Emperor Taizong Research Articles

The Dynastic Deity of the Liao Imperial Family -The White-robed Guanyin Statue from the Heavenly Palace of the Qingzhou White Pagoda

The Liao shi and the Qidan guo zhi contain intriguing records about the Liao imperial family’s faith in the White-robed Guanyin. One is that Emperor Taizong enshrined a statue of the White-robed Guanyin at Xingwang Temple in Mt. Muye and honored the bodhisattva as a dynastic deity who guarded over the imperial family. The other is that Emperor Xingzong had the statue worshipped before others during Ji shan yi, the most prestigious sacrificial ritual to Mt. Muye. This study linked these written records with the White-robed Guanyin Statue excavated from the Heavenly Palace of the Qingzhou White Pagoda, commissioned by the imperial family during the reign of Emperor Xingzong, and examined the overall development of the faith in the Liao imperial family and the statue’s style and historical and religious background. Consequently, this examination revealed that Taizong introduced the faith of the White-robed Guanyin to pacify the discontented Han Chinese population within the empire. Xingzong, in turn, elevated the deity to the supreme position. This move profoundly impacted the faith of the people and the imperial family in the late Liao. The statue from the Qingzhou White Pagoda, in particular, with its white robe, low crown, and lotus bud, does not stop at embodying the Buddhist teachings but also represents the intricate union between the Liao imperial family’s lineage, unique ritual customs, distinct faiths, and enshrinement rituals that originated from Yanjing area, present-day Beijing. Among the surviving examples, this statue is one that most closely follows the shape of the dynastic deity of the Liao imperial family, showing that it was likely created under careful considerations of the Great Master Xuanyan Yungui, who was well-versed in the particular faith of the Liao imperial family.

The Earliest Chinese Christian Manuscripts are Modern Forgeries?

This paper represents the first attempt to systemically critique the recent forgery theory concerning The Messiah Sutra 序聽迷詩所經 and On One God 一神論, the allegedly earliest Chinese Christian manuscripts created by the first known missionary Aluoben 阿羅本 and used in his discussions with the Tang Emperor Taizong 唐太宗 in the 640s. To achieve this, the paper not only re-reads the original manuscripts, but traces the emergence of the forgery thesis, and also evaluates the skeptics’ arguments with an exposé of the inherent defects. The paper argues that the weakness of the arguments is in itself sufficient basis to discredit the forgery thesis, proposing to abandon the forgery theory and continuously to take The Messiah Sutra and On One God as authentic Chinese Christian religious documents.

Pogranichnaya poeziya imperatora dinastii Tan Taj-czuna

Frontier poetry is the specific literature of the Tang Dynasty era. It tells about military campaigns against the enemies of China. It depicts the whole life world of the defenders of the country, for instance their exploits and everyday life, everyday features, feelings and emotions. A characteristic feature of this poetry is the borrowing of facts and plots from historical writings about the past of the empire to describe the events of the Tang time proper. All these characteristic features of frontier poetry are analyzed on the example of the poem of Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty.

金代 初期 동북지역 內의 女眞人 이주

The racial migration of Jurchen people was the moving of kin-groups around especially blood relationship. The southward migration of Jurchen people was tribe group’s military movement around blood relationship like families. As the national agriculture with a collectivist system known as the Miŋgan Moumukə[猛安謀克] in the Jin dynasty was advanced southward, the migration had personality of military organization groups. Because the migration was for improved military and the control of occupied territory.
 In the early age of the Jin dynasty, the movement to northeast of Jurchen people was in military and political aspects. By winning the battle of Ningjianzhou[寧江州], Jurchen people expended their influence in the northeast area and established the Jin dynasty, and also a need arose for govern effectively of the occupied territory. The Jurchen’s movement was enforced between Emperor Taizu[太祖] and Taizong[太宗] of Jin. The movement of this period shows characteristics of collectivity aroud blood relationship as familial and military organization group.
 The representative migrant regions of Jurchen people were Huanglongfu[黃龍府], Beijinglu[北京路], Xianpinglu[咸平路], Dongjinglu[東京路] and so on. Huanglongfu was a stretegic point of military and transportaion. Also there were a residence of mostly Balhea people and Han chinese. Wangan Loushitsu[完顔婁室] came with about a hundred thousand people and resided there. The migration was enforced mostly in the regime of Emperor Taizu, and the migrators were mostly from Gallanlu[曷懶路]. The Jurchen people of Shangjinglu[上京路] moved to Beijinglu. The migration to Xianpinglu and Dongjinglu was enforced in the regime of Emperor Taizong, and the migrators came from mostly Beijinglu and Gallanlu.

당의 해양력과 고구려 - 당의 2차 침공(647년) 이후를 중심으로

In 645, Emperor Taizong of Tang(唐太宗) lost the war with Goguryeo. Two years later, Taizong prepared for invasion again. It was concluded that intermittent attacks were continued with the water force, exhausting Goguryeo, and making all-out attacks. Between 647 and 648, the army invaded Goguryeo and fought many battles, showing off its dominant power. The random landing attack put Goguryeo in trouble. The efficiency of defense declined because the party’s leadership did not know where it would attack. Goguryeo’s expected defense area expanded and was forced to consume. BR On the contrary, the landing war trained Chinese water forces and accumulated local information about Goguryeo. Judging that Goguryeo was devastated, Taizong tried to invade with 300,000 people. Since July 648, ships with a length of 300m and a width of 150m have been built in Tsuan, and 1,450 ships have been built at the shipyard of the Yangtze River. The innate factor that made it possible was in China. China had a huge hinterland that was suitable for ports and easy to explore the ocean. In the Yangtze River area, there were many people engaged in water business, and they had a habit of pursuing wealth through waterways. There was a vast water industry base.BR However, with the death of Taizong in 649, the naval enhancement was suspended, but it was inherited to his son. Emperor Gojong of Tang(唐高宗) inherited naval forces trained by his father, maritime military bases built in various places, and skilled shipbuilders and shipyards.BR In 660, Gojong sent 1,800 fleets carrying 130,000 naval forces to destroy Baekje in 10 days. Furthermore, in 661, the fleet of the Tang Dynasty landed on the Daedong River and surrounded the Goguryeo capital. And in 663, the Tang Dynasty naval forces defeated the Japanese fleet on the Baekchon River in Baekje.BR However, the existence of Goguryeo naval forces against Tang Dynasty naval forces is invisible. Goguryeo did not reinforce the naval forces, but focused on enhancing the army. The sea is limited in that it can be used for defense, and ships with a lifespan of about 7 years are more consumable than forts. In order to maintain a certain number, continuous shipbuilding is required and enormous finances are required. Goguryeo cannot compete with the Tang Dynasty for fleet construction.BR The Tang Dynasty occupied the sea, and uncertainties in the sea increased. It hit Goguryeo’s logistics economy hard and increased social costs. The Tang Dynasty, which has a powerful naval force, has become much easier to invade Goguryeo. The loss of the sea would have been one of the environments of Goguryeo’s destruction.

History or legend: An Analysis of the Historical Sources of the Refusal of Tang Taizong’s Arranged Marriage by Lu Dongzan and Other Events Recorded in Li Deyu’s Postscript of Emperor Taizong Receiving the Tibetan Envoy

A post script written by Li Deyu on the “Emperor Taizong Receiving the Tibetan Envoy” (步辇图) records events such as Tang Taizong’s appointment of an official position and arrangement of marriage to Lu Dongzan, as well as Lu Dongzan’s refusal to accept Tang Taizong’s arrangement. The historical source of these events is not the Annals of Emperor Taizong verified by Fu Xuancong and Zhou Jianguo but rather the “Legend of Tang Taizong’s Nine Tests of Tibetan Welcoming Envoys,” which Li sent people to collect during his tenure as the Jiedushi of Xichuan in Jiannan. Later, it was included in his book Record of Defending the Southwest Frontier. This legend became popular because of the deification and reshaping activities of Lu Dongzan and his sons during their period of monopolizing power. As a result, the series of events recorded by Li Deyu in his postscript were able to enter the “Tibetan Biography” of orthodox historical books such as Old Book of Tang, Tang Huiyao, New Book of Tang, Zizhi Tongjian, Zizhi Tongjian Kaoyi, and Cefu Yuangui, becoming the so-called “true and credible history.”

A Study on the Settlement of Türk Surrender Tribes in the Fourth Year of Emperor Taizong’s Zhenguan Reign—Taking the Northern Part of Hedong Dao as an Example

A Study on the Settlement of Türk Surrender Tribes in the Fourth Year of Emperor Taizong’s Zhenguan Reign—Taking the Northern Part of Hedong Dao as an Example

The Consolidation and Transmutation of the Zhenguan-era (627–649) Court Ideology of Wen 文 (Cultural Forms)

Abstract: This essay argues that many of the compilational projects and scholarly works produced by the court of Tang Emperor Taizong 太宗 (r. 626–649) advance a coherent and novel set of claims about his person and his salvific participation in the realm of cultural forms ( wen 文). These projects intervene in several previously disconnected sixth-century debates and suggest that their proper solutions are all related to one common narrative of the development, more-recent decline, and nascent reinvigoration of Chinese civilization. Although records of the contemporary reception of this narrative outside of the court do not survive, in the decades after Taizong's death it would be echoed, repurposed, and partially inverted by literati arguing the importance and authority of their own interventions in wen . These echoes of Taizong's court projects in literati work show that they had to some degree succeeded in unifying what had recently been a more-fragmented intellectual world.

The Empire of Needle and Thread: Imperial Authority and Embroidered Buddha Images in the Tang Dynasty

This paper studies the function of embroidered Buddha images and how and why they were made during the Tang dynasty when embroidery emerged as a major medium for Buddhist art. More specifically, it focuses on how embroidered Buddha images were ordered to be produced and bestowed on by Tang emperors. As surviving embroidery works are rare, written documents and records provide valuable information for the study of this subject. The popularization of embroidered Buddha images in early Tang was headed by the imperial power. Emperor Taizong, and his successor Gaozong each bestowed a large embroidered image to Shengguangsi 勝光寺 and Cí’ensi 慈恩寺, and ordered to perform ceremonies to honor them. Major Buddhist rituals held in the main street of Chang’an at the time also incorporated several embroidered Buddha images. In the first year of Qianfeng era, during the reign of Emperor Gaozong, a government Buddhist temple was established in each province. Buddha images embroidered in a specific iconography was distributed to each temple, and they were instrumental in establishing a uniform style of Buddhist art throughout the Tang empire. By early- to mid-seventh century, the Tang dynasty brought most of China under its rule, but was still at war with neighboring states. Consequently, colossal bronze statues that required a considerable amount of metal and men’s labor were hard to make. Embroidery was an adequate substitute as it was a form of craft that mainly relied on female labor. Initiated by the imperial power, the embroidered Buddha images became popularized and reached its pinnacle during the 8th century.

The Connection between Buddhist Temples, the Landscape, and Monarchical Power: A Comparison between Tuoba Hong (471–499) from the Northern Wei Dynasty and Li Shimin (626–649) from the Tang Dynasty

Since the Western Jin period, Buddhism has confronted bureaucratic power within the architectural landscape. In this study, historical records and archaeological reports of two Buddhist temples—the Siyuan Temple 思遠佛寺 built during the reign of Tuoba Hong 拓跋宏 and Emperor Xiaowen 孝文帝 of the Northern Wei dynasty, and the Zhaoren Temple 昭仁寺, built during the reign of Li Shimin 李世民 and Emperor Taizong 唐太宗 of the Tang dynasty—were examined. A comparison was made of the two temples’ geographic locations in relation to cities while considering period-specific phenomena. This study also considers mountains, water, and topographical features. The geographic information reflects differences in the ideas of the ruling class and monarchs of the two historical periods. The findings are that both Buddhist temples were close to the capital and both emperors demonstrated the supremacy of their power by building them. Therefore, the religious landscape owes its formation, development, and underlying significance to emperors and social groups.

Modelling Tang Emperor Taizong and Chinese Governance in the Eighteenth-Century German-Speaking World

ABSTRACT From the middle decades of the eighteenth century Tang Emperor Taizong (r. 626–649) was cited in French, German, English, Italian, and Dutch books and periodicals as a universal model of good governance. This article sets out how eighteenth-century writers recognized a familiar genre in translations of medieval Chinese governance texts and discusses two prominent examples of the adaptation of Taizong’s mirror literature into comprehensive universal models of good governance. The work of Johann Gotlobb von Justi (ca. 1717–1771) shows how the translation of Chinese governance texts gave impetus to new and bold critiques of European governance and to a comparative theoretical analysis of monarchies with practical consequences for institutional and policy reform. Christoph Martin Wieland (1733–1813) extended the earlier comparative analysis of monarchies into a historical utopian novel that offered a model for political and social reform. Even though their conceptualization and uses of translation differed, Justi and Wieland were exceptional in crafting a political treatise and a utopian mirror novel that suggested that a durable blueprint for the revival of the monarchy in Europe was available in the translation of Chinese mirror literature like Jin Jing (The Golden Mirror) or Di fan (Model for an Emperor).

김춘추, 당 태종의 협약과 ‘일통삼한’

In 648, Chunchu Kim and the Emperor Taizong of Tang dynasty discussed military cooperation to attack Goguryeo and Baekje. They made an agreement how to divide the territory of Goguryeo and Baekje. Recently, there is controversy over the interpretation on document of this agreement. I agree with interpretation that Silla would occupy the Goguryeo territory in the south of Pyeongyang and the Baekje territory. Because at that time, Emperor Taizong of Tang dynasty set the expedition of Goguryeo as the most important goal and wanted the support of the military force of Silla, willing to transfer Goguryeo territory in the south of Pyeongyang to Silla. The result was diplomatic achievement by Chunchu Kim. After that, Silla applied the concept of to all territory in the south of Pyeongyang territories belonging to Silla, the Perception of ‘Iltong-Samhan(Unification Three Hans)’ was formed. ‘Samhan(Three Hans)’ included the concept of the Three Kingdoms, but was spatially limited to the territory in the south of Pyeongyang. the Perception of ‘Iltong-Samhan (Unification Three Hans)’ was composed by Chunchu Kim and Yushin Kim.

김춘추, 당 태종의 협약과 ‘일통삼한’

In 648, Chunchu Kim and the Emperor Taizong of Tang dynasty discussed military cooperation to attack Goguryeo and Baekje. They made an agreement how to divide the territory of Goguryeo and Baekje. Recently, there is controversy over the interpretation on document of this agreement. I agree with interpretation that Silla would occupy the Goguryeo territory in the south of Pyeongyang and the Baekje territory. Because at that time, Emperor Taizong of Tang dynasty set the expedition of Goguryeo as the most important goal and wanted the support of the military force of Silla, willing to transfer Goguryeo territory in the south of Pyeongyang to Silla. The result was diplomatic achievement by Chunchu Kim.<BR>After that, Silla applied the concept of to all territory in the south of Pyeongyang territories belonging to Silla, the Perception of ‘Iltong-Samhan(Unification Three Hans)’ was formed. ‘Samhan(Three Hans)’ included the concept of the Three Kingdoms, but was spatially limited to the territory in the south of Pyeongyang. the Perception of ‘Iltong-Samhan (Unification Three Hans)’ was composed by Chunchu Kim and Yushin Kim.

병자호란 전야 외교 접촉의 실상과 청의 기만 작전, 그리고 『청태종실록』의 기록 조작

As is well known, Hong Taiji, Qing emperor Taizong, embarked on his 1637 invasion of Joseon Korea eight months after the bilateral diplomatic relations based on the 1627 ‘pledge of brotherhood’ broke down. During the several months preceding the war, the Joseon court did not give up hope on the eventual success of the restoration of diplomatic relations with the Manchus on one hand, while preparing for the outbreak of war on the other. This paper conducts a critical analysis of the contradictions and inconsistencies in the historical records of both Qing and Joseon, according to which Hong Taiji issued a sort of ultimatum with a temporal deadline and the conditions that Joseon must meet in order to prevent an outbreak of war in the fourth or tenth lunar month of 1636.BR A close examination of the records shows that the entry of the Qing Veritable Records containing an episode about the issuance of ultimatum in the fourth lunar month is in fact a forgery committed by the compilers of the Qing Veritable Records during the Shunzhi era. The study has also found that the Manchus, taking advantage of the diplomatic contacts with Joseon, carried out an operation of deception. The translator who was dispatched to the Qing capital Shenyang by the Joseon court in the tenth lunar month, was in fact deceived into accepting a fake deadline and to believing other misinformation. This ‘ruse de guerre’ of the Manchus, spanning from strategic to operational level of military deception, was aimed at hindering the Joseon court from concentrating on war preparation. It turned out to be as effective as expected when the Manchus invaded Joseon much sooner than the fake deadline.BR Toward the end, this paper presents concrete evidence to demonstrate that, with a view to constructing a ‘Just War’ narrative about their 1637 invasion of Joseon, the compilers of the Qing Veritable Records, in addition to the aforementioned forgery, did not hesitate to intentionally mistranslate an entry that includes a critical clue to the historical truth about their deception of Joseon with the fake deadline.

당의 입장에서 본 신라의 통일

This article reconstructs the unification of three kingdoms by Silla from point of view of Tang, a supporting role in the war for the unification of three kingdoms. Tang declared the war against barbarians to be conducted by Heavenly Qaghan, and developed it into an international war encompassing both the Chinese and barbarians. Tang developed the righteous pretext for warfare gradationally, and provided the geographical basis and historical imperativeness of the influence growth. Under these circumstances, territorial claims of Han commanderies (Han si jun) functioned as the righteous pretext for invasion of Koguryŏ. After the defeat of the Tang campaign against Koguryŏ led by emperor Taizong himself, Tang allied with Silla in 648. The territorial boundary line in the treaty was the result of concession and compromise between Taizong and Kim Chun Chu, who claimed territorial claims of Han commanderies and the unification of three kingdoms respectively. The campaign of emperor Gaozong, on the other hand, aimed at the expansion of the empire. So, the territory of Paekche and Koguryŏ became under bridle rule (jimi). In 676, Tang defeated Silla, and was forced to withdraw from the Korean peninsula completely. It might also reflect Tang’s strategic considerations such as geopolitical factors in Hexi Corridor and stable security of trade routes which linked the East and West.

Chinese State and Buddhist Historical Sources on Xuanzang: Historicity and the Daci’en si sanzang fashi zhuan 大慈恩寺三藏法師傳

Abstract This paper explores the historicity of state and Buddhist accounts of the monk Xuanzang 玄奘 (602-664), arguing that in the reconstruction of Xuanzang’s life and career we ought to utilize the former to help adjudicate the latter. It is specifically argued that the Daci’en si sanzang fashi zhuan 大慈恩寺三藏法師傳 (T. no. 2053), a biography of Xuanzang sometimes cited by modern scholars, was produced as Buddhist propaganda to advance the standing of certain monks under the reign of Wu Zetian 武則天 (r. 690-705). It is further argued that the objectivity of the Buddhist account that describes Emperor Taizong 太宗 (r. 626-649) embracing Buddhism in his twilight years under the influence of Xuanzang ought to be reconsidered.

『서유기』내 「당태종입명고사」와 고소설 『당태종전』의 비교 고찰: 등장인물과 구성을 중심으로

The story going to the world after death of Emperor Taizong of Tang (唐太宗入冥故事) in the novel Journey to the West (西遊記) and the Korean Classical Novel The biography of Emperor Taejong of Dang (唐太宗傳) spatially consist of multi-dimensions: the world of mortals, the world of the dead, the heavens, and the water world. The story begins when a yaksa, who is a patrolman in the water world, hears talk between a woodcutter and a fisherman in the world of mortals. The yaksa tells the talk to the Dragon King. The story forms a huge fantasy narration with the appearance of the Great Jade Emperor of the heavens and Ten Great Kings of the world of the dead. The story going to the world after death of Emperor Taizong of Tang is a short story written as the 10SUPth/SUP-12SUPth/SUP episode of The novel Journey to the West written in 100SUPth/SUP episode. The biography of Emperor Taejong of Dang is a Korean classical short novel that written by adapting the novel Journey to the West. This paper considered the two short stories focusing on the character and plot. Regarding the character, major characters were listed and examined separately in the two short stories, based on if characters are different, identical or appear in only one of the stories. In the case of plot, events of the two short stories were syntagmatically written in five parts, which form the core of the stories. Four motifs applied to the story of the world after death were examined. These two short stories deliver instructive content and message, the recommendation of doing good in this world and the propagation of Buddhism.

신라는 삼국을 통일하려고 하였을까

In 648, Chunchu Kim and the Emperor Taizong of Tang dynasty made an arrangement thatif they defeat Baekje and Goguryo, Tang would occupy the Goguryeo territory in the north of Pyeongyang and Silla would occupy the Goguryeo territory in the south of Pyeongyang along with the Baekje territory. However, after they defeated Baekje and Goguryeo, Tang did not honor the arrangement and directly governed the Baekje and Goguryeo territories in the south of Pyeongyang, without transferring them to Silla as promised. Tang even tried to make Silla one of it’s province, Gimiju(羈靡州). Therefore, Silla waged a war against the Tang Dynasty to retrieve Baekje and southern Goguryeo territories, and to protect its sovereignty. Eventually, Silla succeeded in occupying the Baekje territory in the early 670s. It also merged the Goguryeo territory located between the north of the Imjin River and the south of the Yeseong River as one of its counties and prefectures. Silla also strived to integrate the Baekje refugees and the Goguryeo refugees who lived in the southern Goguryeo territory into its society. Therefore, it is inappropriate to name the war in the middle and late of the 7th century as a ‘Silla’s Baekje unification war’; rather, it is more reasonable to call it a “Silla’s Unification War of Three Kingdoms”.

What Tang Taizong Could Not Do: The Korean Surrender of 1259 and the Imperial Tradition

AbstractThe surrender of the Koryŏ crown prince to Khubilai Khan in 1259 heralded a century of Mongol domination in Korea. According to the Koryŏ sa, the official Korean dynastic history, Khubilai saw the timely Korean capitulation as demonstrating his superiority over the Tang emperor Taizong, who had failed to subjugate Korea by force. Although the account certainly embellished certain details, notably the voluntary nature of the surrender, this paper argues that it nonetheless captures an important dynamic between Korean diplomatic strategy and the political and ideological goals of Khubilai and his advisers. The Koryŏ court, hoping to ensure the kingship’s institutional survival, portrayed Korea as representing the cultural and political legacies of the imperial past to make common cause with Khubilai’s officials who sought to recast the Mongol empire in the image of China’s past imperial dynasties. The convergence of Korean diplomatic missives, accounts in Chinese and Korean historiography, and writings by Khubilai’s closest Chinese advisers on the themes of imperial restoration and cultural revival result in part from these interactions. Moreover, these interactions helped interpolate Korea into the repertoire of political legitimation, in which Korea’s role was redefined from an object of irredentist desire, to a component in the construction of imperial authority

『新唐書』 日本傳에 보이는 唐高宗 令出兵援新羅 璽書의 背景

In 649 Taizong died and Emperor Gaozong succeeded. Ashina Helu(阿史那賀魯) led a revolt against the Tang and migrated westward, declaring himself Shabulou Qaghan and ruler of the Western Turkic Khaganate. Helu`s rise to power unified the divided Turkic tribes under a single leader. Ashina Helu, a member of the Ashina royal family, was previously a general under Emperor Taizong commanding Tang forces in Gansu.BR After he established himself as qaghan, Ashina Helu led repeated raids on Tang settlements to the east. He also attacked the Tarim Basin, bringing the territory under Turkic rule for the next six years. Emperor Gaozong responded by sending Tang forces consisting of a main division led by Ashina Mishe and Ashina Buzhen, Western Turk rivals of Ashina Helu.BR But the Tang army was defeated and continued in war. In 655 the Japan envoy arrived at Chang-an and meet Emperor Gaozong. Just then Silla dispatched an envoy made request troops. Silla was attacked by two countries, Goguryeo and Baekje, in the wake of crisis.BR Tang Gaozong was unable to help Silla. Because of Western Turkic Khaganate War he was busy. In this situation Emperor sent diplomatic documents to the Japanese king. “Japan is close to the Silla. The kingdom was at crisis. The Japanese king dispatched the army to help Silla.”