Ethnic Exclusion Research Articles

On Shaky Ground: Black Authenticity at Predominantly White Institutions

This study investigates the ways in which social context affects processes of black authenticity, resulting in shaky ground for authentic blackness among black college students at predominantly white institutions (PWIs). Because of normalized whiteness, black PWI students are negotiating authentic blackness in social contexts that limit black expression and identity through external pressure from nonblack students, in addition to experiencing intraracial pressures from black peers. These students must walk a thin line: they have to avoid being labeled as either “too black” or “inauthentically” black by nonblack students while simultaneously working to be seen as “black enough” by black peers, which highlights the precarity of black authenticity at PWIs. I use interviews and qualitative surveys of 44 black students at two PWIs and one historically black university (HBCU); the data from the HBCU are used to highlight contrasts between two school types. Results indicate that, as a result of tighter boundaries around blackness drawn by both black and nonblack peers, black PWI students experience behavioral constraints, limited options for ethnic identification, and believe that HBCU students see them as less authentically black. Conversely, HBCU students did not describe similar behavioral constraints or ethnic exclusion, and made no claims of inauthentic blackness for black PWI students. Overall, results suggest that the social contexts of PWIs significantly affect black students’ experiences with black authenticity.

ТЕРРИТОРИАЛЬНАЯ И ЭТНИЧЕСКАЯ ЭКСКЛЮЗИИ В ЛИОНСКОЙ АГЛОМЕРАЦИИ1

This study is dedicated to identifying residential areas of the Metropolis of Lyon, which combines territorial and ethnic exclusion. In the framework of this study, territorial exclusion is understood as the territorial isolation of residential areas from the main residential area of the agglomeration due to the presence of various kinds of territorial barriers: water bodies, industrial and commercial areas, parklands, large highways. Ethnic exclusion in this study is understood as a partial exclusion from society (social exclusion) of population groups that are ethnically different from the main part of the population. The share of immigrants in the population of the communes and the share of social housing in the total housing stock of the communes of the Metropolis of Lyon were used as markers of ethnic exclusion. A comparison of territorially isolated residential quarters and data on the share of immigrants and the share of social housing revealed social housing quarters that combine signs of ethnic and territorial exclusion of the population: Mas-du-Taureau in the commune Vaulx-en-Velin in the north-east of the Metropolis of Lyon, Parilly and Terraillon in Bron in the east, Minguettes in Vénissieux in the south of the metropolitan area. During the interview, these social housing complexes were called by experts as the most disadvantaged and criminalized in the Metropolis of Lyon, which confirms the author’s hypothesis about the importance of territorial exclusion in the emergence and development of ethnic exclusion.

Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce – zarys historyczno-prawny

Poland has a centuries long tradition of being a tolerant country, manifested as well by the symbolic offi cial name: Poland of Both Nations (1569–1795). Poles, Lithuanians and numerous national minorities lived side by side in the territory of the Polish Republic and today their descendants are Polish citizens. During the time of partitions Poles maintained strong national community feelings, which subsequently helped in the building of the Second Polish Republic. The reborn Poland was again a multi-national state, however, certain nationalistic feelings started to emerge. After World War II as a result of the extermination of minorities and mass resettlements, the historical multinational character disappeared and the minimal set of rights granted to minorities in the Constitution of 1952 had led to their ethnic exclusion. After March 1968, the rights of minorities had become drastically limited. This continued till the Third Republic of Poland when the policy of the Communist authorities promoting the building of Poland for the Poles had been abandoned and the new government pursued to preserve and protect national and ethnic minorities. Today, members of minorities have the same rights as ethnic Poles, and their rights are guaranteed in the Constitution of 1997 and other legislative acts including the most important one, i.e. the Act on National and Ethnic Minorities and the Regional Language of 2015, which defi nes national and ethnic minorities and determines the competences of the State bodies in the area of enforcing minorities rights. These solutions have secured Poland an opinion of a model state when it comes to the protection of minorities rights. There are nine national minorities offi cially recognised in Poland. Each has a diff erent situation resulting from historical conditions, circumstances, national stereotypes, relationship with the States of their origin and the position of the Polish minority in this State. Two main problems which minorities in Poland are facing today is their shrinking populations and threats to their culture from the Polish and global cultures. Immigration might be a possible remedy but low economic attractiveness of Poland fails to attract new immigrants which means that in the future Poland may practically become a one-nation state.

Chinese Ways of Being Muslim: Negotiating Ethnicity and Religiosity in Indonesia by Hew Wai Weng

Reviewed by: Chinese Ways of Being Muslim: Negotiating Ethnicity and Religiosity in Indonesia by Hew Wai Weng Muhamad Ali Hew Wai Weng, Chinese Ways of Being Muslim: Negotiating Ethnicity and Religiosity in Indonesia. Copenhagen: NIAS (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies) Press, 2018. xxvi, 305 pp. £22.50 (pb). ISBN 978-87-7694-211-3 There are today about 3–5 million ethnic Chinese Indonesians, 1.5–2 percent of the total population of the predominantly Muslim country. Among the total population of Chinese descent across the archipelago, Chinese Muslims number around 50,000, or 1.6 percent of ethnic Chinese. Most of these Chinese Muslims today are converts, rather than Hui Muslims. With this background, Indonesia has witnessed diverse and fluid expressions and practices of being Chinese and Muslim. Chinese Ways of Being Muslim thus offers a welcome contribution to the development of comparative Chinese and Muslim studies. Based on fieldwork undertaken in 2008 and 2009, it seeks to examine how and under what conditions ethnicity and religiosity are performed and negotiated in diverse ways. The author has explored various perspectives, people, organizations, and practices, associated with being Chinese and Muslim in contemporary Indonesia. There are a number of interesting theoretical concepts employed, although specialist and general readers may wish for an underlying theme tying the chapters together more tightly. A focus on one or two concepts such as "religious hybridization" (instead of "religious syncreticism" for instance) and ethnicity in flux (instead of "fixed ethnicity"), could have developed the theoretical analysis of the book more deeply. Chapter 1 introduces this ethnographic research on Chinese Muslims' identity formation, cultural diversity, and religious cosmopolitanism. Chapter 2 examines the reconstruction of Chinese Muslim histories in different time periods characterized by distinct but not necessarily separate trajectories. According to local histories, Chinese Muslims have resided in Indonesia at least since the fifteenth century. In this pre-colonial period, Chinese Muslims created a hybrid culture reflected in things such as mosque architecture. In the colonial period, the Dutch created a Chinese minority, classed as "foreign orientals," and distinguished from the natives. Sino-Javanese Muslim culture seemed to have declined due to colonial discouragement. In the later part of the colonial period, from the 1890s to the 1945 independence, Chinese, including Muslims, began to organize themselves. In the era of Soekarno (1945–1967), several Chinese Muslims reached cabinet posts. In the era of Soeharto (1965–1998), Chinese had become largely assimilated and ethnic expressions were banned. The era after 1998 witnessed a resurgence of Chinese, and Chinese Muslim, culture. The Chinese Muslims' re-articulation of history is regarded as a "self-strategic essentialising which should be differentiated from an identity essentialisation and control by the state," a process which "is culturally and politically empowering" (p. 76). But how might this act of essentializing and empowerment among the Chinese be analytically linked to the way in which religious hybridization and ethnicity in flux work? Unfortunately, this is never addressed. Chapter 3 argues that Chinese-style mosques, particularly the Cheng Hoo Mosque 鄭和清真寺, represent a "cosmopolitan space envisaged in marginality," borrowing Bhabha's concept (p. 199). The pagoda-like mosque and its minarets, the dominance of red, green, and yellow colors, and the handbooks in Chinese as well as other languages are some of the striking elements of Chineseness blended with some of the characteristics of mosque architecture quite common in other parts of Indonesia. This translocality is mixed with Javanese elements, quite different from the Chinese Islamic center in Jakarta which mainly borrows a Moorish design from Spain. In the complex of the Cheng Hoo Mosque, Chinese and non-Chinese, Muslims and non-Muslims also participate in Mandarin classes, qigong 氣功, and dancing courses. This translocal and [End Page 225] multicultural physical space would sustain the general argument of religious hybridization and ethnicity in flux. In chapter 4, the author uses the concept of the hybrid performance in discussing Chinese Muslim preachers, alongside the concept of commodification of religion, which he sees as "not necessarily weakening, but transforming faith" (p. 123). Muslim preaching also is a case of "inclusive Chineseness" (p. 152). Chinese culture is expressed not in terms of ethnic exclusivity but in terms of...

Does Ethnolinguistic Diversity Preclude Good Governance? A Comparative Study with Alternative Data, 1990‐2015

SUMMARYTo what extent does ethno‐linguistic diversity hinder good governance? Using a variety of data measuring political and economic corruption for 150 countries over 24 years, we find positive effects between ethno‐linguistic diversity and corruption, but the substantive effects are very slight. Higher diversity also predicts higher economic freedom and its subcomponents, measures routinely used as proxies of sound economic governance. Indicators of ethnic frictions measured as ethnic exclusion from state power and discrimination, show positive effects on good governance, results at odds with the idea that governance is harmed by fraught ethnic relations. These findings suggest that the effects of societal diversity do not uniformly explain the failure of governance. We also find diversity to matter negatively when assessing violent state repression of dissent. The results are robust to a host of alternative specifications, data, and estimating strategy, including the inclusion of region fixed effects and hybrid fixed effects.

“Authorized to work in the US”: Examining the myth of porous borders in the era of populism for practicing linguists

This paper explores top-down, enacted, institutional pushbacks to supermobility and superdiversity in the under-examined arena of academia using emerging frameworks in political economy and the geography of mobility. Zooming in on the discoursal framings of a recent year of job advertisements on a popular, open-source forum for linguists supplemented with qualitatively and quantitatively sourced data from international, national, and local institutional contexts, the paper examines how macrocontextual pushes toward political populism combined with a synchronous tightening of job markets in academia have enacted a plethora of labels for temporary work in lieu of permanent academic positions—now, increasingly the only option for job seekers in a hypercompetitive academic market. In this manufacturing of euphemization discourse, we witness the invention of novel, microlinguistically rendered lexicalizations of semiotic redundancy in academic capitalism’s own obfuscation of profit margins, and a concomitant manufacturing of a new discourse of rationality in which floating semiotic signifiers at multiple scales deploy nationality-criteria to justify ethnic exclusion and/or entry into academic space. More crucially, in these commonsensical framings, we encounter both causation and consequence of newly enacted barriers to transnational mobility. In challenging the myth of porous borders for mobile professionals in the post-global moment, these emerging linguistic signifiers point to the ascendancy of a new public affectivity on display in intellectual spheres and a saturation of sentiment toward illiberality.

Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

The nation-building projects in much of post-socialist Eurasia have been characterized by the promotion of ethnic majorities and marginalization of minority groups. In dialogue with the scholarship on nation-building, ethnic exclusion and conflict, and ethnic migration, this study examines individual views on current and future interethnic relations, assessments of prospects for own ethnicity, expectations for future economic changes, and intentions to migrate abroad in the multiethnic nation of Kyrgyzstan. I use nationally representative survey data to model differences in these outcomes across the majority-minorities divides and between regional subgroups of the nation’s ethnic majority. The results show that a native minority that experienced recent ethnic violence has the most negative assessment of current interethnic relations. However, the minority group of outside origin, which never suffered direct violence but whose size and societal preeminence have eroded rapidly, is least optimistic about the future and is most inclined to migrate. Yet, the analyses also detect substantial regional differences within the ethnic majority, underscoring the complexity of historically-rooted ethnocultural and socioeconomic cleavages as well as of more recent political experiences. I interpret these findings within the context of evolving meanings of ethnic identity and national belonging in this rapidly changing society.

Reputation and the occurrence and success of mediation in civil wars

In this article, we argue that because governments fear that accepting mediation and reaching agreements with opponents may signal weakness to other potential challengers, civil war governments tend to resist mediation as a means of demonstrating their resolve. Building on current theories of reputation in civil war, we argue that the threat of future challenges from other groups is likely to be particularly acute in states with multiple ethnic groups, especially states with high levels of ethnic exclusion. We therefore expect that civil wars in these states will be less likely to see mediation and to produce agreements when they do. By examining all instances of mediation in intrastate conflict from 1990 to 2008, we test this argument empirically and find that mediation is more likely to emerge in civil wars where there are a large number of ethnic groups, but is less likely to occur when many of those ethnic groups are excluded from the political process. Once mediation is underway, however, it is less likely to yield a negotiated settlement when there are a large number of ethnic groups, but more likely to end in a negotiated settlement when many of the ethnic groups are excluded from the political process.

An Ever More Violent World?

A recent report by the United Nations and the World Bank argues that the world has seen “a surge in violent conflicts in recent years,” with a sharp increase in reported battle-related and terrorist attacks, and calls for preventive action to ensure that increasing conflict does not undermine the UN Sustainable Development Goals. I will argue that this is a far too pessimistic assessment of conflict trends and not borne out of the available evidence, which indicates a decline in violent conflict since the end of the Cold War. Alarmist warnings may seem helpful to call for action, but they detract attention from what we can learn about the causes for why conflict has declined. For example, resort to violence has become less frequent where factors that can motivate resort to violence such as political and ethnic exclusion have decreased. Moreover, conflict of interest does not imply violence, and the space for nonviolent alternatives has increased. The future of conflict and peace depends on our confidence in whether positive changes will continue and our understanding of the possible challenges.

الأبعاد الإثنية في تشكيل الأقاليم الإتحاديةدراسة تحليلية في النموذج العراقي

The phenomenon of ethnic conflict is one of the important issues that have emerged not only at the internal level but also in the international arena in recent decades, due to the increase of ethnicities and conflicts over many economic, political, social and cultural issues and demands.. especially in countries that chose federalism as a form of co-existence. Hence, the introduction of federalism seems at first sight to be a model or logical solution to the problem of ethnicity in multiple societies. And has contributed to the inclusion of the issue of ethnicity as a global issue on the top priorities of the issues of the international community because of the effects not only at the internal level of States, but also at the global level. Although the application of the federal system in Iraq has become possible from a constitutional and legal point of law The Iraqi State Administration for the transitional phase and the end of the Constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005, but from the political side and realistic attempts to form the provinces in Iraq, many of the fears and obstacles led to the failure of more than a legal and constitutional attempt by the province of And the failure to address the problem of ethnicities in Iraq even after the entry into force of the 2005 Constitution and the adoption of the federal system, necessarily requires us to search for alternative solutions to the problem of ethnicities in Iraq, the most important of which is the thesis on the possibility of forming a federal province in Iraq on purely ethnic grounds. This study attempts to study the ethnic exclusion of the formation of these territories in Iraq.

Muslim women in the Canadian labor market: Between ethnic exclusion and religious discrimination

This paper compares the labor market position of women from religious minority backgrounds with that of the majority group of Christian White Canadian women. In particular, it examines the relative disadvantage of Muslim women in relation to labor market participation, unemployment rate and the likelihood of obtaining managerial and professional occupations. The analysis was carried out using data obtained from the 2011 Canadian National Household Survey (NHS). The results suggested that, relative to White Christian women, most ethno-religious groups were significantly disadvantaged in the Canadian labor market, especially in relation to participation and unemployment. However, the pattern that was found in relation to occupational attainment was different and worth discussing. Not all Muslim women seemed to be disadvantaged in obtaining managerial and professional jobs. Black and Arab Muslim women, surprisingly enough, were as likely as the majority, Christian White women to be represented within the category of managers and professionals. This paper considers cultural explanations and the role of discrimination and a human capital deficit, as well as suggesting new directions by proposing the hypothesis of ‘discouraged women’, in explaining the low rate of participation, and a ‘surplus education’ hypothesis to explain occupational attainment. However, by and large, structural inequality, fostered by cultural racism and that based on color, remains the most plausible explanation.

State Networks and Intra-Ethnic Group Variation in the 2011 Syrian Uprising

The 2011 Syrian uprising looks, from afar, like a paradigmatic example of ethnically exclusive rule giving way to civil war. The ruling regime is drawn almost exclusively from the Alawi minority, and the challengers were drawn heavily from the Sunni majority. But many Sunnis remained quiescent or actively supported the regime. This article argues that variation in revolutionary participation among members of an excluded ethnic group is best explained in terms of the networks states construct across ethnic boundaries. It identifies several forms of linkage that regimes can develop with their subject populations and relates them to variations in local social structure. Drawing on an original data set of ethnic identity and challenge events in the Syrian uprising, the article quantitatively tests the state networks hypothesis. Its findings suggest that the mechanisms commonly associated with ethnic identity and “ethnic exclusion” frequently operate upon social boundaries below the ethnic group level.

The political value of cultural capital: nationalism, ethnic exclusion, and elites in 19th-century congress Poland

Why do claims of cultural belonging promote institutional transformation by expanding community boundaries in some instances and constricting them in others? To address this question, I introduce an elite-capital conflict approach, which synthesizes Bourdieu’s concept of capital with elite-conflict theories. I argue that this approach is valuable for understanding key aspects of mass mobilization such as the conditions under which marginalized elites will attempt to mobilize non-elites through appeals of cultural similarity; the factors which shape the cultural boundaries that these appeals propose; and when non-elites are likely to answer an elites’ call to mobilize. Drawing on historical analysis of 19th-century nationalism in Congress Poland, I show that the degree of capital concentration in the hands of Polish elites and conversion rates between different types of capital determined whether, and how, Polish elites utilized appeals to shared beliefs and practices as grounds for mobilization of non-elites. Whether appeals to shared cultural practices became a successful basis of widespread mobilization, however, depended on the benefits for non-elites of the reconceptualization or re-valuation of Polish culture and its boundaries that Polish elites were proposing.

From ethnic exclusion to terrorism? The case of radical Basque nationalism

ABSTRACTThis article reflects upon the beginnings and development of radical Basque nationalism in light of its ethnic exclusion criteria. We argue that the existence of a tradition of “strong” alterity does not necessarily lead to the appearance of tendencies favoring the use of violence to confront the other. Without rejecting the importance of a discourse of hate proceeding from the past, such tendencies are due more to a combination of the historical context and individual and group decisions. It is important to bear this in mind to underscore the responsibilities of those who were not satisfied with constructing the image of a despicable enemy, but instead decided to employ violence to solve the problem that the latter might cause.

Polish Migrants and Organizations in Australia

The social profile and the organizational landscape of Polish diaspora, known as ‘Polonia’, in Australia has been undergoing a significant change: sociodemographic (ageing), sociocultural (diversification) and sociopolitical (integration and assimilation). The ‘wave-type’ immigration (1947-56 and 1980-89), combined with the sudden decline in immigration after Poland’s independence (1989) and accession to the EU (2004), resulted in the rapid shrinking, ageing and internal differentiation of the Polish community. The pre-1989 ‘ethno-representative’ and ex-servicemen organisations have been withering away. The ‘culture preserving’ ethnic organizations, as well as religious/church groups also weaken, due to their shrinking demographic base. The Australian ‘Polonia’ is diversifying, as well as internally dividing, the latter process accelerated by widening political-ideological divisions in Poland. Under the impact of social diversification and globalization, and in the context of evolving multicultural policies in Australia, new forms of organization and social activism emerge. Interethnic, integrative and ‘bridging’ organizations and initiatives, anchored mainly in metropolitan social circles of Melbourne and Sydney, attract the most educated immigrants and their offspring and break the mould of ethnic exclusivity. Next to traditional Polish Associations, multiplying Senior Clubs and still numerous Polish schools there also appear some nationalistic groups, active mainly in social media. These general trends: numerical decline, ageing and diversification (combined with political divisions) reflect the changing conditions in the Australian and Polish societies, as well as the processes of migrant adaptation and integration.

Does ethnic diversity increase violent crime? A global analysis of homicide rates, 1995–2013

Many scholars argue that diverse preferences and coordination failure stemming from high ethnic diversity results in high social frictions, leading to socio-political failure. Criminological theories suggest that crime is driven by very similar processes. The specialized literature on civil war, however, reports a diversity dividend, arguing that when two large groups (polarization) make up a society, the risk of armed violence is increased. Using data on global homicide rates from the period 1995–2013 for over 140 countries, we find that ethnic heterogeneity is associated with homicide rates in an inverted U-shape relationship. Measures of ethnic polarization confirm these results directly. The results suggests that ethnic polarization and ethnic dominance rather than diversity are what matter for personal security measured as homicide rates. The conditional effect of high diversity and income inequality is associated with lower homicide rates, results that reject the view that societal heterogeneity and income inequality drive social dislocation. Several possible intervening variables, such as unemployment among males and youth, ethnic exclusion and discrimination, good governance and institutional quality, as well as several demographic and political variables, do not affect the basic results. It seems that the heavy emphasis placed on ethnic diversity for explaining social dislocation and violence, in so far as it relates to a country’s homicide rate, seems to be misplaced.

Repression and refuge

This article asks why ethnic exclusion from executive-level state power leads to armed conflict in some cases but not in others. To resolve this puzzle, it focuses on the possible role of five additional, qualitatively coded factors that have been considered by either grievance or opportunity theories of civil war but for which quantitative data are not readily available. To assess the combined relevance of these factors, the authors use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to explore the diverging conflict trajectories of 58 ‘most similar’ ethnic groups. These groups have a uniformly high conflict propensity because they are politically excluded, situated in poor countries, live geographically concentrated, and comprise substantial parts of the population; yet, only 25 of them actually experienced violent conflict. The results show that the resentment created by ethno-political exclusion translates into violent conflict if the state reacts against initial protests and mobilization with indiscriminate violence, and if there is a refuge area either within or outside the country that allows regime opponents to organize armed resistance. Moreover, a more processual analysis of conflict dynamics reveals that the conditions conducive to ethnic rebellion appear in a particular temporal sequence with a clear and universal escalation pattern.

Die neuen Deutschen. Ein Land vor seiner Zukunft by Herfried Münkler and Marina Münkler

Reviewed by: Die neuen Deutschen. Ein Land vor seiner Zukunft by Herfried Münkler and Marina Münkler Nurettin Ucar Die neuen Deutschen. Ein Land vor seiner Zukunft. By Herfried Münkler and Marina Münkler. Berlin: Rowohlt, 2016. Pp. 334. Cloth €19.95. ISBN 978-3871341670. The title of Herfried and Marina Münkler's book would seem to imply that migrants who have settled in the Federal Republic are the new Germans. Yet the Münklers insist [End Page 675] that not only those who have recently arrived in Germany, but indeed all Germans, must assume new roles in the face of the so-called "refugee crisis." They investigate various kinds of responses to the refugee issue in Germany by also providing a historical trajectory of the notion of migration and its perception in many countries. They argue that there are two possible camps with respect to refugees: those who willingly help the unfortunate and those who feel disturbed by the unwanted guests. The latter hope that these new people will disappear as soon as possible because they are intruders (7). Hence, the Münklers claim, Germany has been a divided country since 2015. These divisions have inevitably had an effect on politics and will likely last for a long time, and so it is only by confronting the refugee crisis that Germany will be able to determine its future and the kind of country it wants to be. Instead of making assumptions, the Münklers try to find answers by asking the following questions: Will the newcomers settle in Germany, find jobs, and adapt basic German values as their own? Will they seal themselves off from the majority in Germany and retreat into Parallelgesellschaften? Will Germans see refugees as a change or as burden and threat? (8–9). In light of such questions, one thing is obvious: if it is going to be successful, the process of integration will continue for years. Less clear is what will happen if the optimistic projections of the country's future and the place of refugees fails to be realized. The authors warn that there is no need to be pessimistic, but they refuse to examine the complaints of the antirefugee camp and their demands in detail. One reason for this could be their claim that Germany has actually passed the Stresstest of 2015 (12), when the "old Germans," who remain attached to a vision of ethnic exclusivity, lost out to the "new Germans," who subscribe to a more open and diverse Germany. Yet there has been quite a divide between the two parties, and the authors think that it needs to be bridged, if Germany is to overcome the looming problems. Social and political opposition to the newcomers are the major issues. The fear of the "old Germans" arises from the belief that migrants significantly change the culture, and they regard migrants as a threat to security and a danger to national identity, rather than as a means of strengthening society. Hence the terms so beloved of anti-immigration campaigners, like Umvolkung and Überfremdung. What makes Germany so appealing a destination for refugees? Among the factors given are employment, education, and security. But the 2015 arson attacks on refugee shelters created a particularly negative image of Germany, which many "new Germans" chose to reject and, in retaliation, they organized demonstrations welcoming refugees. For the authors, these demonstrations had a twofold function: they extended a hand of friendship to refugees, to be sure, but they were also designed to show other Germans, and the world, that Germany would not tolerate acts of violence against the refugee population. Of course, there were also those who opposed the admission of refugees by claiming it was part of a conspiracy to seize control of [End Page 676] Germany and the German people. However, with the support and encouragement coming from politicians and especially Chancellor Merkel, Germany established its Willkommenskultur (136). The Münklers view a good immigration policy as an antidote for a number of the problems faced in European countries. Some rich societies, despite their economic strength, are in need of structural renewal, and the successful integration of refugees can would reverse the...

Ethnic Exclusion, Armed Conflict, and Leader Survival

Other SectionsAbstractINTRODUCTIONLITERATURE REVIEWETHNIC EXCLUSION, COALITION SIZE, AND LEADER SURVIVALRESEARCH DESIGNNONPARAMETRIC ANALYSISRESULTSCONCLUSIONFigureTableFootnoteReference

True Kvlt? The Cultural Capital of “Nordicness” in Extreme Metal

In this article, we respond to the question of, "What is the cultural capital of Nordicness in heavy metal?". Through examining the popularity of Nordic symbolism in metal music, scenes and practices, we argue that the Nordic has been ascribed significant value in metal, wherein it offers a vehicle for narratives of masculinity, nationalism and ideology. Here we contend that the cultural capital given to Nordicness underpins not only the prevalence and market success of metal in Northern Europe, but also the ongoing circulation of narratives about the North in metal scenes across multiple global regions. Through analysing the repeated motifs of Nordic mythology, ecology and imagery as they emerge throughout metal's historic and contemporary manifestations, our article demonstrates the cultural capital with which the North is continually imbued in heavy metal. We call into focus how metal's aesthetic fascination with Nordicness as a site of heathenism, resistance and frontier landscapes is intertwined with a longer thematic history of masculinity, rebellion and affective community. This article therefore interrogates the cultural capital of Nordicness in metal scenes, and how this continues to shape the trajectories for the genre both in Northern Europe and throughout the world.