Eve Of War Research Articles

European Psychiatry on the Eve of War: Aubrey Lewis, the Maudsley Hospital and the Rockefeller Foundation in the 1930s (review)

European Psychiatry on the Eve of War: Aubrey Lewis, the Maudsley Hospital and the Rockefeller Foundation in the 1930s (review)

Deportations from Poland and the Baltic States to the Ussr in 1939–1941: Common Features and Specific Traits

The aim of this article is to compare repression policies of the Stalinist regime on the territories annexed by the Soviet Union in September 1939 and June–August 1940. The planning and implementation of deportations from the west of Ukraine and Belorussia, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia had much in common. All the deportations were prepared and carried out on the basis of decisions carefully worked out by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist (Bolshevik) Party and was an important element of the sovietization policy on these territories. Deportation was a part of measures designed to destroy political, judicial, social, economic, national, cultural and moral fundamentals and to impose the Soviet order in the annexed territories. Methods of their organization and implementation were absolutely identical. All these deportations were crimes against humanity. At the same time there were certain differences. The planned capture of armies did not take place at the time of the Soviet invasion of the Baltic states. There were no such mass shootings of officers, policemen and jail inmates as in case of Poland. The scale of deportation was not as large as on territories of eastern Poland. This could be explained by the fact that the peoples of the Baltic states considered Sovietization as national humiliation to much larger extent than the peoples who had suffered under Polish or Romanian yoke. It forced the Stalinist ruling elite of the USSR at first to demonstrate a certain respect towards local customs, carry out nationalization of industry and banking slowly and more cautiously, to refrain from collectivization and not carry out mass deportation until the very eve of war between the Soviet Union and Hitler’s Germany.

The Chinese Communist Party and the cultural revolution: the case of the sixty-one renegades

Acknowledgements Abbreviations Introduction 1936: On the Eve of War and Freedom Release from the Guomindang Prison, 1936 Levers of Power: Careers 1949-66 Prison Again: The CCP Version Rehabilitating the Sixty-one A Prejudiced Conclusion Notes Appendix Bibliography Index

The Knight without the Sword:A Social Landscape of Malorian Chivalry by Hyonjin Kim (review)

reviews135 HYONJiN KiM, The Knight without the Sword.A Social Landscape ofMalorian Chivalry. Arthurian Studies Vol. XLV. Cambridge and Rochester, NY: D.S. Brewer, 2000. Pp. viii, 155. isbn: 0-85991-603—0. $75. In this subtle and learned study Hyonjin Kim traces three 'light-colored portraits' behind 'the strong silhouette of archetypal knight-errant' in the Morte Darthur's foreground: knights concerned with economics of the land, engaged in politics, obsessed with self-identity (138). These concerns are those ofthe author and his gentry audience. To discover the three palimpsests, Kim immerses himself in cultural and class history ofthe later fifteenth-century; he also masterfully employs source material and semantic study. Kim thus reveals the mentality of Malory's audience while he brings to modern readers a nuanced understanding of late medieval chivalry. In The Knight without the Sword Kim argues against earlier critics who read the Morte Darthur as nostalgic escapism (Chambers) or those who see Malory separating to the gentry's business and political concerns from his portrayal ofchivalry (Benson). Kim's first chapter deftly moves through the biographies ofthe three leading candidates to argue that the Morte 'originated in the late fifteenth-century community of the greater gentry—more specifically in the circle of the rural landowners who assumed leading roles in their localities and were possibly a little more conservative in behavior and outlook than their neighbors' (6). Relying on historians like K. B. McFarlane, Christine Carpenter, and Chris Given-Wilson, Kim defines the gentry as a group different from the nobility 'in degree rather than kind' and proposes 'to find beneath that timeless exterior of Arthurian chivalry the anxieties and aspirations of the real fifteenth-century aristocracy—especially squierarchical landowners such as the author himself (17). In three subsequent chapters, Kim admirably articulates those anxieties and aspirations. In the second chapter on 'The Economy of Love' Kim ranges throughout the Morte Darthur to demonstrate that Malory's view of love always embraces a concern for the knights' landed wealth. Heroes like Lancelot, Bors, and Tristram gain their paternal patrimonies early in their careers, which is manifestly not the case in Malory's sources. (Kim's notes on these points of difference with the sources—here and throughout the book—make almost as good reading as the main argument.) Welllanded heroes tend to prefer adulterous relationships or at least avoid marriage, while unpropertied younger sons—Gareth, Alisuander—find wealth through marriage. These details are all quietly present in the text; Kim's marxian analysis brings them out. Startlingly insightful is Kim's suggestive reading of Lamorak and Morgause's murders as a violent end to the rivalry between the widow's family and her potential second husband. Like members of the Paston or Stonor families, Malory's knights allow economic factors to determine the course of love. Kim's 'politically engaged knight' most clearly appears in the Tristram, whose relationships mimic McFarlane's bastard-feudal society. The overarching point, that 'Malory exploited the complex network of loyalty and friendship that he found in French prose cycles' to reflect contemporary English politics (64), is convincing. At 136ARTHURIANA times, however, the argument becomes so dense that Kim relies on lists: There are four points to be made on the 'Malorian fabric ofloyalty and friendship' (61); another four ways in which 'the aristocratic lifestyle of French romans courtois became in Malory the métonymie and occasionally realistic representation of. ..late medieval English society' (68). Individual claims are fascinating, for example, that fifteenthcentury political language—as in the phrase 'well-willers'—infiltrates the romance (72). Yet Kim's extension of business or political language sometimes rings false: I was fine with Malory's 'best knights'—Lancelot, Tristram, Lamorak—becoming 'magnates' or 'barons' with 'affinities,' but is Gareth really Lancelot's 'young client?' In the final section ofthis chapter Kim analyzes three more lists, the catalogues at the start ofthe MorteArthur-proper, to illuminate Malorian power politics on the eve of war (85). Kim depicts Lancelot as an archetype ofgood lordship in contrast to Gawain. It is worth wading through the sometime thick details to gain an insight that is hidden in full view: The demise of Lamorak and Tristam...

Divided Arsenal: Race and the American State during World War II

1. A divided arsenal: the problem and its setting 2. The executive and political imperatives: presidential campaigns and race management policies on the eve of war 3. The Executive and National Security Imperatives: unrest and early struggles over racial manpower policies 4. The racial politics of industrial employment: Central State Authority and the adjustment of factory work 5. The racial politics of army service: Central State Authority and the control of black soldier resistance 6. June 9, 1943: 'Negro soldier trouble' at Camp Stewart, Georgia 7. The racial politics of urban and rural unrest: monitoring agriculture and surveilling cities 8. 'America again at the crossroads': war, the state and social conflict.

Securing States' Interests at the 1787 Constitutional Convention: A Reassessment

Delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1787 were convinced that their meeting represented the last great chance to save the Union from dismemberment.See, for example, the following observations by George Washington, Elbridge Gerry, and Edmund Randolph, respectively:That something is necessary, none will deny; for the situation of the general government, if it can be called a government, is shaken to its foundation, and liable to be overturned by every blast. In a word, it is at an end; and, unless a remedy is soon applied, anarchy and confusion, will inevitably ensue. (Letter of George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, May 30, 1787, repr. in Max Farrand, Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, rev. ed., 4 vols. [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1937] 3:31)The object of this Meeting is very important in my Mind unless a System of Government is adopted by Compact, Force I expect will plant the Standard: for such an anarchy as now exists cannot last long. (Letter of Elbridge Gerry to James Monroe, June 11, 1787, ibid., 45)Are we not on the eve of war, which is only prevented by the hopes from this convention. (Opening remarks of Edmund Randolph as recorded by James McHenry of Maryland, May 29, 1787, ibid., 1:26. By the same token, they recognized that the constitution they were to draft would determine the fate of the states composing the Union. In a letter to Edmund Randolph in advance of the Convention, James Madison highlighted the dichotomous nature of the task confronting the delegates intent on strengthening the national government without eliminating the states as political entities.

“The Problem of Political and Social Stability in Urban Russia on the Eve of War and Revolution” Revisited

The object of this article is to revisit the themes originally explored in this journal thirty-five years ago in a discussion somewhat misleadingly entitled, “The Problem of Social Stability in Urban Russia, 1905-1917.”’ As older readers of the Slavic Review may recall, this discussion set off heated debates centered on the theses presented in this article about the dual processes of polarization that I distinguished in the dynamics of the political and social crisis in urban Russia even before the outbreak of war: polarization between the industrial workers employed in Russia's urban centers and the well-to-do strata of urban “society,” including those of the professional intelligentsia; and polarization between both the upper and lower strata of Russia's urban centers and the bureaucratic circles that sought to represent the interests and will of the sovereign.

The 'first to perish'. Child euthanasia in the Third Reich.

In an attempt to improve racial fitness, racial policy in the Third Reich targeted many groups, including physically and mentally handicapped children. An early program identified disabled children who were systematically selected and then transferred to various hospital centers where they were actively euthanatized. The program, directed by mainstream German physicians, was begun on the eve of war and was a harbinger of the evils to come. This article highlights the "scientific thought" that provided the rationale for this policy together with the details of implementation of the active euthanasia program and profiles one of the major participants, Werner Catel, DrMed, who was a distinguished pediatrician.

Planning for war: The red army and the catastrophe of 1941

(1995). Planning for war: The red army and the catastrophe of 1941. Europe-Asia Studies: Vol. 47, No. 8, pp. 1293-1326.

Plans for the development of the workers’ and peasants’ Red Army (RKKA) on the eve of war

Plans for the development of the workers’ and peasants’ Red Army (RKKA) on the eve of war

British Diplomats in Russia on the Eve of War and Revolution

British Diplomats in Russia on the Eve of War and Revolution

German Interest in Australian Defence, 1901–1914: New Insights into a Precarious Position on the Eve of War

German Interest in Australian Defence, 1901–1914: New Insights into a Precarious Position on the Eve of War

The Alienated Academy: Culture and Politics in Republican China, 1919-1937.

The enormous changes in twentieth-century Chinese higher education up to the Sino-Japanese War are detailed in this pioneering work. Yeh examines the impact of instruction in English and of the introduction of science and engineering into the curriculum. Such innovations spurred the movement of higher education away from the gentry academies focused on classical studies and propelled it toward modern middle-class colleges with diverse programs. Yeh provides a typology of Chinese institutions of higher learning in the Republican period and detailed studies of representative universities. She also describes student life and prominent academic personalities in various seats of higher learning. Social changes and the political ferment outside the academy affected students and faculty alike, giving rise, as Yeh contends, to a sense of alienation on the eve of war.

Changements démographiques et grèves ouvrières à Saint-Pétersbourg, 1905-1914

Nous avons choisi de considérer le cas de Saint-Pétersbourg pour illustrer l'incidence des changements démographiques au cours de la première décennie du xxe siècle sur la dynamique des grèves ouvrières qui éclatent à la veille de la première guerre mondiale. Ce choix s'appuie sur l'analyse comparée des deux grandes vagues de grèves des ouvriers de l'industrie dans la Russie impériale : celle des années révolutionnaires de 1905-1907, et celle qui suivit le massacre des ouvriers des mines d'or de Lena en avril 1912, et se développa avec une intensité accrue et un caractère politique, voire révolutionnaire, de plus en plus aigu jusqu'au début des hostilités, en août 1914. Avant de présenter une analyse démographique de la population ouvrière de la capitale, nous aborderons deux questions : pourquoi avons-nous attaché une si grande importance au cas de Saint-Pétersbourg dans notre analyse quantitative de ces deux vagues de grèves ? et pourquoi avons-nous prêté une telle attention aux changements structurels, et notamment démographiques, dans notre interprétation de l'évolution de l'intensité et du caractère des grèves qui s'y déroulent jusqu'en 1914 ?

Labor's War at Home: The CIO in World War II

List of Abbreviations Introduction to the New Edition Preface 1. Introduction 2. The Unfinished Struggle 3. CIO Politics on the Eve of War 4. Responsible Unionism 5. Union Security and the Little Steel Formula 6. Equality of Sacrifice 7. The Social Ecology of Shop-Floor Conflict 8. Incentive Pay Politics 9. Holding the Line 10. The Bureaucratic Imperative 11. Reconversion Politics 12. Epilogue: Labor in Postwar America Notes Bibliographical Essay Index

Three Guineas: Subversion and Survival in the Professions

... Hugh began carefully writing capital letters with rings around them in the margin, and thus marvellously reduced Lady Bruton's tangles to sense, to grammar such as the editor of the Times, Lady Bruton felt, watching the marvellous transformation, must respect.... Hugh went on drafting sentiments in alphabetical order of the highest nobility, brushing the cigar ash from his waistcoat, and summing up now and then the progress they had made until, finally, he read out the draft of a letter which Lady Bruton felt certain was a masterpiece. Could her own meaning sound like that?1 Woolf is satirizing the way in which the British governing class, metonymically represented by the Times, automatically transmits hackneyed opinions from one establishment club member to another. More subtly, Woolf is also pointing out how women's meaning can be written over by masculine style posing as superior order. Hugh Whitbread and the patriarchal establishment reduce Lady Bruton's strongly felt reasons for supporting her cause to a form of argument that affirms not only emigration but also hierarchical, patriarchal thought. In her anti-Fascist tract Three Guineas (1938), Woolf addresses a more vexed question than emigration: women's relation to the patriarchal establishment on the eve of war. In contrast to the militant and

Direction of policy in Palestine, 1936–45

The years preceding World War Two witnessed significant changes in British policy in Palestine. These changes were at one and the same time the cause and effect of a radical re-adjustment of the British policymaking machine (for want of a better name) responsible for Palestine. Until 1936, Britain had administered the Palestine Mandate in the light of a reasonably objective judgement of the respective rights of Zionists and Arabs. To a considerable degree, policy-making had been delegated by Cabinet and Colonial Secretary to the permanent officials in London and to the men on the spot in Palestine. But the Arab Rebellion which began in April, 1936 and continued intermittently until the eve of war, involved the moral sympathy, political support and even the physical intervention of certain of the Arab States. The increasing involvement of the Arab world in Palestinian affairs of necessity led to an increasing and ultimately dominating interest on the part of the Foreign Office. With the security of the whole Eastern Mediterranean at stake policy in Palestine could no longer be left in the hands of officials, whether in London or Jerusalem. London could no longer afford the luxury of considering the problems of Palestine in isolation from the rest of the Middle East. The re-assumption of ministerial and Cabinet control over policy in Palestine was neither swift nor smooth. Ministers relied heavily on the opinions of their permanent staff, especially when they themselves were new and often ephemeral incumbents. Baldwin's leadership in Cabinet was weak, collective responsibility sadly lacking. Baldwin took little interest in foreign affairs, and believed that Ministers should run their own Departments, with himself on hand to settle disputes or give advice. 1 If during 1935-36 the Cabinet dithered for months over its attitude to Italy, it could not be expected to re-assert swift control over a troubled colony. Government machinery for dealing with Arabian and Middle Eastern problems generally still showed a remarkable lack of unified direction. Apart from the traditional, major, but rather obscure divisions between the responsibilities of on the one hand, the Foreign Office and, on the other, of the India Office and the Government of India in the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf, policy in Iraq (until its official independence in 1932), Transjordan and Palestine was the responsibility of the Colonial Office.2 Defence policy in the Middle East had been placed in the hands of the Air Ministry during Churchill's tenure at the Colonial Office in 1921, but the despatch of troops in considerable numbers to Palestine in 1936 led to an ad hoc assumption of general command by the G.O.C. of the Army. The Admiralty was concerned for its part with the Suez Canal, the Red Sea and Persian Gulf Ports as stop-offs on the Imperial route to India and as terminal ports for oil supplies.

The Emancipation of Angelina Grimké (review)

BOOK REVIEWS175 burg: "The blue line stopped, flailed ragged along its forward edge, and then reversed its flow." Or it might be a succinct assessment of one man, such as this comment on the Northern president: "Nothing pleased Lincoln more than to have an opponent think he was an idiot. It was like swiping somebody with a razor and then telling them to shake their head." Or the prose could be a simple rendition of one human story. Foote has obvious (and commendable) admiration for Jefferson Davis. Volume I begins with Davis' farewell speech in the Senate on the eve of war. Volume II opens with his 1862 inaugural address in Richmond. Foote fittingly ends Volume III—and the study—with a statement Davis made just before he died: "Tell the world I only loved America." Whether from a publisher's stinginess with review copies or from editors' apathy with widely spaced installments of an undocumented history, America's major historical journals largely ignored the first two volumes of Foote's study. The set is now complete. Foote no longer can be, or will be, ignored. He has provided a superb view of the forest rather than the usual and tiring look at a few trees; and he has done so in a writing style both fluid and appealing. The inclusion in this set of no less than 140 maps, each placed just where it is needed, is but a dividend to a sweeping history impressive to read and impossible to forget. James I. Robertson, Jr. Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University The Emancipation of Angelina Grimké. By Katherine Du Pre Lumpkin . (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1974. Pp. xv, 265. $11.95.) This admirable book presents an Angelina Grimké significantly different from the heroine of several previous studies of abolitionism and woman's rights. The story of her heyday as a lecturer in 1837-38 is retold here, but her lectures, and the controversies among clergymen and reformers that they excited, appear as a brief interlude in the struggles, never entirely victorious, of a gifted woman to win her own emancipation . This is a plausible, moving account of the career of an important reformer. It shows how much can be gained by avoiding the hackneyed questions (was Theodore Weld greater than William Lloyd Garrison ? was it wrong not to have singleminded concern for the slaves? who was a racist or a sexist?) that have dominated so many studies of the psychology and ideology of abolitionism. This is not a study that depends on new sources; its insights result from the author's curiosity and sensitivity concerning the intimate meanings of events and relationships . In the first and most successful section of the book Lumpkin skillfully 176CIVIL WAR HISTORY evokes patterns of family conflict—against a background of luxury, on the one hand, and the disciplining of slaves, on the other—that furnished many of the terms for Angelina's unending efforts at "emancipation ." The first of these efforts, beautifully described in these pages, was her conversion to Quakerism. We are also given a clearer sense than in any other book I know of the constraints and sufferings that could be imposed by family and friends on a young woman searching for vocation in antebellum America. The central chapters of this book, on Angelina's triumphs as a lecturer and subsequent engagement to Theodore Weld, add little to our knowledge of events that have previously been narrated many times. Although the book is in general uninformed by the historical scholarship of the past two decades, only in these chapters, which are less concerned with la petite histoire than with the public meanings of events, does this shortcoming have serious consequences. Even in the retelling of Theodore's epistolary courtship of Angelina, there are few insights. While taking Weld's descriptions of himself at face value, Lumpkin stresses the pain Angelina felt because of his harsh criticisms and the costs to her never robust self-confidence. This is interesting, but I miss any sense of the romantic exhilaration she enjoyed in subjecting herself to a fascinating, dangerous man whom she compared, in unpublished letters, to Byron's corsair...

Towards a Reassessment of Dr. Evatt's Role in the 1954-5 A.L.P. Split

The economic depression in the early 1930s ushered in a period of general unrest, not only in Australia but throughout the world. In Australia, the grinding misery of the depression seemed to many people to afford positive proof of the failure of economic capitalism and democracy via political parties. Such a view caused some Australians to begin a search for a substitute form of government, which activity was part of a world-wide intellectual and political ferment. Communists in Australia were active in advancing a Marxist alternative to capitalism and party democracy. This caused a reaction by some Roman Catholics, who suggested that the best theoretical scheme for the replacement of capitalism and political party democracy was to be found in the various social encyclicals of the Popes, rather than in Marxism. Throughout the 1930s Communists experienced a fair degree of success in trade union elections, and by the eve of war in 1939 held the most important administrative positions in the strategic industries of steel production, transport and power.1 The rapid industrialisation caused by the war considerably improved this powerful position. By the war's end, Communists had so increased their strength that, in co operation with other radical forces, they exerted a substantial influence over the 1945 conference of the Australian Council of Trade Unions.2

THE PERCEPTION OF SIMULATED NATIONS: A MULTIDIMENSIONAL ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL PERCEPTION AS AFFECTED BY SITUATIONAL STRESS AND CHARACTERISTIC LEVELS OF COGNITIVE COMPLEXITY IN PERCEIVERS

ABSTRACTThe purposes of the study were to uncover the general structure of the concept used to perceive social groups acting as simulated nations, to determine whether the complexity and content of this perceptual concept would shift under varying situational stresses and to discover whether differences in the complexity of this specific concept could be traced to a measure of generalized cognitive complexity.A model was presented in which complexity in a concept was defined in terms of three qualities: (1) amount of differentiation, (2) degree of representative integration and (3) preponderance of internal dynamic properties of stimuli over more primitive external characteristics.The theory advanced was that complexity would relate to stress in a curvilinear fashion. Moderate stress should induce greater complexity in social perception than either too mild or too intense stress. In addition it was expected that at most stress levels differences in complexity can be related to differences in the characteristic levels of cognitive complexity in perceivers.In order to examine these points, the complexity of the social group concept as it functioned in the Internation Simulation was studied. The simulation allowed seven, three‐man nations to operate in a complex decision making environment for four days. In 10 different runs of the simulation, one half of the nations were manned by persons of high generalized complexity, while half were staffed with more generally simple persons. Generalized complexity was measured with the Situational Interpretation Test. Four runs involved the intense stress of war, four peace runs were of moderate stress and two peace runs were classed as mild stress.The content and structure of the social group concepts employed in the INS were measured by multidimensional scaling. Via multidimensional methods the social group concepts of the average person in each run were computed. In addition the multidimensional concepts of unique, non‐average persons were calculated in one war and one peace run. On the whole the results confirmed the model in highly provocative and suggestive ways. Multidimensional representations of both average and unique concepts were highly meaningful and related to events in the simulation. In particular three regular dimensions of social group perception emerged in average concepts: alliance, power, and activity. The significance of these dimensions for perceptual and semantic theory was noted.The structure of both average and unique concepts varied in a curvilinear way with stress. Interesting differences in content and structure of concepts were found between mild, moderate, and intense stress conditions. Particularly interesting were the features of concept structures which were found on the eve of war. Also of interest were the implications of both the complexity and content of concepts for an understanding of interests and decisions in the INS.Differences in content and structure at the same stress level were found related to the measure of generalized complexity. A major factor of individual difference in perception related to SIT scores in all runs. In the two runs where unique concepts were available, more generally complex persons were found to be more complex than simpler people in the number, organization, and nature of group characteristics with which they were concerned. Intriguing differences in the focus and accuracy of perceptions also emerged.In general the study found that by multidimensional scaling meaningful dimensions in the concept employed to perceive simulated nations could be discovered. It was also found that both content and structure in this social concept varied in provocative ways as a function of situational stress and characteristic levels of generalized complexity in perceivers.