Elite Communication Research Articles

Equilibrium communication in political scandals

We present a formal model in which elite communication and voters’ beliefs during a political scandal emerge as a communication equilibrium, determined by the severity of the accusations and the degree of media scrutiny. The prediction of our model is that incumbents’ use of denials can garner support even when they face the possibility of evidence showing their guilt. In contrast, public apologies increase approval – compared to denial – only when accusations are not very serious and are likely to be proved. Results from a large survey experiment corroborate these predictions. In order to explore how changes in the information environment shapes the communication equilibrium, we estimate the structural parameters of our model and conduct counterfactual simulations. We find that increasing media scrutiny leads to asymmetric effects on incumbent communication with politicians who are the best at covering up evidence actually benefiting from increased scrutiny.

Bat algorithm based on kinetic adaptation and elite communication for engineering problems

AbstractThe Bat algorithm, a metaheuristic optimization technique inspired by the foraging behaviour of bats, has been employed to tackle optimization problems. Known for its ease of implementation, parameter tunability, and strong global search capabilities, this algorithm finds application across diverse optimization problem domains. However, in the face of increasingly complex optimization challenges, the Bat algorithm encounters certain limitations, such as slow convergence and sensitivity to initial solutions. In order to tackle these challenges, the present study incorporates a range of optimization components into the Bat algorithm, thereby proposing a variant called PKEBA. A projection screening strategy is implemented to mitigate its sensitivity to initial solutions, thereby enhancing the quality of the initial solution set. A kinetic adaptation strategy reforms exploration patterns, while an elite communication strategy enhances group interaction, to avoid algorithm from local optima. Subsequently, the effectiveness of the proposed PKEBA is rigorously evaluated. Testing encompasses 30 benchmark functions from IEEE CEC2014, featuring ablation experiments and comparative assessments against classical algorithms and their variants. Moreover, real‐world engineering problems are employed as further validation. The results conclusively demonstrate that PKEBA exhibits superior convergence and precision compared to existing algorithms.

Legitimacy Politics: Elite Communication and Public Opinion in Global Governance by Lisa Dellmuth and Jonas Tallberg

Legitimacy Politics: Elite Communication and Public Opinion in Global Governance <i>by Lisa Dellmuth and Jonas Tallberg</i>

Written directives and ministerial tenure in China: a novel gauge for political performance?

ABSTRACT While prior research on Chinese political elites has predominantly centred on local officials, assessing the performance of ministers may pose significant challenges. This paper uses written directives (WDs), a pivotal form of elite communication, as a metric for evaluating ministers’ political performance. We posit that a higher frequency of WDs received by ministers from top leaders signifies increased attention and enhanced political success, potentially bolstering their longevity in office and career advancement. To test this hypothesis, we analyse ministerial tenure in China from 1949 to 1976, a period characterized by the unparalleled influence of Chairman Mao Zedong, which facilitated the measurement of WDs. Our findings indicate that ministers who received a greater number of WDs, on average, enjoyed longer tenures, while those with a shared historical background with Mao did not. These results align with previous historical analyses demonstrating Mao’s adept consolidation of power within political elites. Moreover, the recent release of historical Chinese materials has unveiled a wealth of political communication among Chinese political elites, with WDs offering a novel avenue for gauging political performance. This research contributes empirical insights from China to the global literature on ministerial tenure, enriching the landscape of contemporary Chinese bureaucratic studies.

Elite communication and affective polarization among voters

How does elite communication influence affective polarization between partisan groups? Drawing on the literature on partisan source cues, we expect that communication from in- or outgroup party representatives will increase affective polarization. We argue that polarized social identities are reinforced by partisan source cues, which bias perceptions of elite communication and result in increased intergroup differentiation. Further, we expect that the effect of such source cues is greater for voters with stronger partisan affinities. To evaluate our hypotheses, we performed a survey experiment among about 1300 voters in Sweden. Our analyses show that individuals who received a factual political message with a source cue from an in- or outgroup representative exhibited higher affective polarization, especially when they already held strong partisan affinities. This suggests that political elites can increase affective polarization by reinforcing existing group identities, and that this occurs in conjunction with biased interpretation of elite communication. The results improve our understanding of how political elites can influence affective polarization and add to previous research on party cues and attitude formation by demonstrating that such source cues can also increase intergroup differentiation.

Lexical Ambiguity in Political Rhetoric: Why Morality Doesn't Fit in a Bag of Words

AbstractHow do politicians use moral appeals in their rhetoric? Previous research suggests that morality plays an important role in elite communication and that the endorsement of specific values varies systematically across the ideological spectrum. We argue that this view is incomplete since it only focuses on whether certain values are endorsed and not how they are contextualized by politicians. Using a novel sentence embedding approach, we show that although liberal and conservative politicians use the same moral terms, they attach diverging meanings to these values. Accordingly, the politics of morality is not about the promotion of specific moral values per se but, rather, a competition over their respective meaning. Our results highlight that simple dictionary-based methods to measure moral rhetoric may be insufficient since they fail to account for the semantic contexts in which words are used and, therefore, risk overlooking important features of political communication and party competition.

The impact of local protests on political elite communication: evidence from Fridays for Future in Germany

ABSTRACT The Climate Strike Movement (or Fridays for Future) is one of the most prominent transnational protest movements nowadays. In this paper, I examine the reactions of politicians to this movement to answer the research question: To what extent have German Members of Parliament (MPs) been responsive to local environmentalist street protests by focusing their attention on the Climate Strike Movement and Environmental Policy? To this end, I apply dictionary-based quantitative text-analytical tools to study German MPs’ political communication through 292,949 Facebook posts and 43,644 parliamentary debates between September 2017 and February 2020. Focussing on the effect of the first global climate strike in March 2019 and leveraging varying protest frequencies between the electoral districts, I show that MPs are responsive to protest events in their districts. More local street protest events in an electoral district led to more attention to the Climate Strike Movement and Environmental Policies by political representatives associated with that district. Comparing different discursive arenas, I show how politicians adjust their communication according to the arena’s audience, with protests affecting the political attention to environmental policies more in parliamentary debates than on social media.

КОНСТИТУЕНТНЫЕ ФАКТОРЫ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ЛИДЕРСТВА: ЭЛИТОЛОГИЧЕСКАЯ ПРОЕКЦИЯ

The article reveals the elitological aspects and constitutional factors of political leadership, analyzes the phenomenon of leadership in the current socio-political context, examines various models of inter–elite communication and features of interaction in the chain of leader–followers–constituents from a constitutional perspective. It is noted that situational leadership and vertical management models characteristic of traditional leadership have a limited scope of application. For effectiveness, the leader must necessarily provide horizontal and feedback links between the elite, followers and constituents at all levels of power relations. Consolidation of the leader and the elite, the elite and society should take place on the basis of common strategic goals and values.

The Power of the Brush: Epistolary Practices in Chosŏn Korea

The Power of the Brush: Epistolary Practices in Chosŏn Korea

Anies Baswedan’s Rhetoric amid Political Polarization for COVID-19 Handling in Jakarta, Indonesia

Political leaders worldwide used a diverse model of communication during the COVID-19 pandemic. Rhetoric becomes an important aspect to comprehend the particular elite communication model. This article discusses Anies Baswedan’s political rhetoric in COVID-19 handling wherein some cases contradict central government policies. Given the increasing political polarisation in Jakarta, Baswedan has become one of the most controversial actors in the national political arena. We use a political rhetorical analysis approach to understand Baswedan’s political actions and rhetoric. Furthermore, we determine that Baswedan’s model of rhetoric political communication is consistent and different from most political elites whose deliberative style is more dominant. Baswedan appears to employ a different type of rhetoric when countering the central government’s opinion and gaining public support. In the former, Baswedan primarily applies the type of bureaucratic rhetoric, which tends to be more technical. Conversely, Baswedan tends to choose the rhetorical style of advice when narrating the idea of handling the COVID-19 outbreak. Moreover, the COVID-19 outbreak provides important momentum for Baswedan to improve his image as an elite political personality and as the governor of Jakarta. Our study significantly contributes to understanding rhetoric as an important model for elite political communication in the face of crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, and comprehending rhetoric’s impact on the elite and society. Keywords: Political rhetoric, Anies Baswedan, political polarisation, COVID-19, Jakarta.

Rethinking Poetry as (Anti-Crusader) Propaganda: Licentiousness and Cross-Confessional Patronage in the Ḫarīdat al-qaṣr

Abstract It is sometimes assumed that the poetry of the Crusader period was part of a concerted propaganda effort to rouse Muslims to fight and to legitimate Muslim rulers in the eyes of other Muslims by portraying them as ascetic, Sunni revivalists focused on Jihad. Based on samples from the Ḫarīdat al-qaṣr wa-ǧarīdat ahl al-ʿaṣr, a massive 6th/12th-century adab anthology by ʿImād al-Dīn al-Iṣfahānī, this article argues for a different understanding of both the content and the circulation of this period’s poetry. I show that poetry was not addressed to a “public,” but rather was a form of elite communication in which social identity was performed, negotiated, and consolidated. Furthermore, ʿImād al-Dīn’s anthology does not marginalize Shiʿite voices or insist on portraying rulers as ascetics. I trace the origins of these assumptions and show that levity, licentiousness, and Shiʿites were all celebrated in the poetic discourses of the 6th/12th century.

Crisis affectedness, elite cues and IO public legitimacy

What effects do international crises have on the public legitimacy of International Organizations (IOs)? Deviating from previous research, we argue that such crises make those international organizations more salient that are mandated to solve the respective crisis. This results in two main effects. First, the public legitimacy of those IOs becomes more dependent on citizens’ crisis-induced worries, leading to a more positive view of those IOs. Second, as the higher salience also leads to higher levels of elite communication regarding IOs, elite blaming of the IOs during crises results in direct negative effects on public legitimacy beliefs on IOs. Finally, both the valence and content of the elite discourse additionally moderate the positive effects of crisis-induced worries. Implementing survey experiments on public legitimacy beliefs on the WHO during the COVID-19 crisis with about 4400 respondents in Austria, Germany and Turkey, we find preliminary evidence for the expectations derived from our salience argument. In the conclusion, we discuss the implications of these findings for future research on IO legitimacy and IO legitimation.Supplementary InformationThe online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11558-021-09452-y.

Migration in Bronze Age southern China: multidisciplinary investigations of elite Chu burials in Jingzhou

Reconstructing the history of elite communication in ancient China benefits from additional archaeological evidence. We combine textual analysis with new human stable carbon and nitrogen isotope data from two Chu burials in the Jingzhou area to reveal significant dietary differences among Chu nobles of the middle Warring States period (c. 350 BC). This research provides important new information on the close interaction between the aristocratic families of the Qin and Chu.

Handling Covid-19 in Sampang: leadership and local elite public communication strategy

After the Covid-19 outbreak, the emergence of an economic recession is the impact of various policies to prevent the spread of the virus, such as the extreme lockdown policy to Large-Scale Social Restrictions. Sampang, a small regency in Madura Island, Indonesia, has successfully maintained the low case of Covid-19. This article elaborates on the success of the Sampang Regency in maintaining its green zone status. More specifically, what is the Sampang government's communication strategy during the Covid-19 pandemics. This article used a qualitative method with a case study approach in ten villages of Sampang with a Focus Group Discussion. The results show that the local elite's communication strategy in Sampang during the pandemic situation does not only physically come directly to the field or meet villagers but also virtually using mass media effective to maintain the low index Covid-19 transmission.

From populism to the “plandemic”: why populists believe in COVID-19 conspiracies

ABSTRACT Why are COVID-19 conspiracy theories so prevalent? Particularly, why would some citizens ignore scientific evidence and common logic but, instead, be convinced that COVID-19 was a military experiment or spread by 5G signals? Why would they believe that Bill Gates had anything to do with it? In this contribution, we argue that populism is at the centre of these beliefs, as the complex nature of the COVID-19 pandemic makes it an ideal playground for populists’ opposition to scientific and political elites. We use Structural Equation Models and panel survey data (n = 823) from the Austrian Corona Panel Project to test this argument. We demonstrate a negative correlation of populist attitudes with both trust in political and scientific institutions, which, in return, negatively relate to COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs. This results in an overall positive relationship of populist attitudes and conspiracy beliefs that is independent of political ideology. These findings have important implications for elite communication regarding virus mitigation.

The Ideological Predictors of Moral Appeals by European Political Elites; An Exploration of the Use of Moral Rhetoric in Multiparty Systems

Moral rhetoric is a powerful tool for any politician. Yet knowledge on the actual use of political moral appeals is scarce and mostly limited to two‐party systems. This study is the first to systematically investigate the use of moral appeals in formal and informal political elite communication in the multiparty systems of Austria, Germany, and the Netherlands. This allows us to look beyond the unidimensional left‐right axis, instead investigating the extent to which the economic, the sociocultural, and the populist dimension explain differences in moral language. The Moral Foundations Dictionary is used in automated content analyses to study the presence of (different) moral appeals in party manifestos (n = 171,639) and tweets (n = 1,130,073). The results show that West European political elites use a fair amount of moral appeals in their political communication (41.6% of manifesto statements and 33.3% of tweets). Commonalities in the usage of moral language are larger than differences. Yet found differences are multidimensional. Especially when communication is less scripted, political elites tend to distinguish themselves from opponents in their appeals to different moral foundations. Most importantly, these appeals are congruent with ideological values.

The strategic use of incivility in contemporary politics. The case of the 2018 Italian general election on Facebook

ABSTRACT The study addresses central issues in contemporary politics in response to growing concern about the impoverishment of political discourse that has become increasingly uncivil. In particular it analhyzes citizens’ reactions to leaders’ uncivil posts on Facebook during the 2018 Italian General Election, by adopting a theoretical-operational model based on a dual approach (top down – bottom up) that examines the forms of adverse communication used by politicians online, and the consequences of these forms on users’ discussion (analyzing both ranking behaviors and users’ comments). Political incivility is operationalized as a multidimensional concept and specific types are proposed, starting from violations of norms of politeness (interpersonal-level) and proceeding to violation of public norms of civility (public-level). Results show that leaders’ use of uncivil messages trigger greater online participation, thus increasing the visibility of their posts. However, the emotional excitement elicited by these triggering forms of elite communication encourage antagonistic and rude behaviors among users, leading to an increase in uncivil comments and thus jeopardizing the quality of online discussion. Overall, it emerges that incivility combined with divisive issues can be thought of as a tool of communication used strategically by politicians to mobilize voters and to strengthen their political affiliation.

Cyberspace Narratives for Global Interconnectivity Based on Content Analysis of Financial Media in Comparison

The paper explores the role of elite financial media in construction narratives of global interconnectivity, in a comparative framework[7]. The existing era of globalization provided us with new challenges for strategic intelligence as the virtual compression of time along with new technological achievements in shorter period of time and potentially cataclysmic threats[8]. Two globally circulated financial journals—Caijing, China’s leading financial news organization, and the Economist, with a vital influence across the globe—are chosen to manifest the diverse media discourses representing, respectively, the Chinese and Anglo-American socio- economic backgrounds. The paper aims to use the quantitative content analysis to answer the question: what are the narrative characteristics of the Caijing and the Economist in portraying China’s economic globalisation? The study are designed to tackle a specific focus on the globalised elite communication, in order to guide the investigation of China’s global interconnectivity in a hybridizing and contesting way[4]. Like other forms of mediated electronic connectivity, the Internet instead of circumscribing sovereignty has offered centralised authority new ways of conducting statecraft, by circulating ideas that represents the consensus shared by global elites.

Elite cueing and attitudes towards trade agreements: the case of TTIP

AbstractHow does elite communication affect citizens’ attitudes towards trade agreements? Building on a growing literature on context factors influencing public opinion about trade and trade agreements; we argue that citizens rely on cues provided by political elites, especially political parties, when forming their views towards these agreements. Such cueing effects are most likely for citizens with little information about a trade agreement and for citizens receiving cues from trusted elites. In addition, citizens exposed to cues from non-trusted elites should exhibit a source-opposing effect. Our key contribution is to test these expectations relying on a survey experiment on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) carried out in Germany and Spain. The findings from our experiment support the existence of elite cueing effects, although to a limited degree. Overall, the paper contributes to a better understanding of public opinion towards TTIP, trade policy attitudes, and public opinion more generally.

Elusive consensus: Polarization in elite communication on the COVID-19 pandemic.

Cues sent by political elites are known to influence public attitudes and behavior. Polarization in elite rhetoric may hinder effective responses to public health crises, when accurate information and rapid behavioral change can save lives. We examine polarization in cues sent to the public by current members of the U.S. House and Senate during the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, measuring polarization as the ability to correctly classify the partisanship of tweets' authors based solely on the text and the dates they were sent. We find that Democrats discussed the crisis more frequently-emphasizing threats to public health and American workers-while Republicans placed greater emphasis on China and businesses. Polarization in elite discussion of the COVID-19 pandemic peaked in mid-February-weeks after the first confirmed case in the United States-and continued into March. These divergent cues correspond with a partisan divide in the public's early reaction to the crisis.