Events Of Spring Research Articles

The nature of the relations between Turkey and the European Union In the light of illegal immigration

Illegal immigration is one of the long-term and complex problems between Turkey and EU countries. Turkey always been one of the countries because of the historical background of the Ottoman Empire, has been able to resist the dominance of other countries. Turkey with one of the world's strongest economies, has become an obstacle to the European Union, turkey's geopolitical and geostrategic position has made it a regional and international country. It means that part of its success and the political games he plays derived from all its different poles. After Turkey's disappointment with membership in the European Union, and after the rapid changes in the regional equation, especially after the events of the Arab Spring, collapse of the entire political and security system in part of the Middle East, particularly Syria and Iraq, Turkey embraced a new strategy for self-protection and spreading its hegemony. In this regard, the issue of migrants was one of the biggest card of Turkey towards the European Union. However, this issue in several occasions put on the dialogue table. This research is an attempt to introduce the issue of migrants and the refugee agreement between Turkey and the European Union. We will present an assessment of the 2016 Migrant Agreement and the outcome of the agreement.

CRISIS MANAGEMENT AS A DRIVER OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM IN JORDAN: EVALUATING PERFORMANCE OF JORDANIAN TOURISM PUBLIC POLICIES DURING CRISIS - BEFORE AND AFTER COVID-19

This paper evaluates the policies taken by Jordanian tourism sector before and after COVID-19; it is divided into two parts: the first dealt with the period 2011-2019 which followed the events of Arab Spring, the second focused on the postCOVID-19 period. A mixed methodology was used as for the Arab Spring case a quantitative approach that aimed at measuring the satisfaction of 54 travel agents about policies taken by public tourism sector was used. A Structure Equation Modelling analysis was conducted to test the relationship between specific satisfaction about promotional and economic policies as independent variables, and the general satisfaction as a dependent variable. As for the case of COVID-19, a different approach was used where the Tourism National Strategy 2021-2025 and reports on the influence of COVID-19 on Jordanian Economy were referred to make an evaluation of governmental performance. There was an obvious absence of the concept of “Crisis Management" in tourism national strategies (MOTA, 2003 ; 2010 ; 2015) ; where the focus was on diversifying the tourism product, enhancing the image of the country and increasing competitiveness.

Graffiti revolution and urban environment

The phenomenon of modern graffiti is difficult to theorise due to its complex and comprehensive nature. The article proposes to consider graffiti as a synthetic phenomenon that combines the artistic tasks of transmitting emotional states with the tasks of expressing social ideas (including protest and even revolutionary ones), as well as the tasks of communicating between different cultures – both cultures of different epochs and local cultures and subcultures of city dwellers. This approach is shown through the historical example of Mexican muralism. Based on the proposed approach, contemporary Arab graffiti, which received a strong impetus of development after the events of the Arab Spring, is considered.

Be a man: A theory of climate change, masculinities and violence

Experts increasingly agree that the impacts of climate change are likely to create new violent conflict risks and exacerbate existing ones. However, the extent of this link and the specific causal pathways are much less clear, and the role of gender in this process is under-examined. This paper theorizes that gendered norms, especially the expectations of how men perform their masculinities, are an intervening variable that might explain some of this relationship. In doing so, it engages with the emerging debate around the extent to which climate change influences the evolution of violent conflict, theorizing with an illustrative observation of the events of the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Syria. I find that there are plausible explanations for climate–conflict links involving gendered expectations of men’s behaviour serving as an intervening variable between climate change and violent conflict and discuss the implications of this for moving away from securitized approaches, future study and peacebuilding work.

The roots of the Turkish-Qatari-Ikhwani alliance and its activities in North Africa and the Middle East

ABSTRACT The article considers the formation of the Turkish-Qatari-Ikhwani alliance, which attained international prominence and strengthened its leadership position in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) during the events of the Arab Spring. While some researchers posit the formation of this alliance just before the Arab Spring, this study argues that cooperation between Türkiye, Qatar and the Muslim Brotherhood (al-Ikhwan) has deeper roots, going back to the 1960s. Further, the article argues that the most important factor in the rapprochement between Qatar and Türkiye was their cooperation with the Muslim Brotherhood, a transnational Islamist organisation. Despite the rise of the counterweight Saudi-Emerati alliance, Doha and Ankara continue to play an important role in the region, with the mediation role of Qatar in the context of the renewed conflict between Hamas and Israel a particular focus.

The middle class and the modalities of political protest: evidence from the Arab world

AbstractObjectiveThe middle class has historically played a decisive role in mass movements and rebellions against the status quo, including in both peaceful and violent protests that spread throughout the Middle East and North Africa following the events of the Arab Spring. Yet, we know little about why the middle class tends to be over‐represented in protest movements, or why that protest takes nonviolent versus violent forms.MethodsWe develop a model in which protest constitutes a “costly” signal of discontent, where violent actions are more costly than peaceful demonstrations and where the cost of action increases with individual income. Under such assumptions, the upper‐middle class will engage in nonviolent protest, the lower middle class will support violence against the government, while the poorest and richest will abstain from opposition activities.ResultsSurvey data from the World Values Survey and the Gallup World Poll across 20 Arab countries supports these hypotheses. Using both parametric and semi‐parametric analyses, we find that participation in nonviolent protests and general strikes rises from the first (lowest) and peaks at the fourth income quintile, then declines thereafter. Meanwhile, support for political violence rises sharply between the first and second quintiles, falling for individuals in the upper quintiles. Our findings are robust to broader measures of wealth and status, as well as to corrections for regime type, levels of regime support, and joint determination of anti‐regime behaviors.ConclusionsThese findings shed light on why certain socioeconomic groups engage in anti‐governmental behaviors, while others do not, and suggest that income subgroups within the middle class may choose different modalities of protest.

Socio-Political Status of Women in Egypt during President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi’s Rule

Egypt is considered to be the birthplace of the feminist movement in the Arab East, because the first women's activists began their activities in this country, and later the first women's organizations were founded. The events of the Arab Spring of 2011 had a significant impact on the entire region of the Arab East: some Arab countries embarked on the path of democratization, including in the field of solving the “women’s issue”. After the political changes of 2011 2014 Egyptian women have also faced numerous difficulties and obstacles in various spheres of life. In this paper, the author examined the socio-political status of women in Egypt under the current President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. The paper analyzes the legal foundations of women's participation in the activities of state bodies and political parties, namely international documents and articles of the Egyptian Constitution of 2014 related to this topic. Moreover, comparative statistics on the number of women in the national Parliament are provided. The article also described the activities of gender-oriented institutions in the context of the political empowerment of Egyptian women, including the goals and directions of the “National Strategy for the Empowerment of Egyptian Women 2030: Vision and Pillars”, additional annex to the country's strategy “Egypt Vision 2030”. The author drew conclusions about the role of the Egyptian women, the degree of their participation in the socio-political life of modern Egypt, as well as about the main difficulties, among which, first of all, in society stood out the problems of low awareness of the population about gender issues and insufficient funding of programs. In conclusion, suggestions were made about the prospects for expanding the female presence in the political sphere of the country.

ТРАНСФОРМАЦИЯ ПАРЛАМЕНТСКОЙ ИЗБИРАТЕЛЬНОЙ СИСТЕМЫ В АРЕ (2015-2020 ГГ.)

The author analyzes the transformation of the electoral system and electoral legislation in the Arab Republic of Egypt after the events of the Arab Spring. The article reveals electoral preparation, process and results of the 2015 and 2020 parliamentary elections that took place under the new political circumstances resulting from the 2011–2013 revolutionary developments. It considers the relevant provisions of the 2014 Constitution, as well as the fundamental electoral laws and the amendments thereto, the political and the party landscape and the current parliament composition. The electoral system, which has a long history in Egypt, has undergone major changes in the last decade; in particular, the electoral legislation has been changed several times. It was due to the political development of this country that has been affected by revolutionary upheavals since 2011. Currently, a new electoral system is being formed, and the process, which is still far from completion, is taking place in difficult socio-economic conditions. Along with the search for new advanced electoral models, there is maintenance of historical continuity and traditions specific to the political life of Egypt.

The Presence of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Media Space of Turkey to Maintain Political Participation after the Events of the Arab Spring in Egypt

After the collapse of the ongoing 2011–2013 policy, the Egyptian movement “Muslim Brotherhood” was banned in many countries of the world including some member countries of the League of Arab States (LAS): Syria, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and several others. On the contrary in Turkey which borders Syria the Brotherhood received support in particular access to the media and made it possible to continue to broadcast the ideas of the organization. This paper discusses the features of building the communication strategy of the Muslim Brotherhood in the period after the Arab Uprising and the overthrow of President Mohammad Morsi in Egypt on July 3, 2013. There is no political party in Turkey that would openly represent the interests of the Muslim Brotherhood, however, some members of the leading Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partısı; AKP), including Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, provided the Brotherhood various forms of support including providing asylum to wanted members of the organization and access to the television and radio stations. Even though the Egyptian government charged the Brotherhood’s members in absentia, some of them were allowed to openly meet in Turkey and speak out against the Egyptian government. The Turkish media space has become a platform for broadcasting ideas of the Muslim Brotherhood, which found itself isolated in the Arab media and the Internet. The Turkish government has contributed to the development of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s outreach activities which is seen as a shift in the political participation not only of the organization itself but of Islamists in general. Taking advantage of the favorable political environment in Turkey the Brotherhood attempted to challenge the legitimacy of the new regime in Egypt by creating their own television channels on Turkish television as evidenced by the results of the content analysis presented in this paper.

Transformation of Iran’s regional policy: the influence of externalfactors

The period after the events of the Arab Spring, which began in 2011, is identified byalargenumberofdisputesanddiscussionsabouttheregionalpolicyoftheIslamicRepublicof Iran, not only at the level of the Republic itself, but also in the international geopoliticalarena.Inaddition,attentionwasalsopaidtothedevelopmentofastrategicplanforIrananditsroleintheregionagainstthebackgroundofthefactthatIran,aftertheIslamicRevolutionof 1979, did not lose its relevance in the study of political scientists and related specialists. Thepurpose of this article is to research and analyze howIran’s strategic plan works and what itsrole is in the Middle East region since the beginning of 2011. This academic study asserts thatregional policy of Iran is a unique blend of ideology and pragmatism that allows Iran to realizeitsobjectiveasanation-stateintheinternationalsystem.Iran’sregionalpolicyhastakenashift away from fighting the United States in order to maintain its regional position and resistthetrendthatthreatenstheresistance.Theresearchfollowedcontentanalysismethodologyand document analysis was done from secondary data. The article concluded that Iran’s policyhas changed primarily as a result of shifts in regional and international political dynamics.Iran’s international balancing laws, which aim to balance international powers against threats,reinforcethesesignificantchanges.

UAE in the Struggle for Regional Leadership

The article analyzes the evolution of the foreign and domestic policy of the United Arab Emirates from the moment of the formation of the state to the present. The formation of the UAE coincided with the rise in prices for hydrocarbons in the early 1970s, which allowed the state to attract foreign qualified personnel for the development of advanced sectors of the economy. It has been demonstrated that almost continuous economic growth has contributed to attracting large investments to the country and turning the UAE into the leading financial center of the Arab world. A number of factors contributed to the achievement of such success: effective management, entrepreneurial spirit of the elites, as well as mutual assistance of the two leading emirates – Abu Dhabi and Dubai. Moreover, the economic power achieved, comparable to the power of Saudi Arabia, allowed the Emirates to join the struggle for regional leadership during the events of the Arab Spring. It is important to use the UAE’s power tools, which were vividly demonstrated in the Libyan, Syrian and Yemeni crises. Systematic and quantitative methods were used in the study.

The Politics of Islam: The Muslim Brothers and the State in the Arab Gulf

The Politics of Islam: The Muslim Brothers and the State in the Arab Gulf

Islamism in the Foreign Discourse of the 21st Century

The article presents the results of a historiographical review of foreign scientific literature on the nature of Islamism in the 21st century. An important role in the foreign discourse of the 21st century was played by the study of the radical component in Islamism, which has various modifications and shades. In addition to studying radicalism and studying the issue of the social base of Islamism, special attention is paid to its political features and definition. The events of the Arab Spring led to speculation about another «decline of Islamism». According to foreign scholars, Islamism failed to achieve the main goal of building an Islamic state in the shortest possible time and underwent revision, resulting in more liberal post–Islamist ideas. There is an attempt to systematize the accumulated knowledge about Islamist ideology.

Trends in Political Islam: Transition towards Liberalization

The evolution of Islamism/political Islam as an ideological system is analyzed. This system was formed in the 1970s‒1980s and initially played the role of a progressive and alternative model, replacing the previously dominant ideas of Arab nationalism. However, the Islamists failed to fully achieve one of their main goals—the creation of an Islamic state—because of the deterrence of secular authoritarian states. The events in the Persian Gulf and the temporary drop in oil prices in the late 1990s aggravated the ideological crisis of Islamism and led to its rethinking. As a solution, a more liberal version of Islamism was proposed in the form of post-Islamism, which combined Islamic and democratic principles and was focused on duties rather than human rights. The next milestone in liberalizing Islamist ideas was the events of the Arab Spring, which led to a rethinking of post-Islamist ideas, as well as the liberalization and politization of the Salafi doctrine. Moreover, the failures of a number of Islamist parties in achieving political power, as well as the activities of radical Islamist groups, discredited Islamism among the population of the Middle East and North Africa. It is likely that the next crisis of Islamism will lead to its further liberalization or the formation of a new ideological model.

The Struggle for Leadership of the Qatari-Turkish Alliance in Somalia

The article examines the struggle of the Qatari- Turkish alliance for regional leadership in the Federal Republic of Somalia. The analysis revealed that the foreign policy activity of Turkey and Qatar in Somalia began during the events of the Arab Spring. Ankara and Doha used diplomatic, military and fi nancial instruments to strengthen their infl uence in the country. Moreover, Qatari money played an important role in promoting pro-qatari candidates to power during the 2012 and 2017 presidential elections. However, the eff orts of the Turkish- Qatari alliance to strengthen its position in Somalia have clashed with the interests of the Saudi- Emirati bloc seeking regional dominance. On the other hand, the inability to close the main cooperation with the central government in Somalia forced the UAE to support such autonomous regions as Somaliland, thereby intensifying the destabilization processes in the country.

Peculiarities of the Sunni-Shiite Сonfrontation during the Arab Spring

The article reveals the main features of the Sunni-Shiite confrontation during the events of the Arab Spring. In particular, the author of the article notes that one of the main results of the Arab Spring was the collapse of the ruling regimes in a number of Arab countries, which was accompanied by the growth of Islamic radical ideologies. Under these circumstances, the factor of Sunni-Shiite confrontation is becoming more and more radical during these events, which has resulted in a series of armed confrontations between members of both faiths. The author of the article also argues that despite all its complexity and contradictions, the events of the Arab Spring have led to a complete change in the political map of the Middle East. Рolitically, these countries are undergoing a complete reform of the Arab East, due to the change from secular to religious, which was embodied by Sunni-oriented regimes. At the same time, as the course of events showed, Islamist organizations did not become the main organizing force in the protest movement in the Arab countries and were not its instigators. However, in many countries, it is the moderate Islamist parties that have come to power as a result of the election due to their strong influence on the general population of the Middle East. The Arab Spring has also shown that the actions of the modern and most educated part of society against dictatorship and harsh authoritarianism do not necessarily lead to democratic change in these societies. In a traditional society, forces that do not share liberal values and are unable to offer a frustrated and embittered population a democratic alternative have entered the political arena. All this in general not only did not solve the main domestic and foreign policy problems of the Middle East, but on the contrary led to their further aggravation. At the same time, the factors of the Sunni-Shiite confrontation in the region were increasingly used by various political forces of these countries to solve their own interests.

Post-Islamism: From Islamism to Muslim Democracy? Transformation of Islamist Parties in Tunisia and Morocco

The article analyzes the transformation of the parties of political Islam in and after coming to power as a result of the revolutionary events of the Arab Spring. It was then, in the 2010s, after decades of repression and isolation, that adherents of political Islam had the opportunity to become key players on the new political scene in the region. Political Islam as a modern ideology faces fundamental existential questions about the nature and relevance of Islamism as a political project, and the issue of Islamists’ participation in the political life of the Muslim world is becoming increasingly relevant. In Tunisia and Morocco, parties of political Islam have been given the opportunity to integrate and be recognized in the political arena. The inclusion of Islamists in legal political life in Tunisia and Morocco contributed to their ideological and political transformation, especially in relation to such complex issues as the relationship between religion and politics, issues of individual freedoms, human rights, minorities and women's issues. Scholars use the terms “post-Islamism” and “neo-Islamism” to define the changes that have taken place over the past decade. Which imply the transformation of socially conservative parties towards the adoption of the rules of a civil democratic political system and the rejection of the Islamization of society from above. The Tunisian Islamist party Ennahda and the Moroccan Justice and Development Party have gone through somewhat similar paths over the past decade, having passed through the crucible of power and taking responsibility for the processes taking place in their countries. They have also shown flexibility in finding compromises and drawing dividing lines between their religious preaching activities and politics. Both parties continue to strike a balance in combining the right doses of Islamism, democracy, pluralism, secularism and national interests.

A Case Study: Mada Masr—A Progressive Voice in Egypt and Beyond

This article questions the role of the media in times of political transformation. In doing so, it draws on theories on the interconnectedness of the different fields of society to explain the sets of roles that media outlets and journalists adopt during phases of transition. Before 2011, the Egyptian media mostly acted as collaborators of the ruling regime and rarely as an agent of change. Journalists took over the latter role more often following the advent of privately-owned media outlets, thus helping to pave the way for the events of the so-called Arab Spring. This case study focuses on the development of the online news portal <em>Mada Masr</em> and therefore traces the development of two newsrooms. Starting as the English edition of a privately-owned Arabic newspaper in 2009 and changing its status to an independent news outlet in 2013, <em>Mada Masr</em> is one of the few voices which still openly criticise the Egyptian government. Founded in a time of political turmoil and struggling against an increasingly authoritarian environment, the outlet implements innovative ways of producing content, securing funding, and reaching out to its readers. A group of young Egyptian and international journalists make use of new spaces for expression that have opened through the global changes in communication infrastructure while struggling with frequent attacks by representatives of the ruling regime. As such, <em>Mada Masr</em> is a role model for small and regime-critical media outlets.

The Regional Role of Russia after Military Aid to Syria

One of the most important goals of Russian foreign policy during Vladimir Putins presidency is to strengthen Russian influence in the Caucasus region and Central Asia, as well as to develop relations with such countries as Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. The Russian government has always expressed concern about the so-called color revolutions that took place in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, as well as the fact that many of them were supported by Western forces. Russia believes that the events of the Arab Spring are in some way similar to the aforementioned revolutions, and that with the support of the West they could bring Islamists to power, which is a dangerous model not only for the countries of the region and the countries neighboring Russia, but also for Russia itself. For these reasons, in the Syrian conflict, Moscow sought to preserve the Assad regime, because believes that the Western model in solving regional problems can lead to the general chaos, like it was, for example, in the Iraqi and Libyan models. Despite the difficulties faced by government officials in Syria since the beginning of the civil war, and thanks to Russian military assistance and reforms, Syria preserved the legitimate regime and did not allow destroying all state institutions. Participation in the Syrian conflict brought Russia a significant role in the region and allowed it to become a successful mediator in most regional issues, as well as to strengthen its economic and political relations with the most important players in the region, as Turkey, Iran, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

The Role of Christianity and Islam in the Civilizational Development of Modern Africa

The paper is the result of a conference held on December 9, 2020 by the Center for Civilizational and Regional Studies of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences on the topic «The Role of Christianity and Islam in the civilizational development of Modern Africa».The conference program consisted of three working sessions. The problems of the organized conference went beyond the issues stated for discussion and were of an interdisciplinary nature. In particular, several conflict points were identified that arose during the events of the Arab Spring and have not been resolved until today. First of all, this is the problem of radical Islamism, which is actively manifested in the region of Northern and Tropical Africa. The problem of the forms and features of Christianity as one of the most important confessions of modern Africa received special attention at the conference. The problem of the clash of secular and religious trends in the civilizational development of post-colonial Africa turned out to be of no small importance. The structure of the paper consists of an introduction, which reflects the topic, problems, purpose, as well as the issues stated for discussion, followed by the short theses of the conference participants, representatives of the leading scientific and educational centers of Russia. At the end of the work, a conclusion is given, which summarizes the main results of the conference.