Data from the 1973-1978 General Social Surveys were used to estimate, by means of multiple regression analysis, the effects of years of school completed on eight dimensions of psychological well-being for white men, white women, black men, and black women. Estimates are provided of total effects, effects net of socioeconomic variables, and effects net of socioeconomic variables, family situation, and frequency of attendance of religious services. There is little evidence for negative effects, the only statistically significant negative coefficient being that for satisfaction with community among white men. There is some evidence that education has positive effects on psychological well-being in all subpopulations except black men, the strongest evidence being for white women. Dummy variable regression estimates of the effects of different increments of education indicate greater effects from four years of high school than from four years of college. There is tentative evidence that mothers' education may have an important positive effect on their offsprings psychological well-being. Norval D. Glenn is Professor of Sociology, University of Texas, Austin, and Charles N. Weaver is Professor of Management, St. Mary's University, San Antonio. The data reported here are from the 1973-1978 General Social Surveys conducted by the National Opinion Research Center (James A. Davis, principal investigator) with funds from the National Science Foundation. The authors are solely responsible for the analyses and interpretations presented here. The data set was obtained from the Roper Center at the University of Connecticut. We are indebted to the management of the San Antonio College Computer Center for providing computer time for this project. Public Opinion Quarterly Vol. 45:22-39 ? 1981 by The Trustees of Columbia University Published by Elsevier North-Holland, Inc. 0033-362X/81/0045-22/$1.75 This content downloaded from 207.46.13.153 on Fri, 05 Aug 2016 06:11:58 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms EDUCATION'S EFFECTS ON WELL-BEING 23 resources to education in this country. ' However, what of its noneconomic, nonvocational utility? The literature of professional educators emphasizes alleged current and potential noneconomic and nonvocational functions of education, both to individuals and to the society as a whole. Education allegedly can enable individuals to live richer, more interesting, more satisfying lives. According to this point of view, it should sharpen aesthetic appreciation, impart resources for satisfying use of leisure time, help in the establishment of successful interpersonal relations (including marriage and other family relations), and impart knowledge and develop skills and understanding to help deal with virtually any of life's problems. On the societal level, education can allegedly promote tolerance and reduce prejudice, reduce intergroup tensions, enhance informed participation in the political process, and generally facilitate the amelioration of social problems. However, the extent to which education has had these beneficial consequences is problematic.2 As supporters of the liberal arts at the college level will readily point out, the potential for noneconomic, nonvocational benefits from education is probably much greater than has been realized. Furthermore, a small and almost neglected literature deals with probable dysfunctions of education, primarily, but not exclusively, at the individual level. Although no sophisticated theorist would categorically accept the shibboleth that ignorance is bliss, several authors have pointed out that enlightenment is not always emotionally satisfying (e.g., Moore and Tumin, 1949; Schneider, 1962). If education dispels comforting illusions or useful fictions, its effects on the individual can be maladjustive. Kingsley Davis (1948), in his well-known treatment of the functions of religion, stresses the very important individual and social functions of religion, and a few pages later he adds that religion withers like a leaf before a flame when the scientific attitude is brought to bear on it . (p. 536). Davis does not point out the implications of his assertion for the effects of a scientifically oriented program of education, but they are obvious. Furthermore, education may produce frustration by increasing aspirations and expectations more than it increases resources for attainment. If this individual consequence is wide1 Expenditures for education at all levels (both private and public) in the United States in 1977 were $131 billion. This was about 21 percent as great as the total governmental expenditures at all levels and was 134 percent as great as the expenditures for national defense. In contrast, in 1960 the $24.7 billion spent for education was 16 percent as great as all governmental expenditures and 55 percent as great as the expenditures for national defense. See U. S. Bureau of the Census (1978:xvi-xvii). 2 Least problematic are the effects on desirable values. See Hyman and Wright (1979). This content downloaded from 207.46.13.153 on Fri, 05 Aug 2016 06:11:58 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
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