Since the CDU/CSU’s return to power in Berlin in 2005 their discourse concerning non-German permanent residents of the country has changed – at least at the federal level. In the words of the Chair of the CDU/CSU party group in the Bundestag, their position has become “Migration ist heute eine nicht zu leugnende Realitat der deutschen Gesellschaft” (Kauder). However, their previous long-held position was that Germany was definitely not a country of immigration (Bade; Weber). The CDU’s 2001 paper on immigration, Zuwanderung steuern und begrenzen: Integration fordern, and the manifesto of the CDU/CSU for the 2002 federal election campaign, Leistung und Sicherheit: Zeit fur Taten. Regierungsprogramm 2002/2006 von CDU/CSU, both illustrate the powerful devices previously employed in the rejection of the “other” in the national identity politics of the beginning of the twenty-first century. Behind the guise of national protection there is the demonization of an important segment of the permanently resident population for political and electoral advantage. What Michal Krzyzanowski and RuthWodak had said about migration debates in Austria is certainly valid for German identity politics: The Austrian debates had become characterized by tensions between globalizing processes and nationalistic trends – who is included and who is excluded (29). This raises fundamental questions concerning intolerance in prominent public statements. The election manifesto and position paper were not quickly thrown together. The CDU and CSU are linguistically very conscious, very sophisticated, and highly aware of the necessity, value, and potency of long-term communication strategies. They are aware, too, of the effectiveness of building on terms and concepts anchored in the popular discourse. Pointing to the success enjoyed by the language of the political left and impressing the importance of language on his own party, in a speech to the CDU convention in 1973 Kurt Biedenkopf had stated: