Enclitic Particle Research Articles

Second position without movement: Enclitic particles in Passamaquoddy

This paper presents an analysis of the second-position clitics of Maliseet-Passamaquoddy (Algonquian, New Brunswick and Maine) in the framework of Sign-Based Phrase Structure Grammar (Sag 2012). Unlike a previous transformational analysis (Johnson and Rosen 2015) that takes clitics to occupy a functional head in the left periphery, the proposal advanced here makes no use of movement or functional heads. Instead, clitic positions are determined by a small number of maximally simple constructional statements.

Partiklar i sørsamisk

The article presents the most central particles in Southern Sami, and argues that they constitute a separate part of speech different from adverbs. Most particles usually occur in the second position of the sentence, but several particles may also occur in second position in complex verb phrases, i.e. in third position in the sentence. A group of words have in previous research been treated as both proclitic and enclitic particles, it is argued here that these should be treated as adverbs.

The relative order of foci and polarity complementizers

AbstractAccording toRizzi & Bocci’s (2017)suggested hierarchy of the left periphery, fronted foci (FOC) can never precede polarity complementizers (PolC); yet languages like Bulgarian and Macedonian appear to display precisely such an ordering configuration. On the basis of a cross-linguistic comparison of ten Slavic languages, I argue that in the Slavic subgroup the possibility of having a focus precede PolC is dependent on the morphological properties of the complementizer itself: in languages where the order FOC < PolC is acceptable, PolC is a complex morpheme derived through the incorporation of a lower functional head with a higher one. The order FOC < PolC is then derived by giving overt spell-out to the intermediate copy of PolC rather than to the topmost one. In turn, this option is linked to the possibility, recorded in all languages which allow for FOC < PolC, to also realize the morpheme expressing interrogative polarity as an enclitic particle attaching to fronted foci.

Correlative negation in Old Persian

AbstractNegation is an operator that reverses the truth value of a proposition and it is considered an universal category (Horn 2001: xiii) since all human systems of communication contain a representation of propositional negation. Therefore, one of the most important features of negation is its markedness that sets a contrast between affirmation and negation. Said markedness is carried out in various ways by the world languages. As its standard negation, which is the most common kind of negation marking found in a given language (Payne 1985a: 198), Old Persian (OP) hasnai̯, which is mainly used in assertions, while it has a non-standard, prohibitive marker, OPmā. Concerning correlative negation (‘neither … nor’), Old Persian systematically employs the asyndetic repetition of the negative marker, provided the notorious absence among Indo-Iranian languages of the standard negation plus the enclitic particle IIr. *-ča. The objective of this paper is to make a thorough description of this isogloss shared by Indo-Iranian languages and, in the case of Old Persian, try to contrast its data with the Achaemenid Elamite material. I believe this will shed some new light on the nature of the asyndetic repetition of the negative marker as a means of expressing correlative negation in Old Iranian.

A corpus-based study of 16th-century Slovene clitics and clitic-like elements

This paper undertakes a corpus-based linguistic investigation of the spelling variation in 16th century Slovene both from the diachronic and synchronic points of view. The investigation is based on a manually annotated sample (approx. 14,000 word tokens) from Primož Trubar’s Ta pervi deil tiga Noviga teſtamenta, 1557, and Hiſhna poſtilla, 1595, and Jurij Juricic’s Poſtilla, 1578, and it concentrates on clitics and clitic-like elements. Statistical analysis, based on comparison of the spelling conventions of the early modern period to those of contemporary Slovene using normalised forms of the originals, where we observe cases where one orthographic word is nowadays written as two or more words (1–n mapping) or vice-versa (n–1 mapping), shows that the overall percentage of split and joined word tokens is 5.7%, with JPo 1578 having the highest percentage, and TPo 1595 the lowest, less than half of that of JPo 1578. Of these, the vast majority is for cases where a word is now split. The most predominant among the bound words are non-syllable prepositions v ‘in(to)’, k ‘to’, and z ‘with’, followed by negative proclitic ne ‘not’, enclitic particle li ‘whether, if’ and in rare instances conditional particle bi, reflexive particle se, na ‘on’, ob ‘at, by’, pri ‘at, beside’ and za ‘for, behind’ (the absolute numbers of specific clitics partially correlate with the prevalence of bound variants in comparison with the freestanding variants of those clitics, with the most frequent being predominantly bound while the least frequent are predominantly freestanding). Individual instances of two accented words written together can be attributed to German influence (figino_drevo, der Pfeigenbaum ‘fig tree’).The cases where one modernised word correlates to two original words are, with the exception of superlative adjective/adverb prefix naj-/nar- ‘the most’ that is orthographically bound with its root in about 25% of instances, sporadic or can be identified as errors in the original books. Of interest are also cases when beginnings of words that are homonymous with non- or one syllable prepositions are separated from the remainder of the word with an apostrophe (eg. s’_nameinja ‘signs’, s’_derſhati ‘to endure’, do_bruta ‘goodness’, sa_doſti ‘enough’). The normalisation also enables the identification of the orthographical variants of the most commonly bound clitics, i. e. non-syllable prepositions k, z and v. K and its allomorph /h/ have 5 attested spelling variants, of which one is limited to hosts starting with a v-. For z with a voiced allomorph /z/ and voiceless allomorph /s/ three variant spellings were discovered that only partially correspond with a voiceless/voiced distinction of the initial sound of the host word, and the cases of merging with the host that begins with s-/z- were identified. Additional positional spellings probably represent other allomorphs: for palatalized /ž/ in front of a palatal n and , >ſo/so> for syllabified /za/, /zo/. The preposition v shows the highest degree of orthographical variation of all analysed words as it has 10 different spellings: general bound and and freestanding ; , and in front of a vowel; and attested only in front of a v-, as well as and merged with the initial v- of the host.The analysis of spelling variation in non-syllable prepositions showed that even a relatively limited hand-corrected annotated sample enabled identification of majority of spelling variants identified in previous works, while with the use of noSketch Engine tool further information about their relative frequency and distribution was obtained. As the hand-corrected corpus is expanded such research will yield even more relevant information for the study of the 16th century Slovene literary language that will significantly supplement existing findings (based on traditionally collected examples) with the help of a large amount of statistically relevant data.

Egophoric marking in a sinitic language: The case of baoding

This paper discusses the egophoric function of a sentence-final enclitic particle used in the Mandarin dialect of Baoding (Sinitic, Hebei, northern China) to express intention in an imminent future. We show that in Baoding, =ia can occur in first-person subject declarative sentences as well as in second-person interrogative sentences, but, as a rule, not in third-person subject sentences. The Baoding dialect thus belongs to the type of languages having a symmetrical system, with the same marker =ia in declarative sentences and in interrogative sentences (San Roque et al., 2017). In reported speech, =ia triggers the interpretation that the subject of the main clause is coreferential with the subject of the complement clause. While egophoricity was previously described in Wutun, a language spoken in Qinghai, at the western margin of the Mandarin-speaking domain, and known to show many features of creolization with non-Sinitic languages such as Mongolic and Tibetic languages (Janhunen et al. 2008; Sandman 2018), it has not been yet documented in typical Sinitic languages such as Baoding, located in the core of the Mandarin-speaking area. Unlike canonical egophoric markers reported in Tibeto-Burman languages, in Baoding, the particle =ia typically occurs in motion sentences including some kinds of deictic anchorage. This suggests that we are likely dealing with an emerging egophoric marker. This study contributes to the typology of the egophoricity by analysing an emergent marker of egophoricity in a typical Sinitic language: Baoding is the first Sinitic language that has been documented to develop egophoric marking without notable influence from non-Sinitic languages. It also provides some clues on the factors that trigger the emergence of egophoric marking.

Enclitic Particles in Western Abenaki: Form and Function

Western Abenaki, an Eastern Algonquian language spoken until recently at Odanak (St. Francis), Quebec, makes extensive use of a set of enclitic particles that are typically placed in second position in a clause. This article presents an analysis of the formal properties of these particles, describes their meanings and their discourse functions, and provides a brief account of their syntactic distribution. The phonological properties of the clitics and their hosts are identified, with particular attention to the realization of word-final h, which surfaces only before enclitics in a restricted set of particles and suffixes. The data for this study come primarily from nineteenth-century texts, but attention is also given to phonological developments in the treatment of clitics and their hosts that took place in the twentieth century.

Синтаксические свойства русской энклитической частицы же

Синтаксические свойства русской энклитической частицы же

Nevotan niptiyan: Die Fluchformel der Stele von Vezirhan

Departing from a newly discovered structural parallelism, this article presents an analysis of the curse formula that constitutes roughly a third of the longest Phrygian text found so far, the inscription from Vezirhan. Among the conclusions reached by this analysis are the identification of key with ke (an enclitic particle meaning ‘and’) and the plausible hypothesis that the Phrygian derivatives of IE *nep(ō)t- and *neptih2- are attested in this text in several different case forms.

Dėl baltų *pat(is), *pat(n)ī pirminės reikšmės ir gramatinio statuso

ON THE ORIGINAL MEANING AND THE GRAMMATICAL STATUS OF BALTIC *pat(is), *pat(n)īSummaryOn the basis of the data from the Baltic and other Indo-European languages, the article rejects the common current view that Baltic *pat-root nouns, cf. Latv. pats ‘master, mister, husband’, pati ‘mistress, wife’, evolved from *pat-root pronouns with the meaning of ‘self’. The data from the Baltic languages lead to the conclusion that from Proto-Indo-European the Proto-Balts inherited the root noun of the consonantal declension *pat (<I.-E. *pot) ‘master, sovereign, mister, husband’ and the i̯ā-stem noun *patnī (<I.-E. *potnī) ‘mistress, sovereign, wife’. As far back as Proto-Baltic, as a result of word-final phonological changes, *pat (cf. I.-E. acc. sing. *potn̥> Baltic *patin and i-stem acc. sing. *avin) passed to the i-stem declension, i. e. it was modified to *patis and began to be declined as an i-stem noun, although also retaining some C-stem forms; under the influence of the *patis model, *patnī gradually lost the suffix *-n- and became *patī (>Lith. patì, Latv. pati). The assumption that the Baltic nouns *patis, *patnī did not evolve from pronouns could be supported by the following: (a) i-stem resp. C-stem pronominal paradigms are not characteristic of the Baltic pronominal systems; (b) moreover, the Prussian language (like the German, Slavonic and Indo-Iranian languages) never possessed *pat-root pronouns.In the East Baltic languages, pronouns with the meaning of ‘self’ evolved from the nouns *pat(is), *pat(n)ī in the process of pronominalization, which originally occurred in the sphere of the addressee and the non-participant person. In the process of pronominalization, *pat(is) eventually acquired endings typical of pronouns, cf. dat. sing, pačiam <— pačiamu(i), ines. sing, patime and a newer form pačiame, dat. pl. patiems ← patiemus.The identifying particle pat in the collocative pronouns toks pat, tokia pat cannot be related to the Hittite enclitic particle -pet (-pit). In the East Baltic languages, pat developed from the pronominalized inflectional forms *patis, *pati due to reduction. The Baltic languages showe a tendency to reduce the end of second components in fixed collocations with the meaning of category and classification, whereas second components in free collocations are not reduced, cf. the existing collocations aš pats ‘I myself’, tu pats ‘you yourself’, mes patys ‘we ourselves’, jūs patys ‘you yourselves’ and the non-existent ones °aš pat, °tu pat, °mes pat, °jūs pat, etc.

Enclitic Particles in Western Abenaki: The Syntax of Second Position

In Western Abenaki, an Eastern Algonquian language, a number of enclitic particles, as well as certain cliticized words, are stationed in second position in the clause. In simple cases, second position is the position following the first phonological word of the clause, but complexities arise in particular constructions. A clause-initial conjunction may either host an enclitic or be skipped over in figuring clitic placement. A wh -word or focused expression may be skipped over as well, with clitics then appearing well inside the clause. Two preverbs that occupy a left-peripheral position appear to receive special treatment. These effects are shown here to follow from simple assumptions about phrase structure, coupled with a clitic placement rule that states only that clitics are stationed in second position within CP or IP.

The Relative Pronoun d- and the Pronominal Suffixes in Mandaic

The enclitic pronominal suffixes in Neo-Mandaic are affixed to nouns and prepositions via two separate strategies. Nearly all nouns and prepositions inherited directly from Classical Mandaic take pronominal suffixes directly. All loanwords, and an extremely circumscribed set of original Mandaic words, receive pronominal suffixes after an enclitic particle, -d-. Rudolph Macuch suggested in his Handbook of Classical and Modern Mandaic that this particle is derived from the Classical Mandaic relative pronoun, d-. The evidence, however, suggests that this particle is an innovation, which ultimately derives from the metathesis of the final two root consonants of Classical Mandaic qam / qadmia 'to, for' (Neo-Mandaic qam I qamdi-), from which it spread by analogy to new lexical items.

Ergatividade cindida, papel temático e causativização na língua Ka’apor

This paper examines the Case and theta role assignment to DPs in theKa’apor language. Our hypothesis is that Ka’apor manifests a split Casesystem, which may be triggered either by the semantic nature of stativepredicates or by the DPs that receive the theta role “paciente/theme”.In addition to this, we propose that the enclitic particle [.ke] may bedescribed as the (absolutive) Case and thematic role assignment toobject and to subject of unaccusative verbs. We also postulate that thecausative prefix {mu- ~ m-}, which occurs in ergative predicates, is themorphological manifestation of the light verb. Finally, we propose toextend the obligatory Case parameter in order to explain the split Casesystem of the Ka’apor. Thus, we suggest that Spec-TP is activated forassigning the (nominative-absolutive) structural Case to the subjectsof active transitive, unergative and unaccusative verbs and Spec-vP isactivated for assigning the absolutive Case to the object and to the subjectof stative verbs.

Kilba equational sentences

Kilba, a Chadic language of Gongola State, Nigeria, has a number of enclitic particles which one can reasonably argue function as copulas in equational sentences. Li and Thompson [1977] have described a widespread phenomenon in language history whereby anaphoric elements become copulas. The copular particles of Kilba present a particularly interesting case of this phenomenon in that, first, proximal/distal distinctions of the demonstratives from which the copulas derive have shifted to tense distinctions in equational sentences, and second, the original pronominal and the innovative copular functions are not clearly separable, creating functional ambiguity.

Enclitic Rhythms in the Vergilian Hexameter

A PERSISTENTLY TROUBLESOME QUESTION IN LATIN PHONOLOGY has been the accentuation of enclitic composites.' One consequence of this problem is the uncertainty it may cause in the pronunciation of classical dactylic hexameter, where the separable enclitics (-que, -ve, and -ne) are to be found in abundance. The present study attempts to review and clarify the areas of phonetic controversy through a metrical analysis of all enclitic rhythms in the poetry of Vergil. Particular attention will be given to the putative regression of accent that may occur when an enclitic is followed by elision. Since late antiquity, there has always been some theoretical confusion about the precise nature of the Latin accent shift caused by the addition of these common enclitic particles. Most modern scholars readily agree that, in the classical period at least, all final heavy syllables must have received a syntactical accent before the enclitic, regardless of the isolate accentuation of the base-word: multtumque, multosque, multaeque, imperiumque, imperi6que, etc.2 This principle could be inferred from the metrical evidence of Augustan Latin literature even if it were not confirmed by Roman grammatical theorists.3 The elements of uncertainty occur in three main areas: (1) the accentuation of enclitic composites in which the base-word ends in a light syllable (multaque, limindque, armentdque, Saturn'dque, etc.); (2) the potential tendency for elision to cause a regression of accent within the enclitic composite; and (3) the possible dynamic effect of the verse-ictus upon the accent of the composite. The first problem of the trochaic and dactylic base-words has arisen because of conflict between the testimony of some imperial Roman grammarians, who appear to have advocated the accentuation multdque/

Ueber indogermanische Gerundiva, Gerundia und Absolutiva

IE gerundives are adjectives describing passive or active necessity; they are derived from infinitive stems (= verbal nouns), or from infinitives in final function. As with the latter, the agent is in the dative case. The origins of the passive diathesis are to be seen in passive gerundives. The gerundive formation with IE *-io- is identical to the Skt. absolutive formation in -ya ; it contains IE *-io- (= relative pronoun) as a particle of subordination. IE *-io- is derived from *i- ‘this; here’, and there exists an IE enclitic particle *-om with a similar function. Therefore, this IE *-om as a particle of subordination must also be contained in the Skt. absolutives in -am . These two particles of subordination have their origin in deictic particles.

La enclítica &lt;i&gt;te&lt;/i&gt; en los dialectos eólicos

Ever since the first studies of the labiovelar stops in Greek, the abnormal dental stop of the enclitic particle in the Aeolic dialect —τe instead of the expected *πe— has been a controversial and not yet resolved problem. The author of this note believes that there are reasons or criteria for phonematic distribution which can account for the phonetic irregularity: the distribution rules in Greek prevent, as seen in *τίτκω > τίκτω cf. ἔτeκον, stop groups of which the second element is not a dental stop; perhaps IE. * k u e shifted to Aeolic τe as the only possible form when a stop-ended word preceded the particle. The existence of τe in other contexts may be a fact of secondary order: it prevailed over the also possible *πe because of its validity in any phonic surrounding (i. e. -V + τe and -C + τe, but never -C + **πe). The view here stated presupposes the preservation of the final stops when the labiovelars changed into dental and labial stops; the Mycenaean Greek, which preserves to a great extent the IE labiovelars, provides, because of its very imperfect writing system, no evidence against or in favour of the views which the author holds.

The Enclitic Particle TA/I in Hebrew

The Enclitic Particle TA/I in Hebrew

The Etymology of Oscan puz

The Oscan conjunction puz, pous' (by error for pus) is used twice with a following subjunctive where Latin would employ ut (convinit ut, facit5 ut). Umbrian puze, puse', puzi, pusei has the same use, and it also corresponds to Latin ut 'as' when the latter is correlative with ita or item; and finally it is sometimes equivalent to Lat. quasi 'as if'. Quite clearly the Umbrian word is the same as the Oscan, but with the enclitic particle that is usually appended to Umbrian relative and indefinite pronouns and adverbs (e.g. Umbrian pisi, pisi = Osc. pis 'quis', Umbr. piie = Osc. pid 'quid'). No one doubts that Osc. puz and Umbr. puze contain the IE interrogative-indefinite stem (I should prefer to say interrogative-indefinite-relative stem) with u-vocalism, as in Skt. kutra 'where', etc. In use the Oscan and Umbrian words correspond to Lat. ut, except that the far more numerous Latin documents disclose a wider semantic range. Lat. ut is frequently interrogative, being equivalent to qui and qu5 mod5 'how', and it occasionally means 'where' (e.g. Plautus, Amph. 241: quisque ut steterat, iacet optinetque locum 'where each man stood, he has fallen and preserves the rank'; Catullus 11.2 ff.: in extremos penetrabit Indos, litus ut longe resonante Eoa tunditur unda 'he shall go to the land of the far-off Hindus, where the shore is beaten by the far-resounding Eastern wave'). No doubt Lat. ut also belongs to the interrogative-indefinite-relative stem with u-vocalism, having lost an initial c in the same way as ubi 'where' beside alicubi and Osc. puf, Umbr. pufe, 'where' etc. Nevertheless it is impossible to identify Osc. puz with Lat. ut, since puz contains a sibilant which cannot have been lost from the Latin word. The nearest we can come to an identification is to suppose that Primitive Oscan-Umbrian appended to a form cognate with Lat. ut an s, which may be identified with the final consonant of cis beside citra,

The Unity of the Enclitic ne

Previous articleNext article FreeThe Unity of the Enclitic neAndrew Runni AndersonAndrew Runni Anderson Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Classical Philology Volume 9, Number 2Apr., 1914 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/359865 Views: 117Total views on this site Citations: 2Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Josine Schrickx Chapter 11. Polar questions in Latin with and without the enclitic particle -ne, (Oct 2017): 235–255.https://doi.org/10.1075/slcs.190.11schHolly A. Lakey The Grammaticalization of Latin nē + Subjunctive Constructions, Journal of Latin Linguistics 14, no.11 (Jan 2015).https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2015-0004