 1961; Bowman, Ippolito, and Donaldson 1969; Browder and Ippolito 1972; Burrell 1982; Conway and Fiegert 1974; Defelice, 1981; Hitlin and Jackson 1977; Hofstetter 1971; Ippolito 1969; Nakamura and Sullivan 1981; Salisbury 1965-1966; Soule and Clarke 1970; and Wilson 1973). Clark and Wilson (1961) identified three broad categories of motivation: material, purposive, and solidary (Wilson 1973). Material motives are basically those involving pecuniary gain. The hope of garnering a government contract, getting a job, obtaining discounts on services, and improving in tax circumstances are all examples of material motives. Purposive motives are intangible; they derive from the sense of satisfaction of having contributed to the attainment of a worthwhile cause (Wilson 1973: 34). A desire to help others, to improve the environment, or to end a corrupt practice, each for the benefit of a public larger than oneself, are purposive motives. Solidary motives are fundamentally social motives. Within this broad category of motives are two variants, specific and collective. Specific solidary motives are those which arise out of the act of and which can be given to, or withheld from, specific individuals (Wilson 1973: 33-34). Deference, receiving an honor, and office-holding are typically specific solidary motives. Collective solidary incentives are intangible rewards created by the act of associating that must be enjoyed by a group if they are to be enjoyed by anyone (Wilson 1973: 34). Friendship, fun, and conviviality are examples of collective solidary motives. It should go without saying that the motivations of political activists are critical for our understanding of any modestly responsive political system (Verba and Nie 1972, and Kessel 1980). For example, many students of the motivations of political activists argue that political organization activists begin with a concern for task-oriented civic purposes only to become disillusioned and change their orientations toward the material and solidary dimensions (Elderveld 1964, Conway and Fiegert 1968, and Roback 1980). Verba and Nie argue that the election-oriented modes of
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