Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front Research Articles

Politics of exclusion and institutional transformation in Ethiopia

ABSTRACTEthiopia experienced a critical juncture in 1991 with the defeat of the military dictatorship, opening up the possibilities of a new political order. Since then the country underwent social engineering and institutional transformation emerging as a leading reformist state under hegemonic-party rule with high institutional state capacity but also a concentration, and even personalisation, of decision-making power. This approximates to a path of ‘authoritarian institutionalisation’. This article argues that Ethiopia’s institutional trajectory can be explained by the nature of coalition politics in the formative years of transition, specifically the extent to which credible challengers were excluded from transitional processes. The strategy of excluding Pan-Ethiopian parties and sideling the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) set the country on the path of establishing a hegemonic rule by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Sustaining hegemonic rule entailed fending off threats from excluded groups in the 1990s but which coalesced into a strong electoral performance in the 2005 elections in whose aftermath the ruling party embarked on aggressive pursuit of state-directed development for political legitimation.

Fault Lines within the Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF): Intraparty Network and Governance system

Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRD) is a political party in charge of government power since 1991. EPRDF is established in 1989 out of Rebel group to party transformation with the view to oust the military government called Derg. It is a coalition of four parties political organization i.e. Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF)- which is an architect of EPRDF, Amhara National Democratic Movements (ANDM) in 1980, Oromo People Liberation Organization (OPDO ) and Southern Ethiopian People Democratic Movement ( SEPDM) However, in spite of the nominally coalition structure of the EPRDF, from the beginning the TPLF provided the leadership and ideological direction to other members of the coalition. To maintain the dominant position within the coalition the TPLF has transferred its rebel time internal governance network that focuses on traditional Marxist Leninist organizational lines, with an emphasis on “democratic centralism”; and a tradition of hierarchically organizational structure to the newly established political organization i.e. EPRDF. Consequently, the EPRDF intraparty network and governance system is dominated by the use of ML (Marxist-Leninist) authoritarian methods and hegemonic control, rigid hierarchical leadership; Democratic centralism, the dominance of the party apparatus behind the façade of regional and local autonomy, an extensive patron-client mechanisms; the use of force to silence opposition within and outside the party; intertwined State institutions and the party system and excessive reliance on party entity instead of state administration units; and gim gema (self-evaluation) are worth mentioning. These intraparty network and governance system have severely limited genuine democratization within the party as well as hampered the democratization process in the country. The party is facing increasing pressure and challenge from within the party and the public at large demanding equal status and fair political economic representation. In effect, EPRDF is in deep crisis shattered by internal divisions, crises as well as external public pressure forcing the party to entertain democratic principles and culture. Hence, it is recommended that the organizational structure and the values and principles governing the organization should be revisited within the framework of democracy which allows adaptability and flexibility given the various change agents in the socio-cultural, economic, political environment.

The Revolutionary Democracy of Ethiopia: A Wartime Ideology Both Shaping and Shaped by Peacetime Policy Needs

AbstractThe Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), victor in the civil war in 1991, has since transformed into an authoritarian party. While this transition is well covered in the literature, few studies have explored how the party’s ideology has adapted after its position was consolidated. This article addresses this gap, by analysing the EPRDF’s ideology of revolutionary democracy, and how the interpretation of it has changed over time. The Ethiopian case shows that wartime ideologies should not be considered as static remnants of the past. Instead, the ideology has served as a flexible political tool for controlling the state and for justifying or concealing major policy changes. More recent protests and ruptures in the ruling party, however, indicate that revolutionary democracy may have an expiry date. There seems thus to be a limit to how long a wartime ideology can provide power to uphold a rebel government’s hegemony and coherence.

A Shift of Political Discourse: Critical Discourse Analysis of Ethiopian Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed’s Inaugural Speech

This paper explains the political discourse shifts made by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahemed’s April, 2, 2018 inaugural speech. P.M. Abiy`s inaugural speech is the text for this study analysis to extract the political and ideological discourse shifts observed in his speech. Mainly the analysis is done qualitatively through explaining a few excerpts of the inaugural speech. To substantiate the qualitative analysis, key word quantitative analysis is also applied. The analysis results show that Prime Minister Abiy made significant shifts of political discourse from his predecessors and Tigray People Liberation Front lead Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (TPLF/EPRDF). The discourse shifts are observed in representing Ethiopian history, defining identity, and interpretation of pluralism in Ethiopia. For instance, P.M. Abiy portrays Ethiopia as a country of citizens whose identity is inseparable where as TPLF/EPRDF portrays Ethiopia as a country of nation nationalities whose identity is the sum total of different identities; the P.M claims for “Ethiopia first” rhetoric where as TPLF/EPRDF claims for “my ethnic first” rhetoric; P.M. Abiy aspires for a country of ideas but, TPLF/EPRDF has worked for a country of identities.

Assessment of Factors That Affect the Performance of Agricultural Production, in the Case of Amhara Region, Ethiopia

The agricultural sector is the basis of livelihood for a large proportion of society in Ethiopia. In the three political regimes in modern Ethiopia, the Imperial, the military and the Ethiopian people revolutionary democratic front (EPRDF), agriculture has been regarded as a critical sector. The Agricultural Development Led Industrialization (ADLI) is the national policy of the country. Regardless of the government policy attention and investment, there is a long way to go for smallholders to ensure food self-sufficiency. Agriculture is the base of our food, transformation to industrialization, climatic change control system. Agriculture is the soul of our sovereignty for development as well as poverty reduction for individuals and country level. In Ethiopia, population density is high and has been increasing and agricultural land has been decreasing because of fragmenting or converting it into residential plots. To meet the domestic food requirements, use of improved production technologies developed by research is come out to be important. Therefore, the goal of this study was to analyze factors that affect the performance of agricultural products in Amahara region national state and to determine the highly significant input factors for producing high and qualified agricultural outputs. Data regarding total agricultural outputs and its input factors in study area of Amahara region from 2010 to 2018 was obtained from Amhara national state branch of the Ethiopian institute of agricultural sector. Correlation analyses were used to examine the strength of the relationship between each of the determinant factors with total agricultural output, while multiple regression analysis was employed to examine the simultaneous effects of several independent variables on the dependent variable, total agricultural outputs. These analyses were employed through the packages R and Stata to achieve the main objectives of the study. All of the independent variables were highly correlated with the total agricultural output. The overall regression model was highly significant (p-value < 0.01) with F = 45.532. The R-squared value implies that 93.8% percent of the changes in average total agricultural outputs are successfully explained by the variables used in the model of this study. If we take model size into account, 91.8% percent of the variation in average total agricultural output was explained by the values of the independent variables. Specifically, among the independent variables irrigated land, fertilizer, improved seed and pesticides are the most significant factors for total products (p-value < 0.05).

EPRDF’s ‘menu of institutional manipulations’ and the 2015 regional elections

ABSTRACTEthiopia is generally considered to have ‘a dominant party authoritarian’ system in which the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), along with its affiliates, enjoy electoral dominance. This contribution argues that EPRDF’s electoral dominance in the 2015 regional elections, indeed in all the elections held in the past two decades, is partly the result of the party’s use of what Schedler refers to ‘menu of institutional manipulations’ including electoral rules, government agencies, local authorities and even civil society organizations, to maintain its dominance. The semi-consociational system that guides the relationships of the constituent parties of EPRDF also provides the latter an electoral edge over the opposition parties which are often fragmented. The paper further argues that EPRDF’s vanguardist self-view, which is an offshoot of its ‘revolutionary democracy’ ideology, underpins its drive to be a dominant party and to use all of the institutional manipulations under its disposal.

English

Electoral campaigns are essential aspects of election. However, opposition political parties in Ethiopia have been challenged due to limited media alternative. In the 2015 general election, some political parties were using social media to conduct campaigns. Hence, this case study aimed to describe the status of these parties in the use of social media. The research utilized a qualitative approach as dominant method. Blue Party, Ethiopian Democratic Party (EDP), and Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) were selected purposefully because they were active in social media use. In-depth interview, focus group discussions, and social media contents were used to collect data. The study used thematic analysis with a quantitative content analysis. The result revealed that political parties were introducing electoral symbols, policies, offline campaigns, and profiles of candidates through social media though there were discrepancies among them. The language predominantly used was Amharic that covers an average of 98% of the total messages. In terms of the mediums used, the study found that political parties were mainly releasing their messages through texts and a combination of texts and images. These two mediums cover an average of 77%. These imply the parties’ concomitance with the interest of the audiences. Generally, despite the use of social media to conduct campaigns is at its infant stage, the political parties dedication to use as well as their view on the potential of these media indicate that social media are becoming alternative channels of electoral campaigns in Ethiopia. Key words: Social media, political parties, Ethiopia, 2015 general election, electoral campaigns,

Ethnic-Based Federalism in Ethiopia and its Impact on National Integration

In multiethnic country, respect of diversity and ethnic equality is a major tool for national integration. To do this, strong good governance and democratic institutions are very important. In line with this, the state structure which is implemented by ruling political party has its impact on interethnic relations. In the history of Ethiopia, centralized political system during imperial and the Derg regime had long years’ experience and focused on nation-building, regardless of diversity. However, both of them were neither accommodates diversity nor stopped the question of nationalities. Thus, since the Derg took power, different ethnic based rebellions appeared in different parts of the country and escalated into extensive armed struggle. After seventeen years of civil war, 1991 was marked the collapse of the Derge regime and the formation of the new state structure under the ruling party, Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Thus, EPRDF implemented the identity-based federal structure by restructuring the constitution and answer the question of nationalities including self-determination up to secession. Therefore, this paper is aimed to assess the impacts of identity-based federalism on national integration. Key Words: multiethnic, federalism , diversity, nationalities, identity-based, impact, centralize and national integration

Paradoxes of electoral authoritarianism: the 2015 Ethiopian elections as hegemonic performance

ABSTRACTThe 2015 elections in Ethiopia had a predictable outcome, showing an entrenched system of one-party dominance that self-referentially enacts the political order created by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) since 1991. EPRDF spokespersons continued to defend the party’s hegemony as inevitable, grounded in a logic of technocratic authority and with reference to ‘stability’ and ‘development’. This paper describes the electoral process not in the light of democracy theory but of hegemonic governance theory. Elections seem to have lost relevance in Ethiopia as a means of political expression and are only important as a performance of hegemonic governance and as ‘global impression management’ – showing state skills in securing a smooth electoral process as a major organisational feat in itself. Contradictions that the political process creates between the Ethiopian party-state and domestic constituencies, and between the attitudes/policies of certain donor countries, are downplayed or avoided, but problematic in the long run.

Challenges and Prospects of Electoral Campaigns through Social Media in Ethiopia: Lessons from the 2015 General Election.

Despite electoral campaigns are essential elements of election, opposition political parties in Ethiopia have been challenged due to limited media alternative. In the 2015 general election, some political parties were using social media to conduct campaigns. Hence, this case study aimed to explore the challenges and prospect of using social media. The research utilized a qualitative approach. Blue Party, Ethiopian Democratic Party, Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum, and Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front were selected as cases by using intensity case selection method since they were active in using social media. In-depth interview, focus group discussions, and documents were used to collect data. The study used thematic analysis. The study found that the low number of followers at the social media bases of parties, suppressive tendency of the regime, high internet cost and poor internet connectivity, political apathy of users, unwanted interactions of some of the users as well as awareness predicaments as factors that challenge parties’ use of social media as alternative channel of electoral campaign. However, emerging fertile conditions such as optimistic perception of users towards the role of social media, increasing political involvements of youths, and attempts of price revisions on the other hand were found to be impetus to promote parties’ use of these media. Generally, despite there are such challenges, the prospects show that social media are becoming as alternative channels of electoral campaigns in Ethiopia. Key Words : Challenges; Electoral campaign; Ethiopia; Prospects; Social media, Political Parties

The Political and Historical Representation of Statues in Three Ethiopian Consecutive Regimes (1889 - Present)

Statues are symbols which represent dynamic societal values. They serve as a rallying point for shared common memory and identity and, hence, are used as a collective remembrance. They also have a power to immortalize an intended ideology. Statue is an object that represents the religion, history, culture, art, socio- economic and political practices of one nation. The main purpose of this paper is to describe the political representation of iconic statues erected in three, Imperial monarchy, Derg Military Junta and Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) regimes in Ethiopia. To achieve this purpose, several documents from Culture and Tourism Bureaus and library archives are analyzed qualitatively. The study lastly summarizes the erected statues in the three Ethiopia regimes are highly tied with the political manifesto each regime. In the process of political shift, when the former regime replaced by the new one, simultaneously, the former statues are dismantled and dislocated and the new statues that represents the current political ideology are constructed and replaced. Accordingly, it concluded that, statues represent the political context of these three consecutive regimes in Ethiopian polity.

DECENTRALIZATION AND THE LOCAL DEVELOPMENTAL STATE: PEASANT MOBILIZATION IN OROMIYA, ETHIOPIA

ABSTRACTThis article explores the politics of decentralization and state–peasant encounters in rural Oromiya, Ethiopia. Breaking with a centralized past, the incumbent government of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) committed itself to a decentralization policy in the early 1990s and has since then created a number of new sites for state–citizen interactions. In the context of electoral authoritarianism, however, decentralization has been interpreted as a means for the expansion of the party-state at the grass-roots level. Against this backdrop, this article attempts a more nuanced understanding of the complex entanglements between the closure of political space and faith in progress in local arenas. Hence, it follows sub-kebeleinstitutions at the community level in a rural district and analyses their significance for state-led development and peasant mobilization between the 2005 and 2010 elections. Based on ethnographic field research, the empirical case presented discloses that decentralization and state-led development serve the expansion of state power into rural areas, but that state authority is simultaneously constituted and undermined in the course of this process. On that basis, this article aims to contribute to an inherently political understanding of decentralization, development and their entanglement in local and national politics in rural African societies.

Emerging Southern powers and new forms of South–South cooperation: Ethiopia’s strategic engagement with China and India

This article critically examines Ethiopia’s engagement with China and India. Despite being a non-oil exporting country, Ethiopia has become one of the fastest growing economies in Africa and, over the past decade, millions of people have been lifted out of poverty. Part of Ethiopia’s success has been the ability of the developmental state to harness its relationship with the new as well as the traditional development partners strategically, to unleash the country’s productive potential while maintaining national policy space. Ethiopia’s pragmatic ‘economic diplomacy’ arose from the desire of the liberation movements that formed the umbrella Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to fundamentally transform all aspects of Ethiopian society and to break out of poverty, which the EPRDF considers a ‘national shame’ and a handicap to the country’s ability to define foreign and development policies independently. The Ethiopian experience challenges the school of thought that equates the rise of emerging powers in Africa with a new form of ‘colonialism’, disregarding African agency to transform these relationship into ‘win-win’ partnerships.

Unsustain the sustainable: An evaluation of the legal and policy interventions for pastoral development in Ethiopia

This article is a critical appraisal of the legal and policy interventions for pastoral development in Ethiopia under the Imperial, Derg and Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) governments. Based on an extensive review of pastoral policies, laws and practices, it is found that the legal and policy interventions are not pastoral sensitive, and accordingly, they have been unable to bring the desired result. Moreover, they have created pressure on the pastoralists and the pastoral economy, as they do not consider pastoralism as a viable system. In particular, the policy of settlement poses a challenge to the very system of pastoralism, and threatens the pastoral culture, social institutions and identity. This article argues that Ethiopian pastoralists have a right to development in the manner that advances the enforcement of their human rights, and the Ethiopian state assumes a legal obligation to undertake pastoral development consistent with human rights-based approach. The article calls for the (re)consideration of the legal and policy interventions in line with international human rights standards, the bill of rights and the National Policy Principles and Objectives of the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Republic Constitution. Pursuing pastoral development based on agrarian and flawed assumptions not only affects the pastoral system, but also the continuous viability of pastoralists - for it makes the sustainable pastoral way of life unsustainable.

Ethiopia: The 100% Election

Abstract: Ethiopia’s 2015 elections confirm that the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)—having won 100 percent of parliamentary seats—has chosen to entrench an authoritarian system. We argue that this total election victory was meant as a signal to party cadres that defection is not tolerated. Our analysis of intra-regime dynamics shows how the EPRDF has responded to the death of Meles Zenawi through greater reliance on trusted party stalwarts for high-level posts. We conclude that growing demands from lower-level party cadres threaten to transform the ruling party from a disciplined national organization into a patronage-based alliance of ethnic factions.

Ethiopia: Silencing Dissent

Abstract: In Ethiopia’s May 2015 parliamentary elections, the long-ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), together with its allies, claimed a historic victory with 100 percent of the seats. This result is not a surprising as it might seem: Since the 2005 general elections—the most contested in the nation’s history—the party has been using antiterrorism laws and harsh restrictions on media and civil society to silence voices critical of the regime. The regime justifies its repressive measures by telling citizens that the country is in danger of ethnic strife and that maintaining law and order requires a firm approach. Like most autocratic regimes, however, the EPRDF worries that the more informed and connected the people are, the more empowered they will be to hold the government to account.

Decentralized Governance under Centralized Party Rule in Ethiopia: The Tigray Experience

In the mid-1990s Ethiopia adopted a federal constitution promising regional autonomy and the creation and strengthening of local government units below the regional level. Some observers attribute the various shortcomings of Ethiopian federalism that have emerged since then to the original institutional/constitutional design. This paper, however, argues that what is not in the constitution has come to influence the workings of decentralization more than what is codified in it. The dominant national party in power, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), either directly or through affiliates, controls political office at all levels of government, thereby limiting the room for local initiative and autonomy. The presence of a national dominant party limits the responsiveness and downward accountability of Wereda (district) authorities; it also undermines political competition, and by extension, good governance at the grassroots level. The paper is based on field research carried out in the Tigray regional state of Ethiopia. The conclusion is that when one party dominates the politics of the region and its institutions, extra-constitutional intra-party politics determine how things work, thereby subjugating localities’ autonomy and impeding their ability to deliver on promises of decentralization.

Digital cleansing? A look into state-sponsored policing of Ethiopian networked communities

ABSTRACTIn June 2015, the National Election Board of Ethiopia announced that the incumbent Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and its affiliates had won 100 per cent of the House of People's Representatives seats. The results have extended Ethiopia's anocratic one-party rule since the EPRDF ousted the former military dictatorship through armed struggle in 1991. Despite earlier promises of democratic reform, the EPRDF has increasingly become a self-proclaimed vanguard party at the expense of political inclusivity, continuing its attempts to validate its longevity through a ‘developmentalism’ rhetoric, which frames alternative speech as heresy, and at times a crime. One notable consequence of this hegemonic thinking is an alarming invisibility of plurality in the traditional Ethiopian media landscape. Drawing from hegemonic notions of development statism, this article looks at the extent to which digital platforms have become viable alternatives to traditional electronic and print media in Ethiopia. I argue that, despite its potential to promote freedom of speech, the Ethiopian online sphere is systematically policed through state-sanctioned legal frameworks. Through analysis of an online survey, I also demonstrate how perceptions of users about online experiences show skepticism toward the role of the Ethiopian state in Internet monitoring.

Emigrants and the state in Ethiopia: transnationalism and the challenges of political antagonism

ABSTRACTSince the fall of military-socialist government in 1991 in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has embarked on the total restructuring of the state. It has presented ‘Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ as an ‘organizing principle’ and it has been working towards the rebuilding of the Ethiopian state along this line. The focus of this paper is EPRDF's policies and practices of engagement of Ethiopian emigrants. The analysis is based on information and interviews with government officials in Addis Ababa and with Ethiopian migrants in Washington DC during February–May 2013. This study indicates that the EPRDF government gradually started to focus its attention on Ethiopian migrants around the world, mainly due to the growing economic significance of their transnational engagement in Ethiopia. The study also shows the circumstances in which political debates about the conditions in Ethiopia has been permeating interactions within Ethiopians emigrants.

The dynamics of China-Ethiopia trade relations: economic capacity, balance of trade &amp; trade regimes

China’s trade with Ethiopia currently at 1.3 billion USD annually is expected to rise to US$3 billion by 2015. This not only informs the level of bilateral trade ties that Ethiopia has had with China as compared to any other country in the region but also signifies the highest and the closest level of bilateral relations that Ethiopia has built upwith China over the past decade since the new government under Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took over power in 1991. There have been extensive debates on China’s role in Africa - whether it could be viewed as a constructive partner or otherwise. This essay puts forward the argument that while trade ties as one important channel of bilateral relations that China has embarked with the outside world and particularly with Africa is uneven and lop-sided. This is true of the Ethiopian context as well particularly when we look at the economic capacity, balance of trade and at the two countries relations with international trade regimes. While China is a full member of WTO for over a decade Ethiopia on the other hand has been aspiring to become a member for some time now and hence one of the important aspect of Ethio-China trade relations is the heavy reliance on bilateral/international trade regimes. Therefore, this research is aimed at unraveling the dynamics in Sino-Ethiopia trade relations with emphasis on the economic capacity of the two countries, balance of trade and explore whether Ethiopia’s attempts to join WTO would lead to a more predictable trade relations between the two countries. In this attempt the research would largely rely on the analysis of relevant archival resources and literatures directly relating to the themes in this paper.