Ethnic Elites Research Articles

The fiasco of ethnonationalism in “Finno-Ugric” republics of the Russian Federation: outcomes of the 2021 population census as an evidence of the crisis of ethnic elites

The article analyzes the results of the 2021 population census (officially called the 2020 All-Russian Population Census), which showed a very significant decrease in the number of Finno-Ugric peoples of the Russian Federation. It may be noted that the two previous post-Soviet censuses had already recorded this clearly defined negative trend, but the data for 2021 indicates that the rate of decline in the number of titular groups in the republics, which since the early 1990s began to be called “Finno-Ugric,” is increasing. Those commenting on the results of the latest campaign, on the one hand, are trying to present the results as a “cultural catastrophe” and declare a “failure” of the model of ethnopolitics adopted in the country; on the other hand, they are trying to accuse the census organizers of gross mistakes that distorted its results. However, the logic of the ethnocultural development of the Finno-Ugric peoples and the ethnocultural orientations of young people, identified as a result of many years of sociological surveys, indicates that the census quite correctly showed the dynamics of changes occurring among the Russian Finno-Ugric peoples, and these processes can be assessed as a “humanitarian catastrophe” only from the standpoints of ethnonationalism, which are very strong in the “Finno-Ugric territories” due to the very nature of regional ethnocultural and ethnopolitical management.

Territorial re-organisation of administrative units in Pakistan: the demand for new provinces in Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Sindh

ABSTRACT The 18th Amendment ushered a public discourse on a novel ethnofederal experiment with both federal and ethnic elites advocating territorial reorganisation of existing provinces, however, this has not resulted in the creation of new units. I argue that this has to do with three inter-related dynamics: first, selective and instrumental political incentives guide the behaviour of federal political elites, combined with the securitisation of the ethnic question. Second, non-dominant ethnic elites are electorally weak and divided among themselves. Third, the rigidity of the constitutional procedure makes non-dominant ethnic elites acutely dependent on the preferences of the provincial majority ethnic group. The paper outlines discourses of the dominant and non-dominant ethnic elites as well as the National Assembly's Report of the Commission for Creation of New Province (s) in the Province of the Punjab, 2013 in order to make sense of the gap between the talk on ethnofederalism and its non-realisation.

ETHNOPOLITICAL CONFLICTS: POLITICAL MECHANISMS FOR THEIR RESOLUTION

The article is devoted to the consideration of one of the phenomena of ethnopolitics - ethnopolitical conflict, its object, subject, forms, distinctive features, political mechanisms for resolution. In recent years, many studies of the problems of ethnopolitical conflicts have been conducted. The list of new ideas in the study of ethnopolitical problems of the countries of the world is very small: these are the concepts of a plural society, group boundaries, center-periphery or internal colonialism. With a certain stretch, they can include studies that follow the concepts of modernization, political development, but a comprehensive, interdisciplinary approach to the study of ethnopolitical conflicts has not yet been finally established either in domestic or foreign science. Ethnopolitical conflict is a type of socio-political conflict, one of the forms of manifestation of contradiction in the field of ethnopolitical relations. A new round of escalation of ethnopolitical conflicts is caused by growing globalization and further aggravation of geopolitical contradictions between world centers of power, fighting for the redivision of the world. The state of chaos and confusion that arose in the world community in connection with the events in Ukraine and the Middle East gives this process a special urgency. The state of deep socioeconomic crisis that has engulfed many countries is a powerful catalyst for the aggravation of ethnopolitical tension. Ethnopolitical conflicts always have a specific historical content. There are no technologies for their settlement that can be used in any situation and in different regions of the world, not all ethnopolitical conflicts can be resolved politically by generally accepted methods, some forms of behavior of ethnic groups of the population can enter into irreconcilable conflict with the interests of the whole society, for example, ethnopolitical incitement, preaching of ethnic hatred caused by the activities of politically corrupt ethnic elites associated with the «shadow» economy, openly and directly inciting interethnic discord.

Failure or Façade? Why Ethnic Organizations Strategically Forgo Policing

In-group policing is effective at mitigating conflict because ethnic elites have information needed to identify and punish spoilers within their own communities. Yet, ethnic organizations do not always police those who use unsanctioned violence. Under what conditions will an organization forgo its in-group policing responsibility? Relying on the case of Hezbollah, this article argues that in-group policing in patronage-based societies is a strategic choice. Patronage networks induce compliance by tying it to the provision of goods and services, thereby decreasing the likelihood of violations. When individuals utilize unsanctioned violence, leaders must consider the costs of policing relative to three audiences: 1. Their organization, 2. Their domestic partners, and 3. The international community. Organizations may refrain from policing violators if the costs to their organization’s cohesion and reputation are too high, but will seek ways to lessen criticism by domestic and international audiences.

Immigrational Exclusion in the West and Exile Culture in Africa: Exploring Parallels and Biopower Dynamics

This study shows how political and ethnic elites employ their power to impose societal standards through exclusion practices like deportation and exile culture. The research also serves as a further illustration of Foucault's concept of bio-power being manifested. In this study, social exclusion from indigenous African societies and contemporary Western nations is investigated from a historical, social, and cultural standpoint. The study is built around Michael Foucault’s concept of biopower, and it employs discourse analysis as a methodology with an emphasis on Foucauldian discourse analysis. More so, the study incorporates the examination of African exile traditions and contemporary deportation from the Nollywood perspective. Hence, two Nollywood films, Anchor Baby ‘2010’ and Arodan ‘2023’, whose themes resonate with the study’s objectives, were selected. The study found out that whether it is the State exercising its power to regulate immigration or traditional leaders demonstrating their authority over their communities to maintain social order, deportation and exile are tools through which biopower is exerted. It recommends that effective policy communication is essential for addressing the utilization of this biopower and reducing racial or national prejudice, especially in deportation operations. The study contends that the inaccurate depiction and improper use of biopower strategies can result in profound psychological effects for the impacted individuals. It further recommends that it is imperative for authorities to give high importance to effective policy communication and actively take measures to reduce possible adverse outcomes. Ensuring that immigrants are given the confidence that deportation decisions are based on legitimate justifications, such as public or national security, is of utmost importance.

ДЫКМА-СЕРДАР - ТРАГИЧЕСКИЙ ГЕРОЙ ТРАГИЧЕСКОГО ВРЕМЕНИ

The article attempts to describe Dykma-serdar, one of the brightest characters of Turkmen history. Noting that in historiography there are almost no special studies on the man’s personality and activities, the author makes a detailed reconstruction of his life path, placing it in a broad socio-historical context. The study is conducted at the intersection of biography and prosopography: the portrait of Dykma-serdar against the background of the history of the Russian Empire’s penetration into Central Asia and incorporation of the Turkmen lands into the imperial body becomes a means of revealing certain strategies inherent in the ethnic elite of the region. Tracing the life of Dykma-serdar, the author shows how and under the influence of what factors his attitude to Russia and its presence in the region changed. Courageous, energetic, intelligent, with an undoubted talent as a military commander, having great authority both among his tribesmen and in Russian military circles, Dykma-serdar understood the inevitability of inclusion of the Turkmen lands into the empire that was superior to them economically, politically, militarily and technically. So he tried to minimize the costs of that inclusion, repeatedly joining negotiations with representatives of the Russian command and involving his relatives in the negotiation process. However, short-sighted and insulting behavior of the Russian military forced Dykma-serdar to abandon peaceful interaction. And only a personal meeting with M.D. Skobelev brought him back to the camp of negotiators. Dykma-serdar’s tragic hesitation between cooperation and confrontation were typical for representatives of his ethno-social group and well illustrate the behavior of Turkmen ethnic elites during the Great Game in Central Asia.

Analysis of Internal Conflicts in Afghanistan from the Perspective of Ethnic Elites in the Last Two Decades

Afghanistan has witnessed unprecedented internal wars, terrorist attacks, and insecurity over the past two decades, which have plunged the country into the depths of political turmoil. These conflicts have inflicted significant damage on the country's political structure and people's livelihoods, affecting society, political, social, economic, and cultural relations, and have also caused negative impacts on regional security and economy, especially for neighboring countries. This applied research, from the perspective of the intellectual elites of society, aims to investigate the fundamental causes, effects, and complexities of internal and external factors contributing to Afghanistan's internal conflicts during the last two decades. The research method employed is descriptive-explanatory, utilizing a deductive strategy and inspired by the theory of ethnic elite competition. It seeks to explore the influence of variables such as ethnic nationalism, deprivation, the state, and competition among regional and transregional powers in internal conflicts. The data collection tool used is a questionnaire, and the statistical population consists of intellectual elites from Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, and Uzbek ethnic groups. The sample size for this study is 400 intellectual elites selected through random sampling. The research initially lacked hypotheses, as the results were obtained after entering data through SPSS software and then applying linear regression calculations. The findings indicate a significant correlation between ethnic nationalism (r = 73%), the state (r = 152%), relative deprivation (r = 52%), and the competition of regional and transregional powers (r = 126%) with social conflicts. Moreover, the most crucial factor in the continuation of internal conflicts in Afghanistan is the monopolization of government by the dominant ethnic group. Ethnic elites, given their societal influence, can act both as agents of conflict escalation and as facilitators of peace.

Калмыцкая степь Астраханской губернии в первой половине XIX в.: этапы и основные модели административной системы управления

Introduction. The article deals with some key stages and patterns of administrative governance sequentially adopted for Kalmyk Steppe of Astrakhan Governorate in the early-to-mid nineteenth century. This very period was witnessing the integration and incorporation of Kalmyk Steppe into Russia’s administrative system, though some ethnos-specific governance elements would still be retained. The related historiography contains no explicit data as to certain governance stages (and patterns) characterized by corresponding qualitative changes. Results. The paper examines the publication titled ‘Ministry of State Property over the Fifty Years, 1837–1887: A Historical Review’ (Pt. 2: Protectorship. Land Affairs) for provisions pertaining to the governance system in Kalmyk Steppe. According to the document, efforts of the Russian Government across Kalmyk Steppe in the early-to-mid nineteenth century were primarily aimed at: 1) interacting with ethnic elites, endowing the latter with certain rights and privileges, involving them into the imperial power hierarchy at regional and local levels; 2) introducing (step by step) imperial legislative and court practices (common-law norms remain in force at lower levels for civil circulation); 3) laying foundations of imperial financial and tax policies (given that local elites would retain their original privileges). Conclusions. Our insights into opinions and viewpoints of contemporary researchers have identified a number of distinct features inherent to the shaping and functioning of the administrative governance system in early-to-mid nineteenth century Kalmyk Steppe. So, the early nineteenth century namestnichestvo was essentially rather that of the late eighteenth century. At the same time, pristavstvo should be viewed only as a milestone towards popechitelstvo. In general, the three can still be considered as individual governance patterns — with differing governance objects. However, the basis was compiled from supervision and wardship, and preservation of some ethnic governance traditions.

Spirits with Morality: Social Criticism and Notions of a Good Life in Laos through the Bangbot Imaginary

This article approaches notions of a good life in Laos via the imaginary of the bangbot (literally: “hidden in the shade,” i.e., “invisible”), a benevolent forest spirit of high moral integrity. The bangbot live in observance of the monastic precepts of Lao Buddhism deep in the jungle, far from human settlements, tying morality to undisturbed, remote forests. The article argues that this connection of morality with deep forest enables criticism and narratives about the good life at a time when “turning land into capital” is materializing in rapid deforestation. We suggest that the potential of this imaginary for socioecological criticism and alternative visions depends on social structure and historical context. While bangbot were instrumental in violent anti-colonial revolt, lending political legitimacy to rural ethnic elites, in today's context of frontier plunder vs. conservation, they are tamed to lend legitimacy to emerging urban milieus with a socioecological orientation. Thus the cultural, sociological, and ecological dynamics of Lao's late socialism are entangled in the spirit-figure of the bangbot.

Divided Opposition, Fragmented Statebuilding: Elite Bargaining in Pre- and Post-2003 Iraq

ABSTRACT Elite cohesion structures interethnic bargaining and institutional design in post-conflict divided societies. Although works have explored how interethnic elite bargaining affects institutional design and conflict and cooperation in multiethnic states, less attention has been paid to historical antecedents that precondition bargaining strategies and outcomes in post-conflict spaces. This article explores elite bargaining dynamics among Iraqi dissident and exiled elites prior to 2003 to explain fractionalization and incongruent institutional design following regime change. Treating elite interactions as antecedent conditions for explaining statebuilding outcomes, it situates Iraq’s informal consociational power-sharing institutional design, muhassasa, within preceding patterns of interethnic fragmentation of the anti-Ba‘thist opposition movement prior to 2003. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with dissident elites from Iraq’s pre-2003 opposition and exiled groups and American policymakers, this paper illustrates how ethnic elite competition for control and state capture impeded the adoption and design of consensual and durable power-sharing institutions following regime change. Thus, although collective grievances with Ba‘thist-era exclusion and repression facilitated interethnic mobilization among disparate elite, expedient statebuilding and the reliance on fractionalized opposition groups obstructed the development and evolution of a cohesive, durable, and inclusive conflict mitigating institutional design after 2003.

Из истории калмыцкой повседневности. Кочевание в XVIII в.

Goals. The article examines previously unpublished archival materials for an insight into 18th-century nomadic practices and routes of the Kalmyks. Results. The paper shows that the latter were controlled and systematized during the period under consideration. The total nomadic area was extensive and reached outskirts of Samara and Syzran in the north, and the Kuma River in the south. The bulk of Kalmyk communities tended to move longitudinally. However, there were some exceptions. A number of uluses were constantly occupying certain areas, although practicing somewhat micro-migrations over short distances. The era under review witnessed clashes, hostile relations — both among Kalmyks proper and with neighboring Russian groups — that resulted from claims to certain pasture territories. The articles stresses the 18th century was characterized by mass Russian population inflows to the Lower Volga and the Pre-Caucasus, which inevitably led to reductions of Kalmyk-inhabited lands. Moreover, it must be noted that the migrants tended to seize most economically advantageous lands. At the same time, both ethnic elites and government executives were seeking to settle the turbulent relationships. From the historical perspective, it was sedentarization and intensification of agriculture that could serve a way out for the Kalmyks, but in the 18th century the need was not yet that obvious.

Rioting for Representation: Local Ethnic Mobilization in Democratizing Countries by Risa J. Toha

Two central questions have guided scholarship on ethnic riots: identifying factors that motivate groups to mobilize for violence and analyzing state responses to these conflicts. Risa Toha's book, Rioting for Representation: Local Ethnic Mobilization in Democratizing Countries, breaks new ground in addressing both questions by examining the ethnic violence that swept across Indonesia during its democratic transition. In a compelling account that weaves together detailed quantitative evidence with qualitative fieldwork, Toha argues that ethnic groups previously excluded from power during three decades of authoritarian rule under the New Order regime used violence to demand increased political access in Indonesia's new democracy. When these demands were accommodated through institutional reform, the violence stopped. Scholarship on riots has mostly examined mature democracies, where elites are experienced in running for competitive elections and improve their chances of winning by mobilizing for violence before or during voting.1 What sets Toha's book apart is that it examines riots in a transitional setting, where new democratic rules are being tested and ethnic elites are uncertain about how they will fare in a new set-up. The analysis shows that Indonesia's first freely held elections in 1999 produced considerable subnational variation in outcomes. In some areas, old regime elites represented by the Golkar party lost their foothold, but in others, they managed to maintain their dominance. Quantitative evidence, which merges district-level election results with data on incidence of ethnic riots, shows that violence occurred after the elections and was more prevalent in areas where democratic elections failed to break Golkar's hegemony (141).

Ethnic plurality, political mobilisation, social divisions and the formation of conflict structures in North-Eastern Ghana

Political mobilisation is a necessary aspect of any democracy in the world. Since the introduction of democracy in Ghana, political mobilisation has become part of the political process that characterises the selection and choice of leaders. This phenomenon manifests itself differently in different geographical areas of the country. While processes of political mobilisation have received adequate academic attention, the extent to which they are immersed in coincidental ethnic cleavages to engender the formation of conflict structures in the specific region of the Bawku/Kusaug Traditional Area is less studied. This study contributes to the critical literature on political mobilisation by nuancing the debate on political mobilisation to include how political mobilisation reinforces ethnic division and creates contours and pathways through which ethnic conflicts inchoate and sophisticate. The study used a case study design of the qualitative approach to investigate the phenomenon. Twenty-seven participants were selected through an expert purposive sampling technique to partake in focus group discussions and personal interviews. The data collected through these methods were analysed using inductive thematic analysis. The analysis revealed that political mobilisation in Bawku is often anchored through the ethnic elite who mobilise their people along ethnic lines for or against specified political parties. This often creates different political rewards for each ethnic group depending on the political party that emerge victorious in elections. These differential rewards lead to violent confrontations with several economic, social and security consequences. The study therefore suggested strategies to better anchor political mobilisation and ensure peaceful co-existence among ethnic groups in the Bawku/Kusaug Traditional Area, the Upper East, Northern Ghana and Ghana as a whole

POLITICAL MODERNIZATION IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETIES (BY THE EXAMPLE OF THE NORTH CAUCASUS)

The purpose of the article is to identify and analyze the features of political modernization in traditional societies on the example of the North Caucasus. The main attention is paid to contradictions and factors that generate crises of political modernization. The conditions of the modernization process, the structural components of traditional societies are revealed, the types of crises accompanying the modernization process are characterized, the factors that determine the success of modernization in transforming societies are analyzed. This article also attempts to delve into the essence of the specifics of political modernization in the North Caucasus. The author examines the problem of modernization through the prism of political, socio-economic, cultural and other features of the region, which are deeply interconnected and have common roots. The author concludes that the success of democratic transit depends on the presence in society of a mature social base, structured civil society institutions, an effective multiparty system, which, due to various circumstances, have not developed in the North Caucasus. An equally important factor hindering modernization in this region is the polyethnicity and multi-confessional society characteristic of the North Caucasus. Religion, which has a fairly strong position in the region, has a significant influence on political processes. The article also examines the role of ethnic elites, whose activities determine the specifics of relations in society.

The Tragedy of Colonialism in a Non-Colonised Society: Italy’s Historical Narratives and the Amhara Genocide in Ethiopia

In its attempt to colonise Ethiopia, Italy challenged Ethiopiawinet, claiming that Ethiopia is a mere collection of discrete ethnic groups brought together by Amhara colonialism. Extracting data from a variety of sources including secondary materials, opinions expressed in the broadcast, print and social media platforms, party documents, official letters and key informant interviews, this paper provides a critical reflection on how the colonial presence of Italy made a political mess in Ethiopia by asserting ethnic nationalism. The paper argues that the narratives invented by the Italian colonisers greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic nationalism following the advent of Marxism-Leninism in Ethiopia. Borrowing narratives from the Italian colonial regime, Ethiopian ethnic elites of the 1960s, who were the advocates of Marxism-Leninism, simplistically categorised the Amhara as oppressor while ‘others’ as oppressed. This categorisation negatively shaped the attitude of ‘others’ towards the Amhara and instigated genocide against these people.

“We are One People”: White Papers as a Tool to Promote National Unity in the PRC

This article studies the role of "white books" in the system of ethnic propaganda in the PRC, as well as their significance in the mechanism of indoctrination of the bureaucracy. This topic has been little studied in the domestic historiography, and few works have been published in the Western literature. China has established a ramified system of propaganda organs, both vertically subordinated and not directly subordinated to the central party-state organs. Ethno-ethnic propaganda organizations have been set up within the overall system, primarily the United Front Department and the State Ethnic Affairs Commission, using both internal and external propaganda channels. “White papers” are an important link in external ethnic propaganda. These materials present the territories of non-Han nationalities as regions that have been part of the Chinese empire and later the modern PRC since ancient times. The Chinese state actively protects the rights of ethnic minorities, develops the institution of ethnic minorities’ regional autonomy and promotes social and economic development of ethnic areas. Only minor extremist groups and religious radicals, supported from abroad, seek to undermine inter-ethnic unity in order to divide China. Hence the need to strengthen the unity of the nationalities. Another purpose of publishing “white papers” is to indoctrinate the bureaucracy, which has lost its "fighting spirit" during the years of reform, especially in the 1990s and 2000s. With a certain pluralism of approaches to the assessment of PRC ethnopolitics and the institution of ethnic minorities’ regional autonomy in the academic environment, the confirmation of the invariability of the official party doctrine contributes to the mobilization of ethnic elites and ganbu.

"Children of the Tundra": State Policy and Social Mobility in the North of Yakutia in the 1960s – 1980s.

The purpose of the presented research is to highlight the results of the social policy of the Soviet state in the ethno-cultural development of the indigenous population of the Arctic regions of Yakutia. It is revealed that the new socio-cultural environment that emerged as a result of the industrialization of the Arctic region, as a whole, contributed to the improvement of the general cultural and educational level of the indigenous population and revealed new opportunities for the realization of its aspirations. During this period, conditions began to develop for the formation of the intelligentsia of the northern aboriginal ethnic groups, some representatives of which became prominent figures of culture, science and literature. Their fates are an interesting example of the implementation of the life strategies of the ethnic elite, which subsequently played a major role in the socio-political history of the region. The methodological basis of the article was the historical method of analysis of archival data, periodicals and scientific literature related to the research topic. The use of historical-comparative, historical-systemic and biographical methods made it possible to analyze socio-economic and cultural processes in the Yakut ASSR. The result of the study was the identification of the main factors that contributed to the formation of the intelligentsia of the small peoples of the North in the 1960s and 1980s, which played an important role in their social development. It is noted that the expansion of the education and training network in the republic has allowed for the mass education of young generations of Northerners, and the growth in the number of people with incomplete and completed secondary education has opened up opportunities for professionalization. Access to vocational education against the background of the processes of urbanization of the Arctic territories, their integration into the common cultural and educational space of the country had a decisive influence on the formation of the intelligentsia of the indigenous peoples of the North. For the first time, based on the materials of Yakutia, the assessment of the state policy on the formation of "national cadres" from northern national minorities was undertaken through the prism of real personal biographies.

Shinasi A.Rama, Nation failure, ethnic elites, and balance of power: The international administration of Kosova. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019. 344 pp. £69.99 (hbk).

Nations and NationalismVolume 28, Issue 4 p. 1515-1517 BOOK REVIEW Shinasi A. Rama, Nation failure, ethnic elites, and balance of power: The international administration of Kosova. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019. 344 pp. £69.99 (hbk). Gëzim Alpion, Gëzim Alpion Department of Social Policy, Sociology and Criminology, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UKSearch for more papers by this author Gëzim Alpion, Gëzim Alpion Department of Social Policy, Sociology and Criminology, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UKSearch for more papers by this author First published: 20 September 2022 https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12889Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL No abstract is available for this article. Volume28, Issue4October 2022Pages 1515-1517 RelatedInformation

Budaya Kekerasan dan Konflik Etnisitas di Kalimantan Barat Periode 1966-2000

The background of this research is the high phenomenon of cultural violence in West Kalimantan in the period 1966-2000. The author wants to study the relationship between these phenomena and political events that occurred both at the Indonesian National level and at the regional level in West Kalimantan. The author uses the library method in collecting the necessary data, the data is then processed with the theory of culture and conflict. After conducting research for three months, the author finally concludes that the phenomenon of culture of violence in West Kalimantan stems from practical political interests carried out by ethnic elites to gain power. This phenomenon is also influenced by political events that occur at the national level. On the other hand, the strengthening of identity politics cannot be separated from the role of ethnic institutions. Institutions such as MAD (Majelis Adat Dayak) and MABM (Majelis Adat Budaya Melayu) have created a sense of ethnic pride. Sometimes the pride is excessive and even leads to ethnic militancy (ethnocentrism). Incidentally, these institutions were established before the occurrence of large-scale and massive ethnic riots. Therefore, do not be surprised if it is later associated with ethnic consolidation. Various parties then saw that ethnicity institutions greatly strengthened ethnic identity politics in West Kalimantan

Rethinking Autonomy: Traveling between Quantitative and Qualitative Approaches

AbstractTo improve the validity of our comparative endeavors in ethno-politics, this piece re-examines the relationship between conceptual definitions, categories of classification used in large-N datasets, and thick description found through case studies. It does this through the lens of claims to autonomy by ethnic minorities, and in particular through a detailed comparative case study of what autonomy means as a programmatic goal for ethnic minority Hungarian elites in Romania and Slovakia. Three unexpected findings emerge which make the case for qualitative research to better inform the categories and variables used in large-N datasets (1) there is a weak relationship between the conceptual definitions of autonomy and the way it is coded in relevant datasets like the Minorities at Risk (MAR) dataset; (2) empirically, the Hungarian comparative case studies show that elites do not think of autonomy in the same way as the conceptual literature nor do their understandings of autonomy easily fit into the coding categories of datasets; (3) there is inconsistency across Hungarian minority elites in their own definitions of autonomy as well as the lack of distinctions between autonomy and other institutional arrangements. This raises issues of equivalence and ambiguity and I conclude with suggestions for better measurement.