Ethnic Labels Research Articles

Ethnicity And Entrepreneurship

We examine various approaches to explaining ethnic enterprise, using a framework based on three dimensions: an ethnic group's access to opportunities, the characteristics of a group, and emergent strategies. A common theme pervades research on ethnic business: Ethnic groups adapt to the resources made available by their environments, which vary substantially across societies and over time. Four issues emerge as requiring greater attention: the reciprocal relation between ethnicity and entrepreneurship, more careful use of ethnic labels and categories in research, a need for more multigroup, comparative research, and more process-oriented research designs.

An intergroup perspective on stereotype organization and processing

Two studies examined the organization and processing of consensually defined ethnic/national stereotypes as a function of group membership. A first study examined the responses and reaction times of 91 subjects to attributes associated with an in‐group label (English Canadian) and two out‐group labels (French Canadian and American). A second study examined the responses of 40 Canadian and 40 Chinese subjects to five group labels: Canadian, Chinese, American, Filipino and Mexican. In terms of stereotype organization it was found that stereotyping was evidenced only for groups that are meaningful in the social milieu. Furthermore, in‐group stereotyping was found to be more evaluative in nature than out‐group stereotyping, and in‐group stereotyping was associated with a more favourable in‐group attitude. These findings indicate that in‐group stereotyping represents a mechanism for asserting positive in‐group distinctiveness. In terms of processing ethnic labels, it was found that stereotypes serve a categorization function in that stereotypic attributes were processed more rapidly than non‐stereotypic attributes. In addition, it was found that processing attributes associated with in‐group labels generally took longer than processing attributes associated with out‐group labels. This latter effect was moderated in certain cases by the stereotypicality of the attributes but not by their evaluativeness.

Arab Communal Identity in Israel and Lebanon

Abstract We questioned whether group identification of Arabs in Israel and Lebanon tends to follow the more traditional pattern of religiously based communal entities or whether national loyalties have superseded the traditional pattern. The hypothesis of continued communal vitality was tested by the administration of a semantic differential containing 11 ethnic labels (Lebanese Moslem, Lebanese Shi'ite, Lebanese Druze, Lebanese Christian, Lebanese Maronite, Lebanese Jew, Israeli Moslem, Israeli Druze, Israeli Christian, Israeli Jew, Palestinian Arab) and the self concept (me-as-I-am), to be differentiated on 14 bipolar adjective scales. The subjects were 205 high school seniors in 10 Israeli and Lebanese schools that belonged to seven distinct and recognized communal groups. Factor analysis and multidimensional scaling showed that both dimensions, the communal (Moslem/Christian/Jewish) and the national (Israel/Lebanon), were clearly present, but that the communal dimension continues to dominate. The labe...

Ethnic Self-Labelling of the Murut or Lun Bawang of Sarawak

Some groups of peoples in have been given names by outsiders, but these groups normally do not identify themselves with these names (Babcock 1974). The earliest and most glaring examples are terms Sea Dayak and Land Dayak for groups of peoples we know today as Iban and Bidayuh, respectively. The to give another example, did not traditionally use label Melanau to refer to themselves; more traditional term of reference was A Liko, of often followed by name of they resided along (Morris 1953, p. 6). Similarly, term was a mistake for Pa Labid, from pa, for and Labid, name of river, and hence, the people of Labid river (Harrisson 1959a, p. 58). Like term Melanau, term Kelabit stuck. Perhaps most confusing of ethnic labels scattered throughout literature on Borneo is term Murut. The label is externally applied as a term of reference to two completely dissimilar sets of peoples in Borneo. In Sabah, it is used to refer to such groups as Timungon, Nabay, Baukan, Paluan, Sumambuq, and Alumbis (Prentice 1972), and in people who call themselves Lun Bawang or sometimes Lun Dayeh are often labelled Muruts (Pollard 1933, 1935; Southwell 1949; Crain 1974, 1978; Deegan 1973). Indeed, term is sometimes extended to include Kelabit, with whom Lun Bawang or Lun Dayeh have affinities (LeBar 1972). Culturally and linguistically, however, Sabah Murut and Sarawak Murut are completely different from each other

Further Evidence of the Deleterious Effects of Overheard Derogatory Ethnic Labels

Greenberg and Pyszczynski (1985)found that an overheard derogatory ethnic label can lead to negative evaluations of its target. The present study was designed to provide a conceptual replication of this effect and assess whether the effect could extend to evaluations of a person associated with the target. Subjects read a trial transcript and were asked for verdicts and attorney and defendant evaluations. Whereas the defendant was always white, the defense attorney was either black or white. When the defense attorney was black, a confederate posing as a subject either made no comment or a derogatory comment in which the defense attorney was referred to as either "shyster" or "nigger. " The derogatory ethnic label led to derogation of the defense attorney, thus replicating the effect found by Greenberg and Pyszczynski in a different setting. In addition, the white defendant received especially negative evaluations and harsh verdicts when defended by a black who was the target of a derogatory ethnic label. Theoretical and practical implications are briefly discussed.

The influence of ethnocentrism and ethnic label on the appreciation of disparagement jokes.

This study examined the relationship of ethnocentrism and the presence of an ethnic label to the humor appreciation of jokes with socially acceptable or unacceptable aggressors and victims. Forty high ethnocentrics and 40 low ethnocentrics, half males and half females, each read 12 jokes which varied in the acceptability of aggressor and victim and in the ethnic combination of the characters (neutral aggressor and victim, neutral aggressor and ethnic victim, ethnic aggressor and neutral victim). They rated these jokes on humor, as well as justifiability, hostility, and acceptability of aggressor and victim. Results indicated that high ethnocentrics, but not the low ones, found jokes with neutral aggressors and ethnic victims funnier. In addition, all subjects gave higher humor ratings to jokes with justified aggression. Thus, both ethnic stereotypes and the particular description of the characters appear to be significant influences on humor ratings in disparagement jokes.

Some Correlates of Teachers’ Expectancy Bias

Israeli elementary school teachers graded a handwritten worksheet allegedly written by an “excellent “or a “weak “student. A significant expectancy bias effect was caused by this ability label, similar to documented expectancy bias effects caused by a stereotypic ethnic label. The bias effect was unrelated to the teachers’ ethnic origin and to their preferred method of teaching, and somewhat related (p< .10) to their length of tenure, teachers of longer tenure showing a smaller bias effect. Beliefs about the success of school integration in Israel were related to the expectancy bias: Teachers believing integration to be moderately successful showed no bias effect, while highly optimistic and extreme (“highly successful” and “not at all successful”) respondents showed a significant bias effect. This finding supports previous reports on the relationship between susceptibility to biasing information and extremity of the belief and attitude system.

Stereotypes of anglo-saxon and non-anglo-saxon accents: Some exploratory Australian studies with the matched guise technique

Four Australian experiments using Lambert's Matched Guise Technique for obtaining sociolinguistic attitudes are reported. English Received Pronunciation consistently elicits stereotypes of competence and unsociability, Liverpool of incompetence but warmth, and Glasgow Scots of a relatively neutral quality, while an Australian voice appears to betoken a good-natured, but lazy and ineffective character. Of continental European accents studied, French and German guises were associated with attractive and, in the German case, competent persons, and Italian with incompetence and lack of confidence, somewhat low attractiveness, but high sociability. These results are considered consistent with the roles played by German and Italian immigrants in Australia and a relative lack of French-speaking immigrants. An American-accented speaker was seen in terms similar to those in which the standard-accented English voice was perceived. Ethnic labels elicited rather different stereotypes from those obtained by the matched guise technique, and it is suggested that sociolinguistic stereotypes should be distinguished from others obtained in the abstract, removed from any contextual domain of life. Research complementary to that reported here, designed to examine the effects of ethnic labelling on the perception of speech style itself, is recommended.

The Influence of Student Ethnicity on Teachers' Behavior Ratings of Normal and Learning Disabled Children

The purpose of the present study was to investigate the effect of ethnicity and diagnostic labels on teachers' ratings of children's behaviors in mainstream classrooms. Specifically, behavioral rating scores on the Devereux Elementary School Behavior Rating Scale (DESBRS) for handicapped and non-handicapped Anglo and Mexican American children were analyzed to explore: (a) the influence of ethnicity (Anglo vs. Mexican American) on the behavior ratings of children by Anglo teachers; (b) the influence of a diagnostic label (normal vs. LD) on behavior ratings by Anglo teachers; and (c) the relationship between the behavior ratings of a sample of Mexican American children and the normative sample of the DESBRS. Significant multivariate Fs were observed for the main effects of ethnicity and diagnostic label. Univariate analyses of ethnicity revealed that Mexican American and Anglo children were rated as being significantly different on three factors: comprehension, creative initiative, and closeness to the teacher. The LD and "normal" children were found to differ significantly on various DESBRS factors: classroom disturbance, inattentive-withdrawn, creative initiative, unable to change, quits, and slow work.

Chicano, Hispanic, or Mexican American: What's in a Name?

This study examined the impact of three ethnic labels—Chicanos, Hispanics, and Mexican Americans—on the stereotyping behavior of a sample of white university undergraduates. Using the Katz and Braly (1933) paradigm, two hypotheses were tested. First, it was expected that “Chicanos” would receive a larger percentage of subjects selecting negative stereotypes than would “Hispanics” or “Mexican Americans” (Mexican Americans were expected to be stereotyped most positively). Second, the rate of stereotyping behavior was expected to be affected in similar ways. Results gave modest support for the first hypothesis—Chicanos were more often viewed as ignorant and cruel, for example—but only obtained nonsignificant trends for the second hypothesis. These results are discussed in terms of the importance of ethnic labels in racial attitude development and maintenance and of the need for additional research.

Some Aspects of Malay‑Muslim Ethnicity in Peninsular Malaysia

Islam is a universal religion which transcends ethnic and national boundaries. Recognition of this fact does not, however, preclude the perception of religion as an essential element of ethnic identity. In the context of ethnicity in Malaysia, it is more accurate to attach the hyphenated ethnic label Malay-Muslim to the com munity popularly known as Malay because their ethnic identity is exclusively tied to Islam. This insight leads us to new perceptions of various aspects of socio-cultural, political, ,and economic develop ments in contemporary Malaysia.

Expectancy Bias in Scoring as a Function of Ability and Ethnic Labels

A fourth-grader's handwritten worksheet was attributed to a gifted or non-gifted child (ability label) with either a European (high ethnic status) or Moroccan (low ethnic status) name. Grades given to the worksheet varied as a function of the ability label, and to a smaller extent as a function of the interaction between ethnic and ability labels.

Socioeconomic Rivalry and National Competence in Ivory Coast.

Ivory Coast, a highly multilingual nation, continues to use French as the exclusive national language. Since French is seen as the key to economic advancement, and access to French has varied ethnically, Ivorians were expected to display sensitivity to variation in French competence, as people have shown toward linguistic variation in Canada and the United States. A modified matched guise technique, adapted to local circumstances, tested three groups of adult men (10 each): no formal education, primary school, and tenth grade. Comparison of the identity of the guises and the judgments of the respondents implied that achievement judgments were made first; ethnic labels were assigned later according to ethnic stereotypes, rather than the reverse. The study showed the emergence of positive norms, but not negative ones, in contrast to the Canadian and U.S. experiments, where social prejudices resulted in strong negative judgments as well. The results emphasize the importance of economic factors in overcoming potentially disruptive ethnolinguistic divisions.

Student Acceptability of "Black" and "Chicano" as Ethnic Labels

Student Acceptability of "Black" and "Chicano" as Ethnic Labels

ETHNIC LABELS

Letters and Comments1 September 1969ETHNIC LABELSMORTON HAMBURGER, M.D.MORTON HAMBURGER, M.D.Search for more papers by this authorAuthor, Article, and Disclosure Informationhttps://doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-71-3-662 SectionsAboutPDF ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsPermissions ShareFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail ExcerptTo the Editor:Let me tell you how happy the next to the last paragraph of your editorial, "Ethnic Labels in Medical Writing" (Ann. Intern. Med. 70: 1042, 1969), has made me. For well over a decade a couple of us have been carrying on a campaign to eradicate the stilted, inappropriate yet traditional use of the words "male" and "female" instead of man, woman, boy, or girl. Our students and house staff, although I am sure they sometimes smile inwardly at this idiosyncrasy of a senior faculty member, nevertheless have gotten into the habit of referring to patients as... This content is PDF only. To continue reading please click on the PDF icon. Author, Article, and Disclosure InformationAffiliations: Department of Internal Medicine General Hospital College of Medicine University of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio 45229 PreviousarticleNextarticle Advertisement FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails Metrics 1 September 1969Volume 71, Issue 3Page: 662-664KeywordsHabits Issue Published: 1 September 1969 PDF DownloadLoading ...

Ethnic labels in medical writing.

Ethnic labels in medical writing.

Ethnic Identification in a Complex Civilization: Who Are the Lue?

T HE initial stimulus for this paper' was provided by my inability to give simple answer to the simple question: Whom did you study in the field? The reasons for this inability concern the ways in which ethnologists demarcate ethnic and account for their survival. These are complex and important issues which require thoughtful and extensive research. It would be false to claim that this short paper raises all of the relevant questions and absurd to claim that it answers them. Nevertheless, I hope that this presentation of data about the Lue2 will both encourage others to recognize in their own work the need for identifying and delimiting ethnic entities and suggest some questions and field procedures which may help them to do this. Since comparison is basic to anthropology (Lewis 1956), it is important that our be comparable (K6bben 1952:132). Yet, it is apparent that the neat ethnic labels which we anthropologists use frequently deceive us. In reading about various areas of the world one frequently encounters ethnic names with unclear referents and groups of people with no constant label. Raoul Naroll, in recent article (1964), demonstrates that one source of confusion is our lack of agreement about the criteria which define the entities-variously called tribes, cultures, societies, peoples-which we describe. Such lack of agreement is obviously challenge to global comparisons. As this paper will demonstrate, it also has implications for ethnographic fieldwork. Naroll lists six criteria: trait distributions, territorial contiguity, political organization, language, ecological adjustment, and local community structurecommonly used to demarcate ethnic entities. In addition to Naroll's specific criticisms of them, I would add that these and similar criteria have three main shortcomings as delimiters of culture-bearing units (Naroll 1964:283). 1) Since language, culture, political organization, etc., do not correlate completely, the delimited by one criterion do not coincide with the delimited by another. 2) If by culture we wish to mean a pattern, set of plans, blueprint for living (Naroll 1964:288), then delimited by combinations of these criteria, including the combination which Naroll suggests, are only occasionally and accidentally culture-bearing units. 3) It is often difficult to discern discontinuities of language, culture, polity, society, or economy with sufficient clarity to draw boundaries. It is this which makes me suggest that the delimitation of ethnic entities is especially problematic in all parts of the world which are continuously inhabited but not divided into either sharp ecological zones or strong and durable states. Under such conditions, it becomes quite