This article reviews the role of the environmental in the expression and retention of operantly conditioned responding by human infants. Whether it was explicitly associated with reinforcement or not, the controls learned responding throughout the first postnatal year, although explicitly associating different contexts with reinforcement and nonreinforcement sharpens discrimination. Throughout the first year, the training also facilitates retention after relatively long delays. These findings have theoretical implications for both infantile amnesia and the functional maturation of the neural mechanisms that mediate the encoding of place information, as well as practical implications for the elimination of undesirable behaviors. Keywords: Context, memory development, renewal effect, human infants, operant conditioning, long-term retention, stimulus control. ********** For many years, the role of ambient environmental stimuli was largely ignored in research on stimulus control. Today, the facilitating and impairing effects of the environmental occupy a central role in theory and research on learning and memory (e.g., Bouton, 1993, 1994; Pearce & Hall, 1980; Rescorla & Wagner, 1972; Wagner, 1981). Whereas considerable attention has focused on the role of in studies with animal and human adults, scant attention has been paid to the role of in studies with infants. This neglect has largely been due to the widely held assumption that infants' brains are too immature to store information about the environmental surround in which learning occurs. Nadel, Willner, and Kurz (1985), for example, asserted that Virtually all learning during infancy is ... independent of context (p. 398). Despite mounting evidence to the contrary, many neuroscientists continue to cling to this long-held belief (e.g., McKee & Squire, 1993; Nadel & Zola-Morgan, 1984; Nelson, 1995; Squire, 1992). In this article, we review some of the major findings of our conditioning research on the contextual stimulus control of retention in infants and its implications. Distinction between cues and contexts A cue is defined as that aspect of a situation which the experimenter manipulates, and the is defined as the relatively invariant aspects of the setting (e.g., its location) in which the response occurs that do not affect the characteristics or demands of the task (Riccio, Richardson, & Ebner, 1984; Thomas, 1985). Even when responding to a given cue is explicitly reinforced, however, seemingly irrelevant contextual cues often exert a profound influence on test behavior. Riccio, Urda, and Thomas (1966), for example, found that pigeons key pecked for grain more frequently when the tilt of the cage floor during training and testing was more similar. Likewise, Winocur and Kinsbourne (1978) found that training Korsakoff patients in a highly distinctive room significantly increased the duration for which they remembered the training event when they were tested in the same room. In fact, one of the few principles upon which most memory theorists agree is that retention is best when the conditions of training (encoding) and testing most closely match. This principle is known as the encoding specificity principle (Tulving & Thomson, 1973). Baddeley (1982) distinguished two types of context. The intrinsic or interactive determines the form in which a target item is encoded, so that changing the during testing essentially requires that subjects recognize something very different from what they originally encoded. An example of the intrinsic is the sentence in which a target word is embedded that gives the word a particular meaning or the scene in which a target object appears. The extrinsic or independent does not influence how a target item is encoded. It includes aspects of the background, such as where or when the item was learned, the age, sex, or attitude of the experimenter, the subject's internal state, and so forth. …
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