European Politics Research Articles

Роль Евросоюза в (де)стабилизации постъюгославского пространства

Since the launch of the Stabilization and Association Process in 1999, the European Union has become the main conflict mediator on the post-Yugoslav space. The EU’s policy towards the region of the so-called Western Balkans implies the juxtaposition of integration and conflict settlement goals, which was not the case during the previous enlargement waves. Besides promoting peacebuilding initiatives through traditional foreign policy instruments, Brussels has been practicing a complicated system of incentives and sanctions related to the European integration procedures. Progress of the post-Yugoslav republics in enlargement is conditional on their willingness to implement particular requirements. The article analyzes the efficiency of the European Union’s conditionality from the perspective of regional stability. The ambivalence of such approach lies in politicization of peacebuilding agenda as the EU advances its specific image of recent civil wars in the Balkans. Using the methods of retrospective analysis of European politics, including foreign policy documents, the author substantiates the political nature of the demands made by Brussels on the parties to the conflicts. The distinct feature of the EU enlargement policy is the hierarchization of actors in foreign policy processes, which provides various countries with different negotiating power. This conditionality, due to the value contradictions within the communities, leads to the point when the applied measures of settlement lead not to the expected normalization, but to the aggravation of the situation and polarization of the parties. Thus, the author identifies the discrepancy between the declared objectives of the European Union as a mediator and the practical results. This inconsistency has prompted the decay of neighbor relations on the post-Yugoslav space as the EU member states attempted to instrumentalize their position within the Union for the ultimate solution of bilateral disputes with candidate countries, blocking the integration process in general.

THE IMAGE OF ANNA YAROSLAVNA IN FINE ARTS: PAST AND PRESENT

The article focuses on the iconography of Anna Yaroslavna (around 1032-between 1075 and 1089), the daughter of Yaroslav Mudry (983/98-1054), who was married to Henry I (1027-1060) and acquired the status of Queen of France. The study is based on the most famous portraits created by artists from the Middle Ages to the present day in various types of visual arts - sculpture, painting, graphics, numismatics. It is not known for certain what the princess looked like – rather insignificant evidence about her appearance has been preserved. In historical chronicles, the red hair color of the young wife of Henry I is primarily noted. More often, character traits are emphasized – kindness, generosity, humility, self-sacrifice. Portraits of the daughter of Yaroslav Mudry during his lifetime cause heated discussions in scientific circles. It is hypothesized that the sons and not daughters of Yaroslav the Wise are depicted in St. Sophia Cathedral (11th century). And on the copy of the 18th century from a drawing by the Dutch artist A. van Westerfeld in 1651, another couple is represented – Volodymyr Svyatoslavych and his wife Anna (baptizers of Rus) accompanied by eight princes and princesses. Engraved and sculptural portraits of the 17th century, despite the fashionable image of the era, reveal certain characteristic features of Anna Yaroslavna – thinness, general elegance, elongated face oval. Modern Ukrainian artists (V. Znoba, M. Znoba, G. Sevruk, V. Stelmakh), recreating the image of Anna Yaroslavna, are guided by the well-known engraved image of the Flemish artist Jacobus de Bie in 1643. At the same time, each portrait is distinguished by the author's decision and virtuoso mastery of the material. The presented article is not only the first intelligence covering pictorial and historical sources. The collected material testifies to the significant contribution of national history to the development of the European political and cultural space, is a demonstration of unity and friendly relations between Ukraine and France.

МЕХАНІЗМ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО ПОЛІТИЧНОГО СПІВРОБІТНИЦТВА В ІСТОРІЇ ЗОВНІШНЬОЇ І БЕЗПЕКОВОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО СПІВТОВАРИСТВА (60 – 80-ТІ РОКИ ХХ СТ.)

The article reflects the results of the study of the history of the formation of foreign and security policy of the European Community at the stage of functioning of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) mechanism. The prerequisites for the formation of the foreign policy mechanism of interaction between the EEC member states are shown. The formation of political conditions and institutional and functional dimensions of the EPC is analyzed. The main international problems that had to be solved by the participants of European integration through the EPC mechanism are highlighted. The author takes into account the specifics of this segment of cooperation of the European Community States, which for a long time did not have an official status and was in fact experimental. The author points out the defining contradictions and controversial issues of the development of the foreign policy segment of the European Community in the context of the maturation of transformations in the system of international relations and world security in the second half of the 1980s. The study concludes that the establishment of the EPC format meant only the beginning of a complex process of formation of a full-fledged subjectivity of the European Community in the international arena. The period from 1970 (formal creation of the EPC mechanism) to 1986 (adoption of the Single European Act) can be interpreted as the initial period in the history of the formation of the European Community’s foreign and security policies. In general, the usual weakness of the mechanism for coordinating the foreign policy of the EEC states was manifested due to the diversity of their international interests and, most importantly, the lack of effective means of implementing common positions. However, this does not diminish the historical significance of this period. After all, at that time the Community formed the principles and basic approaches to its political organization and activities in the international arena. Also, its leadership learned to respond as quickly as possible to the challenges of world politics and form its policy in different regions of the world, diplomatic representation, and international image. The result of these changes provided invaluable experience for the establishment of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The inclusion of foreign and security policy in the regulatory framework of the EEC in the Single European Act of 1986 meant only the beginning of a complex process of forming a full-fledged subjectivity of the European Community in the international arena.

Судето-немецкая партия в Чехословакии: на пути к объединению с нацистской Германией (1933–1938 гг.)

The history study of nationalist parties in the 20th century is the subject of close attention of many researchersgermanists. However, the history of the Sudeten-German party in Czechoslovakia in the 1930s does not often become an object of research. The purpose of the article is to consider the activities of the Sudeten-German party, to highlight the key reasons for its emergence. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of the party leaders' views on the way to unification with Nazi Germany. Also, the work proposed, if possible, an objective analysis of the essence of Henlein movement. The urgency of the problem is substantiated, first of all, by the fact that according to a similar scenario events, developed and continue to develop on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union, especially in the Baltic countries, where the Russian-speaking population makes up a significant part, like the Sudeten Germans in Czechoslovakia at their time, however, they are also targeted by the discriminatory policy of the authorities. The source base was made up of the documents collected by the Czechoslovak researcher V. Kral and published by him in 1964. As part of these materials, a large group of sources can be distinguished, which make up materials at the meetings of the main leadership in the Sudeten German Home Front - the Sudeten German Party in the period from 1933 to 1937, early 1938 and the speech by the leader of the Sudeten German Party K. Heinlein. Since the early 1990s we can talk about the renaissance of the historiography of the Sudeten-German history, mainly due to the development of archives in Germany, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The First World War did not contribute to the resolution of national contradictions. After the end of the First World War the Sudeten Germans were also included in Czechoslovakia at the behest of the Entente. The Sudeten-German party of K. Henlein took an active position in this struggle. Summing up, the authors conclude that the question of the nature of Henlein movement is controversial. Henlein movement really resembled the Nazi party in Germany, but at the initial stage of its activity in 1933-1936. However, as the Czechoslovak authorities opposed, pressure from the Nazi party in Germany and the strengthening of the right-wing radical branch, the Sudeten German Party practically lost its characteristics and turned into an analogue of the National Socialist German Workers' Party. This fact largely predetermined the radical solution of the Sudeten-German question through the Munich agreements on September 29, 1938, when the border regions of Czechoslovakia were annexed to Germany. Undoubtedly, these agreements were in the interests of the majority of the Sudeten Germans, who, however, once again became victims of the big European politics.

Memory Entrepreneurship: Armenian Genocide Recognition in Europe

Abstract Scholars have analyzed how political actors appropriate Holocaust-related memory laws to whitewash the past and undermine democratic traditions in various European countries. However, political actors in Europe have debated several other memory laws, which far-right MPs appropriate to serve their own purposes. The recognition of the Armenian Genocide is an understudied example of this phenomenon. Drawing from data collected in four countries—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Latvia, and Sweden—this analysis introduces the rhetorical strategies of memory justification and memory extrapolation to examine how far-right MPs, in very distinct geopolitical contexts, appropriate and instrumentalize Armenian Genocide memory to attack pluralism and promote their own versions of Europe. Through an analysis of the instrumentalization of the Armenian Genocide, this article examines a growing crisis at the center of contemporary European politics. This crisis, which involves actors promoting very different goals and values, increasingly threatens the socio-political cohesion of Europe.

1668: An Annus Horribilis for the Spanish Monarchy – The Lost European Hegemony, the International Situation, the Internal Crisis

1668 seems to be a kind of annus horribilis for the Spanish Monarchy that had been able to lead European politics during an entire century. If it possible to consider the peace of Cateau-Cambrésis of 1559 - that ended with French-Spanish conflict in Italy - such as the apical moment for Habsburg power in Europe, in some way the peace of the Pyrenees, signed in 1659 between the same protagonists, can represent the final phase of such as hegemony ruled by Madrid. Indeed, 1668 represents the most crucial point of crisis for a lot of reasons clearly connected with international order and especially with the rise of France, but also with the complicated Spanish domestic situation.

코로나19는 여당 지지율을 상승시켰는가?

During the pandemic period, the world underwent significant changes not only in health and economic fields, but also in political ones. European politics also saw substantial changes in supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties. However, in exceptional situations like COVID-19, supporting rates for parties might be influenced more by the crisis itself than by party policies or economic performance. This paper aims to identify the key factors that contributed to the changes of supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties during the two waves of COVID-19 in 2020. A multiple regression analysis was conducted, with the dependent variable of supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties of 30 European countries, including EU member states(excluding Cyprus), Iceland, Norway, the UK, and Scotland, during the first wave, period of pause, and second wave of COVID-19. The independent variables are supporting rates for other parties, health factors such as COVID-19 casualties and confirmed cases, economic factors like GDP growth rate, inflation, total income, and 23 government-imposed lockdown measures of 30 European countries. The analysis revealed following findings. First, the human casualties of COVID-19 did not directly impact supporting rates of parties. The number of deaths per million was only positively correlated with an increase in support for the ruling party during the second wave, likely due to a rallying effect as the pandemic resurged. Second, among the lockdown measures, bans on outdoor activities, restaurant closures, and workplace shutdowns had an impact on the support rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties. Countries that imposed outdoor activity bans for a longer duration experienced a decrease in support for the ruling parties, while far-right and main opposition parties’ supporting rates tended to increase. Third, economic factors continued to influence party support during the pandemic. Countries with higher GDP growth rates, higher total income, and lower unemployment rates during the first and second waves maintained higher supporting rates for the ruling parties. Additionally, during the second wave, countries with rapidly rising unemployment rates had higher supporting rates for far-right parties and the main opposition parties. Through this analysis, it became evident that supporting rates for parties in 30 European countries were influenced more by government-imposed lockdown measures and economic factors than by the direct impact of COVID-19 casualties during the pandemic spread.

Are they finally talking about European Politics? Analysis of the issues discussed by the parties in the 2019 EP election as signs of politicization

Are they finally talking about European Politics? Analysis of the issues discussed by the parties in the 2019 EP election as signs of politicization

The role of emotions in critical thinking about European politics: Confronting anti-immigration rhetoric in the classroom

The rise of anti-immigration arguments within the European Union (EU) poses significant challenges to our democratic existence. As such, the promotion of critical thinking (CT) for the development of a multicultural citizenship education has been underlined. Recent research also shows a close connection between emotions and cognition with positive effects over students’ motivation to engage in CT. Through the analysis of focus groups with 61 Portuguese secondary school students, this research shows that they are critical about democratic political values and practices at the EU level, and highly motivated to discuss controversial political and humanitarian issues that are emotionally engaging. Educational practices that encourage the discussion of controversial topics in the classroom, welcoming students’ emotional engagement with these topics, can increase their resilience to anti-immigration rhetoric.

The Change of European International Relationship under the Background of the Russia-Ukraine War

The Russia-Ukraine war, as one of the most important geopolitical events since the twenty-first century, has increasingly become a major preoccupation of Politics and International Relations researchers. The researchers realise that the nature of the prospect of current and future European politics is still in controversy. This research aims to provide an understanding of the change of dynamics of current European states foreign policy and the international relationship under the background of the Russia-Ukraine war. The Russia-Ukraine war was one of the most crucial geopolitical events since the twenty-first century. Russia and Ukraine have a considerable influence on global politics and the economy, triggering a series of global turbulence after they went to war. Europe is the region that is most severely affected. A range of scholars and researchers proposed their own understanding of the issue and provided various perspectives. This research examines and analyses the current European international politics by looking at the different actions and motivations of foreign policy combined with theories of different schools. It shows that what Europeans had decided or done was not usually independent and restricted and affected by external pressures or internal economic considerations. These factors render the embarrassment of current European international relationships.

Metternich's League to Preserve Peace and the Conservative Elites’ Doubts about the Functionality of the Post-Napoleonic Order

Abstract Before 1848 not merely democrats and liberals criticized the post-Napoleonic order for their growing mistrust of its ability to protect the sovereignty of smaller countries and preserve the general peace. The predominantly conservative ruling elite, namely rulers, statesmen, and diplomats, raised the same criticism when the law-breaking and abuse of power made them similarly mistrustful of the state of European politics during the 1830s and 1840s. This became true even for some of the order's authors like Austrian chancellor Metternich who serves as a prominent example of this mistrust with his project of a league to preserve peace in Europe in August 1840. Metternich, who helped to create this order in 1815, found it defective and in need of improvement only a quarter of a century later. He certainly did not want to create a completely new international order and law of nations as some liberals and democrats desired at that time, but his idea was still, in a certain sense, revolutionary since its realization would have fundamentally modified the pillars on which the order had been founded at the end of the Napoleonic Wars.

Freedom and Plurality in Unity: The European Politics of <i>Der Monat</i>

The German-language magazine Der Monat (1948–71) was one of the most impactfulpublications in post-war Germany. It promoted the re-orientation of the German peopleby offering political as well as philosophical essays and introduced international authorsto its readers. In the context of the Cold War, part of the magazine’s marketing strategywas to downplay how close its ties to the United States and American institutions inGermany were and to push its international self-image to the forefront. Thus, Der Monat presented itself as a forum for free and open discussions. But this forum was clearly onlymade up of pro-Western, anti-Communist voices. By analysing the American originsof the magazine, the interplay between German readers, and the international voicesfeatured in Der Monat as well as the European politics of the editorial team and theway in which they were translated into editorial practices, this article aims to identifythe concepts of ‘freedom’ and ‘plurality’ as central to Der Monat’s self-image, and toexpose why the magazine’s opposition to the concept of ‘unity’ promoted by the SovietUnion can be seen as ironic.

God, [political] family… and Europe? The selective resilience of religion in shaping the work of Italian members of the European Parliament

ABSTRACT Drawing on data from an original survey and the qualitative content analysis of parliamentary written questions, the contribution studies how religion shapes the political activity of Italian MEPs. It claims that Italian MEPs show some resilient attachment to the Catholic identity of Europe, although they do not take religious values much into consideration for policy decisions. To highlight the role of religion in European politics, this contribution also compares its impact on some policy issues in the EU and Italian political arenas. In both spheres, religious tropes and values, considered as a cultural reference, are more politicised on security issues than on other questions. Such politicisation is undertaken by populist radical right MEPs, who adopt a securitisation framework to emphasise the threat posed by Muslim communities. In the Italian polity, religious values as Christian cultural norms are also politicised on identity issues and morality questions to sustain value-driven restrictive policies.

Portuguese MEPs and religion as a case of ‘dual identity’: Christians at heart, secular at work

ABSTRACT The literature has long acknowledged the role of religion in the linkages between national identity, politics, and Europe. However, little is known about how religion permeates the activity of Portuguese members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and whether this includes a politicisation of religion. This contribution sheds light on the use of religion by Portuguese MEPs during the European term 2019–2024. Drawing on a questionnaire and other quantitative and qualitative data, the contribution shows that religion itself has lost salience in terms of the activity of Portuguese MEPs. Instead, ‘religiously loaded’ themes are used as empty signifiers to reinforce collective and personal identity belongings. We conclude that the use of religion by Portuguese MEPs mirrors a secular transition found in Portugal since 1974 that has led to the privatisation of faith and a clear separation between the Catholic Church and the state. In sum, although Portuguese MEPs remain predominantly Catholic, the place of religion in European politics is a case of ‘dual identity’: they are Christians at heart but secular at work.

A republic uncomfortable with what comes from above (God or Europe): political representation and laïcité in Europeanising France

ABSTRACT France is regularly singled out in comparative studies for its ‘laïcité’, which is assumed to lead to the conflictual separation of politics and religion. The aim of this contribution is to discuss the actual specificity of French laïcité in comparison to other member states of the European Union (EU) regarding the interactions between nation, Europe, and religion. Empirically, we rely on a survey of five French members of the European Parliament (MEPs); an analysis of parliamentary questions related to ‘religion’ and ‘laïcité’ by French MEPs between 2019 and 2023; and two policy case studies (the counter-radicalisation strategy following terrorist attacks in the years 2000–2010 and the restriction of religious freedom during the pandemic in 2020–2021). Our findings suggest that French laïcité retains its singularity as a symbolic resource even if its policy practices do not differ greatly from what happens in other member states. In national as well as in European politics, French elites are still reluctant to deal with religion in the public space and use it as a marker of national identity only in a distant, secularised, and culturalised way.

Overview of RelEP2 (2019–2024) findings. Is there a politicisation of and through religion in the European Parliament?

ABSTRACT This overview presents some outcomes of the survey ‘Religion in the European Parliament and in European multilevel governance’ (RelEP2) pursued during the term 2019–2024. It focuses on the way politicisation may occur in two capacities: politicisation through religion by its effects on the functioning of the European Parliament (EP) as an institution and on political belongings and cleavages; politicisation of religion as an issue or a set of actors likely to increase the conflictualisation of European politics. Politicisation is defined along three usual dimensions customised for the purpose of our research: the salience of religion in MEPs’ work, attitudes, and practices; its effects on polarisation (understood as a hardening of belongings and cleavages); its contribution to the expansion of actors and audiences involved in debating or shaping European integration. Our findings show that religion has limited salience in the functioning of the EP and in the practices of its members. Religion may work as a symbolic marker of distinction between and within existing belongings, and leads to a fragmentation rather than to the polarisation of clear-cut coalitions shaped by religious beliefs or issues. The capacity of religious actors or issues to expand the debate about European integration is not demonstrated.

Communicating the Crusading Activity of the Kings of Navarre in the 14th and 15th Centuries

The mediaeval historiographical memory of the Crusades in the Kingdom of Navarre is unique precisely because two of its monarchs, the Counts of Champagne—Theobald I and II—actively participated in the Crusader campaigns during 1239–1241 and in 1270, respectively. Despite the importance of the Crusades which, starting from the early twelfth century, also encompassed the connection of this kingdom with Jerusalem’s paradigms of the warrior and religious pilgrimage, it can be asserted that there are scarcely any traces of narrative communication in Navarre about the Crusades, either politically or ideologically. This paper analyses the question of documentation and communication about the Crusades from the study of the chronicles of the Kingdom of Navarre in the Late Middle Ages. The purpose is to identify the characteristics and keys of the texts, dissimilar to the welcoming impact of the Crusades in Hispanic and European political, cultural and religious spheres.

Europeanised Attitudes, Nationalised Communication? Evidence on the Patterns behind Political Communication Output in Brussels

Studies of a communication deficit in the European Union (EU) have hardly taken a systematic look at the site where most of the political communication output is being created: within the elite bubble of EU politicians and correspondents in Brussels. This study builds on the communication culture approach to describe and explain the basic attitudinal patterns of EU politicians and journalists who critically shape the political communication output coming out of Brussels that is being consumed by European citizens. Based on a survey with more than 300 participating politicians and journalists, this study demonstrates that the internationalised communication context in Brussels reduces differences between the attitudes of actors from professional and national groups. We demonstrate that there is a tendency toward common elitist attitudes, complemented by a highly negative view of the public and a cynical mode of political communication. However, we observe predominantly national contact networks in Brussels and partly differing attitudes among some sub-groups of politicians and journalists, reflecting the partly conflicting national configurations of the European political and media system and the principal-agent relationships of EU politicians and journalists with their constituencies and media outlets.

“Posthuman Intersections in BrexLit: Representing Migration in Contemporary British Fiction”

ABSTRACT The United Kingdom European Union membership or, in common parlance, Brexit referendum, held in the United Kingdom on 23rd June 2016, was an unprecedented event in European politics. This article analyses a literary corpus of long fiction, known as BrexLit, which have all drawn inspiration from this poll and its subsequent consequences for British society. Novels such as Ali Smith’s Autumn (2017), Anthony Cartwright’s The Cut (2017), Mohsin Hamid’s Exit West (2017), Jonathan Coe’s Middle England (2018), John Lanchester’s The Wall (2019) or Ian McEwan’s The Cockroach (2019), and others, will be examined through the lens of Posthuman Studies to establish the numerous intersections that can be identified within these texts’ realist and speculative worldviews. BrexLit questions traditional norms, such as the Humanist conception of the white man being the center of the universe, as well as it provides representation for migratory movements. In fact, migratory and refuge issues will form the centerpiece of this study as the majority of these novels challenge the abundant political discourses against the “Other” that have flourished before, during and after the Brexit campaign.

Unpacking second-order elections theory: The effects of ideological extremity on voting in European elections

The proposition that extreme parties should perform better in second-order national contests when compared to adjacent, first-order, national elections has so far received scant attention from scholars. Correspondingly, it lacks a developed theoretical framework and systematic empirical testing. This study strives to fill these lacunae, offering a comparative analysis of all European and adjacent national elections in the last six decades. Contrary to expectations, I find a negative effect of ideological extremity on party performance in (second-order) European elections. Moreover, the effect of ideological extremity is also conditional upon party size and the temporal distance of the European election to the last national election. However, these effects are at odds with theoretical expectations of existing research. These findings have broader implications, especially in terms of transformations of European politics. For instance, they can be indicative of shifts in voter motivations and the electoral costs of governing for extreme parties.