European Exports Research Articles

The competitive nature of the clothing industry in the European Union

This paper provides a statistical summary of trends and competitive structures within the European Union (EU), concerning employment, trade policy, production, imports, exports, retail structures, consumer expenditure and labour costs aross the Member States.

How nations grow rich: the case for free trade

There can be no doubt, writes economist Melvyn Krauss, that the prosperity of the industrial nations since the Second World War has been due largely to global specialization and interdependence. No one country does all tasks today - products are designed in one country, produced in another and assembled in a third. The increased standard of living resulting from global specialization in turn has led to the growth of the modern state, including an increased demand for economic security and social measures which guarantee politically-determined minimum consumption standards for citizens. Ironically, says Krauss, as the debate over the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), the General Agreement of Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the recently established World Trade Organization demonstrate, today's has evolved into a protectionist state. U.S. consumer advocates (Ralph Nader) see free as a threat to consumerist legislation. U.S. environmentalists (Jerry Brown) see free as a threat to environmental legislation. U.S. human rights advocates (Anna Quindlin) see free as a threat to human rights abroad. In How Nations Grow Rich, Krauss argues there is no inherent reason why the growth of the in the Western industrial countries should conflict with free that is, there is no inherent reason for the to be protectionist. Exposing fallacious welfare state arguments for protection, Krauss makes a powerful case for free in general, and NAFTA in particular, as mechanisms for raising U.S. living standards. Americans are made better off through a reallocation of U.S. productive resources from lower-to-higher productivity uses-from textiles to computers, for example. Moreover, by raising wages in Mexico relative to the U.S., Krauss expects NAFTA to help reduce both legal and illegal immigration. Were states like California to reduce their generous social services and affirmative action programs, labor immigration from Mexico would fall to politically acceptable levels. Krauss' novel insight that migration and foreign are alternative means of effectuating international exchange is used in this lively and informative book to shed light on a host of important policy issues. By the very act of restricting textile and apparel imports, the U.S. virtually compels foreign textile workers to migrate to the U.S. The European Union's tariff against East European exports provokes a flood of Eastern workers to Western Europe. In How Nations Grow Rich, Krauss dispatches both traditional and newer arguments for protection with unusual verve and clarity. Addressing the belief that protectionism boosts employment, he points out that import restrictions can destroy U.S. jobs when imposed on materials we use as parts. For example, in 1991, Apple and Toshiba suffered a dramatic increase in their production costs as a result of a 63% tariff on imported Japanese flat-panel display screens. This protect-America policy backfired, causing these two mega-companies to move their production facilities abroad. In response to protectionist demands that the U.S. close its markets until Japan reduces its barriers against U.S. goods-that be before it can be free-Krauss points out that in a market economy where consumers are kings, only a consumer-based equity standard is valid. Thus what the fair trade protectionist argument really comes down to is the nonsensical proposition that because foreign countries damage their consumers by foolish protectionist measures, equity demands the United States follow suit. This wide-ranging and stimulating book clarifies such important and often inaccessible issues as development policy, foreign aid, sanctions, child labor, human rights linkages, immigration, European Monetary Union and affirmative action policies. How Nations Grow Rich is must reading for anyone concerned with public policy and international economics.

NAFTA: Setting the Record Straight

HE North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was sold on the basis that it would bring a substantial expansion of US exports to Mexico and boost Mexico’s economic growth. Since its passage, however, not everything has gone as planned. In 1995 — scarcely a year after NAFTA came into effect — Mexico was in the midst of its worst economic crisis in decades. Meanwhile, rather than the anticipated expansion, US exports to Mexico went down. Has, then, NAFTA failed? The short answer is ‘no’. While many more years will be required before it is possible to make a meaningful assessment of the agreement, NAFTA’s expected benefits are beginning to materialise. Trade among the three NAFTA countries has been expanding to record levels and the number of US-Mexican business partnerships is on the rise. Moreover, despite the 45 per cent real devaluation of the peso, the seven per cent drop in Mexican output and Mexico’s 22 per cent fall in real wages during 1995, 1 US exports to Mexico were much less affected than Japanese or European exports largely thanks to NAFTA. Indeed, while exports to Mexico from the rest of the world, notably Japan and the European Union, fell by about 25 per cent, US exports contracted by less than two per cent. 2 Despite these positive trends, many Americans in and out of the Congress are proclaiming that NAFTA was a mistake. To a large extent, the statements against NAFTA are based on erroneous beliefs or egregious distortions. NAFTA is blamed for US job losses or declining living standards of workers, particularly the unskilled. In reality, the impact of NAFTA on gross job displacement in the United States has been negligible. Furthermore, there is some evidence that NAFTA’s net employment effect (the difference between jobs displaced and jobs created) has been positive.

La concurrence, frein et moteur de l'investissement

Competition, as both a brake and an engine of investments OFCE For the past year, the main engine of the european upturn has been the improved exchange rate and liquidity background. European exports are regaining market shares, especially in the case of Germany. The investment plans of European firms are more upbeat, though many larger countries, Germany, France and Italy are lagging. Private consumption growth is still vulnerable to a possible comeback of a cautious stance. Domestic policy-mixes as well as a revival of European coordination bear some responsibility in strengthening the current recovery. Would this responsability be yet fulfilled, a 3 % growth rate could be achieved in 1998 for Europe as a whole. The US growth outlook is consistent with a higher dollar exchange rate, in favour of the European growth (1,9 DM in 1998). American companies ease the growth process through efficient investments raising profits and jobs. During the year 1997 the monetary policy kept supporting growth. A moderate tightening is foreseeable before the end of 1997. The slowdown of growth in 1998 (2,6 % after 3,8 % in 1998) would allow for a better fitting of private behaviours to a credible monetary policy. The Japanese economy has recorded a new drop during the spring of 1997, offsetting the anticipated purchases triggered by the 1st April VAT increase. The monetary easing is, in the short run, unable to balance the effects of the restrictive fiscal policy. The main support of the activity is the yen's depreciation, as it helped stabilize market shares for one year. The limited outcome of the South East Asian financial crisis would not hinder the positive contribution of foreign trade to the 1998 growth (2,5 % after 0,9 % in 1997). In France, economic growth is taking off slowly, mainly thanks to the contribution of the foreign trade. The destocking, a lack-luster private consumption and the setback of investment have dampened the domestic demand. However, the turning point is over. Growth would reach 2,1% in 1997 and 3,3% in 1998. Once again, foreign trade is the more dynamic component of GDP. Exports benefit at the same time from a strong external demand and from favorable exchange rates. The trade balance surplus would continue to increase leading to a current surplus exceeding 2 % of GDP this year and 3 % next year. The slowing down of GDP growth has hampered the addition of new capacities. Firms postponed their replacement of equipment. They are not financially constrained, but they use their funds for other purposes than capital expenditures. The permanently high real long interest rates have slowed down new indebtedness and reduced the profitability of installed capital. Therefore, they have prevented firms from making new expenditures. But in 1998, firms investment would pick up again. The producer prices in manufacturing industries would stop decreasing. This would allow a downturn of the real interest rates and an increase in investment expenditures, at a modest level regarding the past slowdown. After a mediocre 1996 year, the purchasing power of households would accelerate in 1997 and in 1998. The ratio of tax to income would be stabilised at 23 % in 1997 then would rise by 0.4 % in 1998. Primary income would accelerate, thanks to increased payrolls in 1998 and a revival of activity for self-employed. On the other hand, the social security benefits would remain low. Private consumption would pick up, in line with the disposable income and a revived consumer confidence. The households' debt ratio would remain quite low, so that they would not need to save more to reduce their debt. Prices would stop slowing down at the forecast horizon. The recovery of raw materials prices and of the dollar would bring the fall of producer prices to a halt in the industry. But consumer prices would still grow slowly because of low wage costs. The current improvement of employment would be confirmed by the recovery, especially in the manufacturing industry. Concerning unemployment, prospects have improved. The unemployment rate would slow down from now to year-end and would stabilise during the first half- year period of 1998. A fall of the number of unemployed would happen in 1998. But, this fall would be limited by the inflow of previously discouraged workers. Due to the changing government, the French fiscal policy has been shifted on two points. First, the pace of the deficit reduction has been slowed. The general government deficit would reach 3,1% of GDP in 1997. The law of finance project for 1998 is based on a cyclical increase of revenues and on a GDP growth to help stabilising the general government deficit close to 3% of GDP. Expenditures are stabilised in real terms. The tax cuts planned by Juppé government are canceled.

How Nations Grow Rich: The Case for Free Trade

There can be no doubt, writes economist Melvyn Krauss, that the prosperity of the industrial nations since the Second World War has been due largely to global specialization and interdependence. No one country does all tasks today -- products are designed in one country, produced in another and assembled in a third. The increased standard of living resulting from global specialization in turn has led to the growth of the modern state, including an increased demand for economic security and social measures which guarantee politically-determined minimum consumption standards for citizens. Ironically, says Krauss, as the debate over the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), the General Agreement of Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the recently established World Trade Organization demonstrate, today's has evolved into a protectionist state. U.S. consumer advocates (Ralph Nader) see free as a threat to consumerist legislation. U.S. environmentalists (Jerry Brown) see free as a threat to environmental legislation. U.S. human rights advocates (Anna Quindlin) see free as a threat to human rights abroad. In How Nations Grow Rich, Krauss argues there is no inherent reason why the growth of the in the Western industrial countries should conflict with free that is, there is no inherent reason for the to be protectionist. Exposing fallacious welfare state arguments for protection, Krauss makes a powerful case for free in general, and NAFTA in particular, as mechanisms for raising U.S. living standards. Americans are made better off through a reallocation of U.S. productive resources from lower-to-higher productivity uses--from textiles to computers, for example. Moreover, by raising wages in Mexico relative to the U.S., Krauss expects NAFTA to help reduce both legal and illegal immigration. Were states like California to reduce their generous social services and affirmative action programs, labor immigration from Mexico would fall to politically acceptable levels. Krauss' novel insight that migration and foreign are alternative means of effectuating international exchange is used in this lively and informative book to shed light on a host of important policy issues. By the very act of restricting textile and apparel imports, the U.S. virtually compels foreign textile workers to migrate to the U.S. The European Union's tariff against East European exports provokes a flood of Eastern workers to Western Europe. In How Nations Grow Rich, Krauss dispatches both traditional and newer arguments for protection with unusual verve and clarity. Addressing the belief that protectionism boosts employment, he points out that import restrictions can destroy U.S. jobs when imposed on materials we use as parts. For example, in 1991, Apple and Toshiba suffered a dramatic increase in their production costs as a result of a 63% tariff on imported Japanese flat-panel display screens. This protect-America policy backfired, causing these two mega-companies to move their production facilities abroad. In response to protectionist demands that the U.S. close its markets until Japan reduces its barriers against U.S. goods--that be before it can be free--Krauss points out that in a market economy where consumers are kings, only a consumer-based equity standard is valid. Thus what the fair trade protectionist argument really comes down to is the nonsensical proposition that because foreign countries damage their consumers by foolish protectionist measures, equity demands the United States follow suit. This wide-ranging and stimulating book clarifies such important and often inaccessible issues as development policy, foreign aid, sanctions, child labor, human rights linkages, immigration, European Monetary Union and affirmative action policies. How Nations Grow Rich is must reading for anyone concerned with public policy and international economics.

L'intégration des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale à l'Union européenne

The integration of PECO's in UE The Central Eastern European trade represents a little amount of total European trade : it is less than 1 % of French and German gnp. But in some sectors, the export of Eastern Europe can reach 10 %-20 % of total European import. Thanks to the trade liberalisation process, a significant trade reorientation has taken place, but barriers remain in the sensitive sectors, where the Central Eastern European countries (CEEC's) may have comparative advantages. Although positive (new markets do not compensate for the CMEA trade collapse), the disintegration cost of cmea is decreasing. The analysis of trade at a disaggregated level reveals the sectors where CEEC's have comparative advantages. By estimating the factor content of Eastern European exports, it can been shown that they embody more labour than imports from Western Europe.

Eastern European Export Performance during the Transition

During the past decade, Eastern European exports have undergone a deep transformation, as communist bloc trading relationships have collapsed and trade with the West has increased. The extent of this geographical re-orientation has generally exceeded the predictions of equilibrium models developed by Hamilton and Winters (1992) and Collins and Rodrik (1991), suggesting the prospect for increased export activity among the transition economies as aggregate demand in these countries strengthens and payment systems mature. Significant changes in the product composition of Eastern European exports have accompanied the geographical reorientation. Exports of manufacturing goods to former communist countries have declined sharply, but exports to the EC across an array of goods -- including heavy machinery -- have grown robustly. Evidence suggests that the observed changes in export composition reflect the redirection of physical goods through price competition and the emergence of market-determined comparative advantage.

International Trade in Bengal Silk and The Comparative Role of Asians and Europeans, circa. 1700–1757

It is almost common knowledge by now, thanks to the penetrating research by several scholars in the field, that Bengal silk was an important commodity in international trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. But the general assumption so far has been that it was the Europeans rather than the Asians who played the major role in the export of raw silk from Bengal.As a corollary to thi and taking into consideration the dominant position of the European Companies in Bengal textile trade, historians have maintained even in recent studies that around the mid-eighteenth century, European trade was the most important factor in Bengal's commercial economy. 1 There is no denying the fact that the Companies were the most dominant factor in Bengal's seaborne trade but that does not necessarily imply that they were far ahead of Asians in Bengal's export trade as a whole. For the above does not take into account Bengal's export trade by overland routes which had always been extremely significant. It is generally assumed that with the fall of the great empires–Mughal, Safavid and Ottoman–and the consequent decline of ports like Surat, the overland trade was doomed. The reason for this sort of assumption, it seems, was mainly the lack of data regarding India's overland trade compared to the abundance of quantitative material in the Company archives on European exports from Bengal. It is also possible that the fascination of the sea and preoccupation with the European market, as also the nature of the surviving evidence, have obscured the significance of the traditional and continuing trade through the overland route from India. Moreland thought that India's overland trade in the seventeenth century was of small importance and that the important development took place at sea.2

Convertibilité et spécialisation internationale dans les économies est-européennes en transition

Convertibility and international specialization in East European economies in transition. In the Central and East European economies in transition, internal convertibility for routine transactions, and the restructuring of trade, are mutually linked. The return to convertibility affords the opportunity to decide which forms of production are profitable, on the basis of world prices, and points the way for the future specialization of East European economies. The choice of a speedy convertibility and the refusal to create an East European payments union have speeded up the geographical restructuring of trade. In the short term, the specialization which the countries of central and eastern Europe inherited from the past conditions the choice of exchange rate level after the reintroduction of convertibility. Basing itself upon the example of the German monetary union, on the present structure of East European exports, on the prospects for convergence in respect of the States of the European Union, and on the clash between stabilization and restructuring, the article supports an undervaluation of the real rates of exchange at the beginning of the transitional period. In the longer term, as reforms are initiated and a new specialization develops, it would on the other hand be desirable for the actual exchange rate to appreciate, and to approach a level corresponding to the parity of purchasing power, thus allowing for some improvement in the living standards of the citizens of Eastern Europe.

Organizational Buying Behaviour in the Gulf

The Gulf States (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Oman Bahrain and Qatar) represent a major global market accounting for 26 per cent of European exports, 22 per cent of Japanese exports, 27 per cent of South East Asian exports, and 14 per cent of US exports. Despite this importance comparatively little interest has been shown in buyer behaviour in the Gulf States. Based on extensive research and direct experience a number of salient differences between western models of organizational buying behaviour and actual practice are identified and give rise to specific recommendations for marketing strategy in the region.

Controls on European baby milk exports

Controls on European baby milk exports

Determinants of international trade of machine tools during the eighties: a shift-share analysis

This paper examines the international trade of the machine tool industry using shiftshare analysis. This analysis allows the effects which the market composition and the exporting firms' competitiveness have on changes in the export figures to be broken down. In addition, this method eliminates the influence of price and exchange rate factors on export data (during the period 1980–1987). On the basis of the results obtained, it is clear that Japanese firms possess the most aggressive penetration strategy in international markets. This is characterized by their choice of fast-growing markets and by a high degree of competitiveness. Recent changes in U.S. export figures give good reason to believe that the trade balance deficit in this sector will be narrowed, whereas the performance of European exports as a whole has been rather disappointing, with the exception of some slight relative advantages achieved by Italian firms.

Patterns of technology imports: interregional comparison

There is not much direct trade between the major Latin American economies (Argentina, Brazil, Mexico) and Eastern Europe. However, these regions are increasingly interacting as borrowers of money and technology from western sources. During the last two decades the Latin Americans have been importing much more western technology—as documented in patent and license data—than Eastern Europe, one reason being that the former gain from large-scale direct investment by western firms, whereas Eastern Europe does not. Eastern Europe outspends Latin America on domestic research and it generates more endogenous technology as well, but this factor does not compensate for its smaller imports of western technology. This is demonstrated by the progressive erosion of Eastern European exports of technologically complex manufactures to the West by the aggressive exporters from the large Latin American and other newly industrializing countries. As recent developments indicate—including the contrasting response by the two regions to the debt crisis—it is likely that the heavier involvement of the Latin Americans in technology imports will continue with obvious implications for the competitiveness of these two regions in the western market for manufactures.

Agricultural Engineering and European Exports Before 1914

Agricultural Engineering and European Exports Before 1914

WORLD OUTLOOK

The strength of US domestic demand is exerting a very strong pull on the world economy. Japan in particular is benefiting from soaring export demand, but the effects on European exports have been offset by weak domestic demand and, in the case of West Germany and the UK, by damaging industrial disputes which have interrupted supply. Over the next 12 months we expect the US economy to slow down under the weight of the financial and external balance pressures, which two years of very rapid but unbalanced growth have built up. For the world economy, however, we expect the slowdown in the US to be counterbalanced by expanding domestic demand in Europe and Japan, especially if a lower dollar permits reductions in interest rates. We forecast world output growth of about 3 per cent next year, well below the near‐5 per cent projected for 1984 ‐ the cyclical peak. By the second half of 1985 the world recovery will be three years old and we expect a pause in the growth of output. Against a background of stable monetary growth we expect world inflation in the 5–6 per cent range over the medium term. This is consistent with some increase in US inflation, low and stable inflation in Japan and West Germany and further progress in reducing inflation in countries such as France and Italy. Our forecast is based on the assumption that the dollar falls next year. If it does not fail we believe there is a significant risk of slower growth.

Caractère et tendance de l'aide publique européenne au développement

Flows of European Official Development Assistance (ODA) have, in the past, not only provided finance for the development programmes of the Third World but also contributed to their demand for European exports. The prospects for this source of demand are constrained, both by slower growth in Europe and by policies aimed at cutting government spending. Moreover, the setback to economic progress in many of the poorest parts of the Third World which will result may well be reinforced by the maintainance of the existing geographical allocation of ODA which serves to reinforce a pattern of economic development dating from the colonial era.

Japan–United States Trade Friction: The Reciprocity Issue

Trade friction between the United States and Japan has grown considerably since 1980, particularly over the sharp increase inJapanese automobile exports in 1981, and in 1982-83 over American demands that theJapanese market be opened wider to American exports.' The disastrous condition of the U.S. automobile industry in a deep recession has done much to fuel congressional and executive support for limitations on Japanese exports to protect the domestic industry and to seek ways to increase American exports toJapan. The sheer size of the trade deficit withJapan and the unusual depression of American industries have been seen to justify the demand for reciprocity-i.e., that the Japanese market be as open to American exports as the American one is toJapanese exports like automobiles, television sets, video tape recorders, and integrated circuits. The trade deficit withJapan in 1981 was $18.08 billion and made up 45.6% of the total U.S. deficit in merchandise trade of $39.7 billion.2 Until the mid-1960s when the American economy was so much stronger than Japan's, it was Japan that complained of deficits and burgeoning American exports toJapan. In the early 1970s when Japan had only a $1 billion trade surplus with the United States, it was taken to task severely by the Nixon administration, which eventually put a heavy import surcharge on allJapanese, Canadian, and European exports to force them to revalue their currencies and change the balance of trade with the United States. While accepting a trade deficit with Japan as normal nowadays, Treasury Secretary Donald Regan told the Tokyo Foreign Press Club that the very large size and rapid growth of Japan's trade surplus reflects an artificially distorted trading pattern.

The organic chemicals industry of the USSR: a case-study in the measurement of comparative technological sophistication by means of kilogram-prices

The comparative kilogram-price of an equivalent product group in international trade is a rough indication of underlying technological capability. Although there are many theoretical and practical difficulties involved in applying this approach to East-West trade, these difficulties can be minimised by a careful selection of product groups. In this connection, advanced chemical products are particularly suitable because the chemical industry is one in which both kilogram-prices and technological sophistication tend to increase hand-in-hand at successive stages of manufacture. The results of this enquiry are quite striking. From the standpoint of bilateral trade, the kilogram-prices of Soviet and East European exports to the EEC countries are consistently lower than those of corresponding imports from the EEC. Throughout the period 1960–1972 these differentials appears to be closing either very slowly or not at all, while the Soviet and East European share of the EEC marked has remained more or less constant or has declined since the mid-1960's. From the alternative perspective of the “neutral” Yugoslavian market, the kilogram-prices of EEC exports are again consistently higher than those obtained by the Comecon coun tries. Moreover, there has been a considerable eroson in the market share of the Comecon countries since the mid-1960's. These general findings are broadly in line with other kinds of estimates and suggest that in these relatively advanced and dynamic sectors of industry, Soviet and East European technology is at present substantially inferior to that of the Common Market countries.

The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (review)

174CIVIL WAR HISTORY sequence of lost luggage—including notes and manuscript—when Green was returning from a year as Harmsworth professor at Oxford. With typical tenacity, readily recognized by his many students and friends, he kept his commitments by starting again. The Role of the Yankee in the Old South is a study of northerners who moved south or immigrants who resided in the North before moving southward. Thus, the only community tie linking the many randomly selected Yankees is their former homeland north of the Mason and Dixon line. Green found, according to the 1860 census, that upwards of 360,000 Yankees had made homes in the southern states, and he estimated that more than half a million had made a similar move from the time of the American Revolution to the Civil War. He groups his case studies under such career headings as government, education, religion, theater, journalism, agriculture, and industry. In the group portraits which emerge from the series of vignettes, Green can give only impressionistic findings because he had no adequate controls for the multitude of variables in his raw material. His conclusions, however, are not mere serendipity. He holds that the Yankees exerted "an influence on Southern life far greater than is generally recognized and out of proportion to their numbers." They held political office at every level, edited many of the leading newspapers, forcefully filled southern pulpits, and were recruited as school administrators and faculty with the same vigor that basketball recruiters now scour the country for lanky lads tall enough to stuff a basket. Dr. Green effectively destroys the old myth that northerners and southerners were two irreconcilable societies, that Yankees possessed only antagonistic qualities intensified by their drive for gain, and that the South was hostile to all Yankees. The use of multiple biographical presentation with the necessary concentration on details would create pitfalls for the average researcher. Green's experienced hand has avoided most of these although "Cyrus King" should be Cyrus Kingsbury and Gideon Blackburn should not be associated with the Brainerd Mission to the Cherokees. James W. Livingood University of Tennessee at Chattanooga The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census. By Philip D. Curtin. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969. Pp. 338. $7.50.) Philip Curtin's Atlantic Slave Trade commands immediate attention with its arresting thesis that earlier estimates—cited by eminent historians from W. E. B. DuBois to David Brion Davis—placing the total number of Africans transported to slavery in Europe and the New World at 15 or 20 million, were nothing more than pure guesses made without benefit of serious research, and that careful analysis of the empirical data at our disposal suggests that the total was actually about 9 or 10 million. BOOK REVIEWS175 This conclusion in itself would be sufficient to accord the book wide attention, but it scarcely begins to suggest the importance of the volume . For one thing Curtin's Atlantic Slave Trade is an impressive and pioneer study in historical demography, whose methodology merits the attention of historians. Moreover the book reaches significant new conclusions about the rate of increase and decrease in the slave trade, the distribution of slaves in the New World, and the geographical sources of the slaves in Africa. Finally, as Curtin says, "The principal value of this quantitative survey is not mere quantitative accuracy—not simply the substitution of 'right' numbers for wrong ones. . . . Their value is not in being correct, but in being correct enough to point out contradictions in present hypotheses and to raise new questions for comparative demography and social history." And Curtin proceeds to raise just such questions. Capitalizing on specialized research done by others, which hitherto had not been drawn together, Curtin employs both direct and indirect evidence to make his estimates: records of slaves imported through a particular port or to a given colony, and shipping records of European ports, where such records exist over a period of years; statistics regarding population and economic productivity in specific colonies, and the value of European exports to Africa, since all of these were related to the size of the slave trade. Extraordinary care must be used in employing these indirect forms of...

On Measuring European Tariff Changes and United States Exports Based on Cross Section Data

On Measuring European Tariff Changes and United States Exports Based on Cross Section Data