Events Of Spring Research Articles

MIDDLE EAST: MORPHOLOGY OF AND POST-CONFLICT DESIGN

This article looks at the structure and the dynamics of the Middle Eastern crisis set in motion by the events of the Arab Spring. At the heart of the crisis was Syria, where antigovernment protests broke out in early 2011, almost in parallel with other countries also affected by the Arab Spring. Starting from late March 2011, the unrest morphed into a civil war, leading to a large-scale crisis engulfing the country by the end of the year. At first, the opposition to the Syrian regime consisted of numerous groups with varying political affiliations – from liberals to Islamists – however, by early 2012, radical Islamism came to dominate the opposition forces. And by the end of the same year, the opposition was spearheaded by an openly terrorist organization – the al-Nusra Front, an outgrowth of the Syrian branch of Al-Qaeda. Over the same period, regional and international forces were becoming more and more involved in the Syrian crisis. Since 2012, in parallel with the Syrian crisis, there has been another internal conflict raging in the Middle East, namely in Iraq, with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) taking the foreground and combining groups of Iraqi al-Qaeda militants with Baathist underground forces. In 2014–2015, ISIL took hold of large swaths of territory in Syria and Iraq, effectively turning the Syrian civil war into a regional conflict. In addition to Syria and Iraq, the ongoing crisis has involved – either directly or indirectly – such actors as Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and a number of other regional powers. Turkey has been indirectly involved in the Syrian crisis since its very beginning, but starting from 2016 its engagement in the conflict has become much more active – not only in Syria, but also in Iraq. In 2013, Iran started to interfere in the Syrian crisis directly, using its Shia allies, and expanded its presence onto Iraq in 2014. Saudi Arabia and Qatar’s participation in the Syrian conflict has been indirect, mainly through military and financial assistance provided to their clients inside the country. However, Saudi Arabia’s activities in Syria have started to decline in 2015, due to its military involvement in Yemen, which – in a broader context – can be perceived as a peripheral component of the large regional conflict. In addition to the above mentioned components, one could also name a number of other equally important factors to the crisis. One of them is that the ranks of al- Nusra and ISIL militants have been reinforced not only by people coming from the Arab countries, but also from the citizens of Western Europe, North America and the former USSR. Another factor has been the growing role of Kurdish groups in the confrontation with the terrorists, especially with ISIL. This has led to the creation of a Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria. At the same time, an armed confrontation began in Turkish Kurdistan, which Turkey views as a threat to its territorial integrity. The Syrian crisis has also been marked by involvement of global powers, such as the US and Russia. The US-led international coalition has not succeeded in changing the course of the conflict – on the other hand, Russia’s involvement since the second half of 2015 has made a significant difference. With the end of the campaign against ISIL already in view, and with the prospects for a successful intra- Syrian settlement, it would seem reasonable to raise the question of the post-conflict configuration of the region, which is discussed at the end of the article.

Narrative Account of the Arab Spring: Translations of Aljazeera and RT of the Egyptian and Syrian Uprisings as Case Study

the events of the Arab Spring attracted the attention of many scholars from various disciplines. However, the general trend of existing literature seems to ignore the different cultural representations within the Arab world leading for assumptions that the uprisings share similar outcomes and/or motivations. This article attempts to deconstruct the terms Arab Spring and Arab world through shedding light on two of the most influential uprisings that brought about social, economic, and political changes. To do so, it combines CDA and narrative theory to address the subject of the thematic nature of the subsequent media messages during the Egyptian and Syrian uprisings to investigate the process of meaning-making and the role of language in social reality construction. The purpose is to motivate researchers to address the largely ignored issue of the different representations in media and narratives.

Education and democracy in the Arab world

This paper analyzes the relationship between education and democracy with a focus on the recent political events of the Arab Spring. In this regard, we examine the effect of five different measures of education on democracy using a dynamic panel regression model for a sample of 15 Arab countries over the period 1990–2013. The obtained results indicate that education fosters the emergence of democracy. Our findings are robust with respect to various determinants of democracy and to the choice of the sample period, suggesting that increasing education expenditure and improving educational access and equality are key policy priorities to promote the onset of democracy.

Личность президента как фактор формирования внешнеполитической повестки дня США (некоторые итоги президентства Б. Обамы)

The article is devoted to consideration of the role of Barack Obama’s personality in making foreign policy decisions in the US. It provides analysis of the key mechanisms of leader’s influence on the formation of US foreign policy and the consequences of such influence. The analysis of public speeches of the US president helps to reveal his attitude towards the main issues of the political agenda. The authors analyze the statements in his speeches, such as Christian values, exceptional role of the American state, the basic steps of the first and second election campaigns of Obama and their distinguishing characteristics from other US president elections. There are parallels between the personality of Barack Obama with persons who have left their mark in American history, such as Abraham Lincoln and John F. Kennedy. The authors analyze the major mistakes made by Obama during the events of the Arab spring, which is the reason for selection of the time frame for the research (from the presidential election in 2008 to the events of the Arab Spring in 2011). The double standards used by the president since his first appearance, in which he commented on the events in the Middle East and North Africa, forced us to look for ulterior motives in the actions of the USA on the world stage. The goals Obama outlined during the presidential election race weren’t achieved during the Arab spring. Consideration of his role as an individual in yet another Middle East issue, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, led to the conclusion that it was another failure of the US president to pursue a balanced foreign policy. The attempt to assume the role of a mediator in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict failed. Moreover, there was an important background of all the events in the Middle East, namely contradictions between the US president and his administration. As a result, the conclusion is made about the role of Obama in shaping of the US foreign policy, as well as about the extent of its influence on the formation of the international agenda.

The effect of Omani-Iranian relations on the security of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries after the Arab Spring

This research paper focuses on Gulf–Iran relations within the framework of the bilateral relationship between Oman and Iran. This relationship is unique as well as distinct from Oman’s relations with the other nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and has a direct influence on Gulf regional security. Oman’s relationship with Iran has grown stronger and firmer after the events of the Arab Spring. This comes at a time when the Gulf countries are suffering worsening internal security, political and economic conditions and disagree amongst themselves about how to deal with Iran. Hence, the Omani-Iranian rapprochement is intensifying the security anxieties of the GCC countries. This paper examines the conceptual frameworks for security and cooperation within the GCC. Oman’s view on security and cooperation is seen in its foreign policy which adheres to non-intervention and neutrality in foreign affairs. Omani-Iranian relations are analyzed in how they affect Gulf integration and the role played by Oman in the Iranian nuclear deal. The paper concludes by discussing Oman’s position on the current conflict in Yemen and its effect on Gulf security as well as Oman’s role in mediation between the parties in the conflict.

Роль виртуального протеста в системе протестной общественной коммуникации

The article is devoted to the issue of using means of the Internet in the protest communication system. In the context of politics the possibilities of the Internet as a source are not fully researched. The author analyzes socio-political phenomenon of virtual protest and its value in the development of political process, considers so-called ‘hacktivism’ as a new kind of political participation and evaluates prospectives of using the Internet as a powerful instrument of protest activity. The issues, which can create possibilities of social networks and their role in social communication, are specially highlighted. The important part of the article is devoted to observing protests in Russia at the end of 2011 and at the beginning of 2012 and the events of the Arab spring as well as influence of social networks on those events.

How Do You Watch a Revolution? Notes from the 21st Century

Focusing on the events of the Arab Spring, this article considers the visual language of the protest within geopolitical contexts characterized by violent repression and state monopoly on information media. The author looks at the ways new technologies – namely mobile phones and social media – are used to produce and disseminate counter-documentation that actively challenges states of invisibility and conditions of deformation. The regime of visibility and visuality of the protestors’ statements are analysed in their relation to existing systems of power and to the channels of distribution of information through an examination of the material conditions of their production and reception, and through an attempt at retracing their erratic and multiple trajectories – from YouTube’s unsanctioned and unchecked collections, to international news broadcasts, to their re-presentation in public screenings and in works of art.

The Arab Spring: A Fourth Wave of Democratization?

AbstractBetween 1974 and 1990, over 30 countries in southern Europe, Latin America, some parts of Asia, Eastern Europe, and Africa made transitions to democracy, nearly doubling the number of democratic governments in the world. Samuel Huntington described this global shift as “Democracy's Third Wave” in an article published in 1991, which was later developed in a book titled The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. In these two works, he discusses the causes, features, and transition processes of the third wave of democracy and examines its prospects for sustainability and possible expansion in a nondemocratic world. He argues that the first and second democratic waves “were followed not merely by some backsliding but major reverse waves during which most regime changes throughout the world were from democracy to authoritarianism” (Huntington, 1991a). He also addresses the causative factors of this reverse wave in some countries, and he claims that the third wave of democratization that swept the world in the 1970s and 1980s might become a dominant feature of Middle Eastern and North African politics in the 1990s. The delay in this prophecy for two decades motivates us to question whether the Arab Spring is part of Huntington's third wave of democratization or a new fourth wave of democratization, or even a false start to democracy, as described by Larry Diamond (). The purpose of this article is to examine the causes, features, and transition processes of the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen in correlation with Huntington's theorization on the third wave of democratization which, along with other available literature in the field, will be combined in a theoretical framework that will enable us to discuss the abovementioned elements of the Arab Spring through the lens of the third wave of democratization. Special attention is paid to the question of whether the Arab Spring falls into the framework of Huntington's theory, or whether it can be classified as a new fourth wave of democratization in countries that have unfavorable environments for democracy. The first part of this article highlights the causative factors that eased the emergence of the third wave of democratization in different parts of the world. The second part provides a historical overview of the major events of the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, while the third and fourth parts analyze the causes, features, and transition processes of the Arab Spring from Huntington's third wave perspective.

Somatic Symptoms Mediate the Relationship Between Trauma During the Arab Spring and Quality of Life Among Tunisians.

This study examined the relationship between peritraumatic reactions, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms, somatic complaints, and quality of life in Tunisians exposed to the events of the Arab Spring. Participants (n = 60) completed an online survey 1 year after the events, assessing peritraumatic distress, peritraumatic dissociation, PTSD symptoms, somatic complaints, and physical and mental quality of life. Results showed that peritraumatic dissociation was independently associated with increased PTSD symptoms and somatic complaints 12 months after the events. Multiple mediator mediation analyses revealed that somatic complaints (not PTSD symptoms) were the only independent mediators of the relationships between peritraumatic dissociation and both physical and mental quality of life. Assessing peritraumatic dissociation soon after trauma exposure among the North African population might help identify individuals at risk for PTSD. Furthermore, the impact of trauma on quality of life may be better explained by somatic complaints than PTSD symptoms among North Africans.

The Roman Maghrébin in the Aftermath of the Arab Spring

ABSTRACTNumerous articles and essays have been published in French about the events of the Arab Spring in both the Maghreb and the wider Arab World. These works have mainly been authored by French journalists and intellectuals and are aimed as much at the general public as at their academic peers. Less immediately obvious is how these political events have informed and influenced the roman maghrébin. Focusing on three depictions of the Arab Spring in Tunisia and its aftermath, this article will investigate the profiles of the authors and the extent to which such texts have offered women and young authors the chance to represent their experiences. It will also examine the literary formats that such writers have adopted. How has the Arab Spring, and the media coverage of these events, altered the way that authors write and publish their thoughts and emotions? To what extent are they turning to alternatives to the traditional novel, such as blogging, photo diaries, and short-stories?

When the Revolutionary Wave Comes: Arab Spring and the Role of the European Commission in the Schengen Reform, 2011-2013

By studying the process of reform of the Schengen acquis in 2011-2013 inspired by the Arab Spring and the inflow of migrants to the Mediterranean shores of the European Union, in this paper I seek to show how policy entrepreneurs exploit windows of opportunity that open following an external shock (a notion I use to conceptualise the events of the Arab Spring) in order to fulfill their own preferences, regardless of the substance of the external shock in question. How could it happen that the reform initiated by Italy and France in 2011 to “re-nationalise the Schengen” would in the end turn just the opposite of what they sought to achieve? My research suggests that the major factor which helps explain this is the institutional standing of the European Commission which holds exclusive right of legislative initiative, and the fact that by using its position, the Commission was able to win over the European Parliament to its side by effectively making it into a veto-player in its negotiations with the EU Council, thus trapping the Member States into the “joint decision trap”.

Same Events, Different Stories

One hundred and eight newspaper accounts of events of the Arab Spring were analyzed in an attempt to define how the events and the accompanying Internet censorship were framed in the news coverage in mainland China compared with that in Hong Kong and Taiwan. The newspapers in all three media markets were found to have constructed their coverage within the ideological boundaries prevailing in their respective markets. This resulted in differing news stories about the same event or the same issue. News framing was analyzed in terms of news perspective and favorability toward the protesters or the government. Framing of Internet censorship reporting was also analyzed. The results show significant differences in coverage among the three markets. The frames employed in the coverage are interpreted in terms of the markets’ ideological differences and differences in press freedom. The reasons for these differences and theoretical implications are explored.

Democracy Will Never be the Same Again: 21st Century Protest and the Transformation of Politics

This paper looks at the current wave of protests and demonstrations and asks whether what we are witnessing is the emergence of a new movement against austerity and in favour of democracy, as many suggest. The wider context is the crisis of representative politics, which is in turn transforming the nature of mobilisation, contestation and politics more generally. In place of traditional organisational structures, we are seeing the emergence of cloud, swarm and connective initiatives with characteristics that challenge and supplant traditional organisational politics. We are seeing the emergence of a politics that is resistant to ‘politicians’ of whatever ideology, seeking to recuperate power and agency from representatives. This creates an interesting tension at the heart of democracy: whether and to what extent democracy needs to ‘reboot’ or whether new political parties and movements can ally the connective to representational styles of politics to provide a way in which democracy can evolve.Este artículo examina la ola de protestas y manifestaciones, preguntándonos si, como muchos sugieren, lo que estamos presenciando es el surgimiento de un nuevo movimiento contra la austeridad y a favor de la democracia. El contexto político está marcado por una generalizada crisis de la política representativa, hecho que a su vez marca la transformación de la naturaleza de la movilización, de la contestación y de la política en general. Estamos presenciando el surgimiento de iniciativas con características cloud, swarm y conectivas que desafían y suplantan a las estructuras organizativas tradicionales. En la actualidad está emergiendo una forma de política que es resistente a los “políticos” de cualquier tipo de ideología y que trata de recuperar el poder de los representantes. Esto crea una tensión interesante en el corazón de la democracia: si, y en qué medida, la democracia necesita ‘resetearse’ o si los nuevos partidos y los nuevos movimientos políticos pueden aliar lo conectivo a estilos de representación política capaces de proporcionar una manera en la que la democracia pueda evolucionar.

The Fiqh of Revolution and the Arab Spring: Secondary Segmentation as a Trend in Islamic Legal Doctrine

This article examines how the events of the Arab Spring have helped give birth to a new juristic subfield known as the “Fiqh of Revolution”. The Fiqh of Revolution supplies legal guidance on peaceful rebellion under contemporary conditions, addressing itself to a 21st century world order shaped by new internet media and post-Cold War international human rights conventions. I argue that besides being an important source of influence for Islamist movements, the Fiqh of Revolution also illustrates broader trends in contemporary Islamic legal thought. In particular, I draw attention to the process of “secondary segmentation”, whereby new legal subfields are created for the purpose of justifying and regimenting the use of utilitarian modes of juristic reasoning. Although “secondary segmentation” is an emergent trend, I suggest that it has important implications for the future evolution of Islamic legal doctrine.

Lessons from the South

Iain Chambers' essay challenges explanations of the Arab Spring emerging from the Occidental media, arguing that the terms of engagement set by the Arab revolts can no longer be unilaterally defined by the West. Chambers stresses the centrality of the Mediterranean as an increasingly evident site of confluence between East and West and between North and South. He goes on to argue that the events of the Arab Spring reopen the Western cultural and political lexicon, and put into question the historical alliance between Christianity and the universalising discourses of modernity. Ideas regarding the individual, the public sphere, political agency, religion, secularism and the state are necessarily being renegotiated in the context of the uprisings. The lived experiences of the Arab Spring slip beyond Western constructions of the events to expose the political and cultural burden of a modernity that may no longer be determined or managed single-handedly by the West. The Arab uprisings have occurred in the same time frame as protests in several European capitals, particularly since the fiscal collapse of 2008, and while there are distinct differences in these social unrests there is also, Chambers observes, a common factor: the rejection of the hypocrisies of the modern state. The new perspectives emerging from this confluence of experience around the shores of the Mediterranean may yield a more radical humanism within social, cultural, and political formations that are not automatically circumscribed by the global dictates of neoliberalism.

Post-traumatic stress disorder and psychiatric comorbidity in a sample of Egyptian adolescents after the revolution

Background Trauma experienced by adolescents has considerable importance because significant physical and emotional growth occurs at this age. With the events of the Arab Spring and the Egyptian revolution in 2011, many adolescents faced highly challenging and dramatic life events. Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was clinically noticed in this group of patients. Aim Because of the scarcity of research during this critical period, we aimed to determine the occurrence of PTSD in a sample of adolescent students in Tanta in order to assess their level of anxiety and study comorbid disorders. Methodology A total of 423 adolescents were randomly selected from both public and private schools with random selection of the participating classes. The enrolled students were subjected to the Taylor Manifest Anxiety Scale to determine the level of anxiety, to the PTSD Checklist – Civilian Version, and the Mini International Neuropsychiatric Interview as a diagnostic interview for PTSD and associated comorbidities. Results PTSD was seen in 16.31% of students, which was highly significantly more among female students compared with male students (P=0.006). The highest comorbidity was major depressive disorder in 33.33% of the sample, followed by social phobia in 28.99%. The level of anxiety on Taylor Manifest Anxiety Scale was highly significantly associated with female sex, public school education, and presence of PTSD (P Conclusion Despite its limitations, this study played an exploratory role in revealing the incidence, comorbidity, and risks for PTSD among adolescent students in Tanta and we recommend a replication of the study in adolescents belonging to other geographic locations in Egypt to draw effective educational programs on adolescent mental health for parents and teachers.

Dub, Dub-Key and Dabkeh: Palestinian Resistance through Reggae Music in Israel

Abstract Since the events of the Arab Spring, the Middle East has seen a significant rise in media that express resistance to oppression. Protestors and artists alike have made use of music to advance their political interests. The six-decade-old Palestinian-Israeli conflict significantly predates the Arab Spring, but it is not immediately clear if the events of the Arab Spring may have impacted the ways in which Palestinians express resistance. Palestinian reggae music draws our attention to the phenomenon of repurposing a foreign genre to create something separate, but meaningful, to Palestinians. In this study, we explore the Ministry of Dub-Key, a Palestinian reggae group. Through the analysis of their song ‘Dumyeh Plastikieh’ (Plastic Doll) as well as interviews with the band members, this research explores links between the band and the events of the Arab Spring.

Sectarianism and the Arab Spring: Framing the popular protests in Bahrain

Inspired by the events of the Arab Spring, political activists in Bahrain organized an anti-government demonstration on 14 February 2011, which resulted in the death of one protestor. Hundreds of other protests followed, and popular anger against the Sunni monarchy is still a vital issue in the Kingdom. From the earliest stages, the Bahraini government, which is closely aided by other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, framed the protests as an Iran-backed conspiracy against the Gulf in an attempt to spread Shiism and infiltrate into the region. This sectarian dimension became the dominant frame in order to discredit the cause of the mostly Shiite protestors who were asking for equal rights and job opportunities. This study investigates the different issues and sentiments framed by the commentators as well as the main online communities that were present. Despite its importance in providing a vital venue for the online public sphere and in documenting popular protests, YouTube is also a platform for schism as flaming and highly sectarian exchanges of comments are frequently made.

The struggle for Iraq's future: how corruption, incompetence and sectarianism have undermined democracy

Many Westerners have offered interpretations of Iraq's nation-building progress in the wake of the 2003 war and the eventual withdrawal of American troops from the country, but little has been written by Iraqis themselves. This forthright book fills in the gap. Zaid Al-Ali, an Iraqi lawyer with direct ties to the people of his homeland, to government circles, and to the international community, provides a uniquely insightful and up-to-date view of Iraq's people, their government, and the extent of their nation's worsening problems. The true picture is discouraging: murderous bombings, ever-increasing sectarianism, and pervasive government corruption have combined to prevent progress on such crucial issues as security, healthcare, and power availability. Al-Ali contends that the ill-planned U.S. intervention destroyed the Iraqi state, creating a black hole which corrupt and incompetent members of the elite have made their own. And yet, despite all efforts to divide them, Iraqis retain a strong sense of national identity, Al-Ali maintains. He reevaluates Iraq's relationship with itself, discusses the inspiration provided by the events of the Arab Spring, and redefines Iraq's most important struggle to regain its viability as a nation.

(RE)EXPERIENCING THE NOW-GONE: YOUTH AND CULTURAL POLITICS IN SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA

The events of the so-called Arab Spring reconnected the young and their culture with images of organized political activism and resulted in huge political resonance. So this may be an appropriate point at which to reconsider the relevance of youth culture politics in the now-gone Soviet Union. The article explores the connections between cultural consumption by the young, ideology, and political ambivalence during Soviet times and considers how the Soviet genre of youth culture politics is being reproduced and continued in an extended form in the post-Soviet setting, specifically in Uzbekistan.