Election Period Research Articles

IDEOLOGY IN INDONESIAN POLITICAL PARTY ANTHEMS: A STYLISTIC ANALYSIS AT THE LEXICOGRAMMATICAL LEVEL

Political parties are a forum for Indonesian people from various ideological backgrounds as channels for the aspirations of a pluralistic society. The party's ideology is embodied in the vision and mission that the party aspires to when domination is obtained after the General Election is held. In this research, the anthem lyrics of the top three political parties, based on the 2019 legislative elections, were taken as the data and studied through a stylistic approach at the lexicogrammatical level to figure out the ideology in the realization of the vision and mission of the political parties. The method of the analysis applied descriptive qualitative through transitivity analysis in order to reveal the lexical and grammatical construction in the lyric. The typical processes used in each anthem characterized the cognitive frame of how the political parties set their vision and orientation towards the nation goals. It was found that the use of stylistic devices came in low frequency, including epizeuxis, parallelism, imagery, metaphor, symbolism, asyndeton and anaphora. The construction of clauses in the anthem lyrics has a significant impact in expressing the goals of political parties ideologically, so that the results of this study are expected to be an alternative reference that provides a paradigm for the voting community during the election period

Far-right populism in alt-tech: A challenge for democracy?

This article examines how far-right communities in alt-tech platforms depict and engage with the values of democracy. The study contributes to the ongoing discussion on the impact of far-right populism on democracy and the role of alt-tech social media as an enabling platform for such ideologies. Through applying the concept of polyarchal democracy as an analytical framework, the article conducts a case study of Australian alt-tech communities to explore discourses of democracy. The dataset comprises of text-centric social media posts from the Telegram and Gab platforms during the 2022 federal election period. The findings reveal that, overall, far-right populist discourses in alt-tech communities predominantly support the processes of democracy and uphold most (though not all) of its values. Understanding these discourses is crucial for safeguarding liberal democracy in a context of rising illiberalism.

Analyzing Election Sentiments in Tweets with Gated Recurrent Units (GRU)

Sentiment analysis, a key task in natural language processing, is important for detecting the emotional tone portrayed in text. In this study, we focus on implementing a Gated Recurrent Unit (GRU) model to analyze attitudes within the 2020 Donald Trump Election tweets dataset. By setting the GRU model with carefully selected parameters, the aim of the study is to unveil the inherent sentiment patterns in the dataset. To develop the sentiment analysis model, the study devised a three phase methodology which that include data preprocessing, feature selection using correlation matrix, and lastly the implementation of GRU. Futhermore, we provided the outcomes of our experiment, evaluating the model's performance through important measures such as accuracy, precision, and recall. Notably, our data exhibit an exceptional accuracy rate of 93%, verifying the model's power to appropriately categorize attitudes. Additionally, both recall and precision receive outstanding ratings of 94% and 96%, indicating the model's skill in distinguishing both positive and negative attitudes. This inquiry emphases the effective usage of the GRU model in sentiment analysis, shedding light on the emotional nuances within the 2020 Donald Trump dataset and enriching our understanding of sentiments during the election period.

Indonesia's Presidential Threshold: An Analysis of Legal and Political Dynamics

Abstract: The presidential threshold is the nomination requirement employed by political parties to select the President and Vice President. In Indonesia, the regulation governing the presidential threshold is outlined in Article 222 of Law No. 7/2017 on General Elections. This article stipulates that candidate pairs must be proposed by political parties or a coalition of political parties participating in the elections, provided they meet the criteria of obtaining at least 20% of the total seats in the DPR (The House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia) or obtaining 25% of the national valid votes in the previous DPR elections Purpose: This study aims to determine the political dynamics of threshold presidential regulation law in Indonesia. Design/Methodology/Approach: The type used in this research is normative legal research, and uses several approaches, namely the statute approach, conceptual approach, and historical approach. Findings: In principle, the regulation of the presidential threshold is an open legal policy or open legal policy of the legislator, but its application in Indonesia, the presidential threshold has shortcomings because first, it makes legislative elections a prerequisite for the presidential election, and second, the legislative elections that are used as requirements have occurred in the previous election period, which in terms of political configuration is certainly different from the elections that will take place or are taking place. The application of the presidential threshold in Indonesia is also inappropriate because 1) it eliminates independent Presidential candidates; 2) it excludes the participation of non-parliamentary political parties to determine their own Presidential candidates; 3) it only benefits established/large political parties; 4) it is not suitable if applied in a presidential system, because the President in this system is not responsible to parliament; 5) the emergence of transaction politics; and 6) the limited number of choices of Presidential candidates offered. Originality/Value: There has not been much research on presidential threshold arrangements in their formation, especially based on the political dynamics of law that developed during the formation process

Ghana’s democracy and the digital public sphere: some pertinent issues

Ghana’s media has been one of the biggest bulwarks of its nascent democracy since the transition to democratic rule in 1992. What has become known as the Fourth Estate of the Realm is now gradually being digitally networked as a result of the emergence of new media technologies. Using existing data mostly from media think-tanks such as Penplusbytes, Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), media and other online sources, this paper appraises the role of digital media in the process of consolidating Ghana’s democracy under the Fourth Republican Constitution within the lens of Habermas’ concept of the public sphere. The study focuses on the 2016 and 2020 general elections of Ghana and analyses the influence of digital media in strengthening democratic values such as political participation, activism and public opinion formation. We conclude that the Habermasian model of the structural transformation of the public sphere (1962) is partly applicable to the Ghanaian media landscape. Although challenges such as the elite stranglehold on the traditional media landscape have been widespread since the beginning of the political transition in 1992, the emergence of the new media has brought new and complex dimensions to the debate. Specifically, while new media platforms have made immense contributions towards enhancing a general liberal environment, they suffer from several drawbacks such as unequal participation and lack of uniformity in public deliberations, with elites and other powerful social and economic actors generally holding sway. The phenomenon of fake news, online disinformation, the issue of digital divide, creeping state repression and COVID-19 restrictions during the 2020 election period have all combined to hamstring the Ghanaian new media which is currently at the center of a seemingly endless process of structural transformation.

Instrumentalising the army before elections in Turkey

This paper argues that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has instrumentalised the Turkish army by conducting military operations in the run-up to elections. Although ending military tutelage has been interpreted in other countries as a sign of the professionalisation of the army, in Turkey it has done the opposite: the civilianisation discourse and civilian hegemony over military institutions have led to the instrumentalisation of the army. I demonstrate that the number of military operations significantly increased in the lead-up to elections, which strongly indicates the extent of instrumentalisation. Previous studies have primarily focused on the army’s praetorian role, neglecting the instrumentalisation process in which the military is engaged. This paper analyses the operational aspect of the army and introduces the concept of instrumentalisation. I contend that the cessation of military tutelage in Turkey has resulted in the securitisation of both society and politics. The failed coup in 2016, the double elections of 2015, and the heightened interest in the defence sector during election periods provide strong grounds for examining the instrumentalisation hypothesis.

Political business cycle and bank liquidity creation in Ghana: the role of financial sector transparency

ABSTRACT This study examines how financial sector transparency (FST) administered through credit information sharing helps reduce the BLC growth induced by PBC in an emerging economy in Africa. The study employs twenty-seven 27 banks in Ghana over three (3) different political election cycles between 2006 and 2016. The results are estimated using robust random effect panel models with technological and year effect controls. The results shows that (i) PBC increases liquidity creation by banks, (ii) FST administered through credit information sharing encourages BLC, (iii) the joint term of PBC and FST yields a negative synergetic effect on BLC and (iv) promoting FST dampens the growth in liquidity creation induced by PBC in Ghana. These results imply that bank managers, regulators and policymakers must be mindful of liquidity creation especially during election periods since it can lead to soaring credit defaults and losses. Also, FST can be used as tool for suppressing growth in liquidity creation induced through PBC by help banks screen out bad political dealings and politicians.

TURBULENCE OF THE PARTY-POLITICAL LIFE OF GERMANY

The approaching middle of the 20th electoral period in Germany was marked by significant fluctuations in the electoral popularity of established parties, which were recorded by numerous surveys of leading German demoscopic institutions. Respondents' moods were influenced by a variety of factors. According to the author of the article, the main problems were numerous problems in the state of the national economy, including the decline in the international competitiveness of the German socio-economic space (Standort). It was they who largely led to the growth of protest moods, reflected in the record high ratings of the Alternative for Germany party. The author substantiates the position that negative processes in the economy, including deindustrialization, high inflation, lack of qualified personnel, problems with digital and energy transformation, are associated with the inefficient policy of the current cabinet of ministers. In this context, current trends in the preferences of German voters, the processes taking place in the parties of the government coalition and the opposition are analyzed, and a forecast is made for the further development of partypolitical life in Germany.

SISTEM PEMILIHAN UMUM (PEMILU) JOKO WIDODO - JUSUF KALLA TAHUN 2014

The 2014 General Election of the President and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia (2014 Pilpres) was held on 9 July 2014 to elect the President and Vice President of Indonesia for the 2014-2019 period. The purpose of this study was to find out and analyze how the electoral system was during the reign of Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla in 2014. The method used by researchers in this study was literature. The results of the research and discussion use the theory of the Electoral Cycle: 1) Pre-Election, in this indicator Pre-Election refers to a number of election stages carried out by election organizers such as formulation of regulations, voter registration, registration and determination of candidate parties; 2) Election Period, this indicator refers to a number of election stages such as election/voting and vote counting. As for the vote count in the 2014 election, namely: Jokowi 52-53% of the vote and 46-48% of the vote for Prabowo; 3) Post Election, this indicator is the stage of announcing results, evaluating and resolving disputes or problems in elections. The announcement of the results of the 2014 presidential and vice-presidential elections was won by the Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla pair by obtaining a vote of 53.15% in accordance with the KPU RI decision on July 22, 2014. The Prabowo-Hatta Rajasa camp filed several lawsuits over the results of this election, namely to the DKPP and the Court. The conclusion in this study is that the General Election System (Election) During the Leadership Period of Joko widodo and Jusuf Kalla in 2014 used the Electoral Cycle system where this Election Cycle was a tool used to understand election preparation and an understanding of holding elections . The party system used during the reign of Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla in 2014-2019 was using a multi-party system.

The Nexus between Corporate Financial Ratio and Price Earnings Performance: Evidence from President Election Period in Indonesia

This research aims to obtain an empirical overview of the influence of financial performance on stock prices in situations of political uncertainty in Indonesia. Our sample includes all non-financial public companies listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange from 2011 to 2019, totalling 1,899 company-years. This study uses fixed-effects regression to test the hypothesis. The researchers found that financial performance positively and negatively affects stock prices. Specifically, we found a negative relationship between financial performance proxied by Return on Equity and Debt to Ratio. In contrast, liquidity, return on Assets, and Net Profit Margin have a negative effect on financial performance. Furthermore, our evidence becomes unique when in conditions of political uncertainty, where more financial performance has a negative impact on stock prices. This study provides practical and theoretical implications to fill gaps in previous literature regarding financial performance and its influence on stock prices.

Аспект збалансованості при реалізації принципу відкритості і прозорості інституту державної служби: питання «кіберсуверенізації»

The article is devoted to the definition of aspects of balance in the implementation of the principle of openness and transparency of the civil service institute, as well as consideration of this issue in the context of the challenges of the information society, in particular, in relation to "cyber-sovereignization". The principle of openness and transparency includes a number of aspects so that it is equally ensured both in the election and inter-election periods, at the stage of normative design, decision-making and its implementation. It is motivated by the fact that the crisis of political and legal reality, military actions, attacks on the electronic government system creates the need to determine the limits of openness and accessibility of the activities of public authorities. In the context of "cybersovereignization" it is stated that the idea of imposing sovereignty on the Internet, that is, the distribution and control of information resources within the territorial integrity of a state is often considered technically impossible, but recent studies have shown that specialized governments can change the routing and data flows according to national preferences if they want to have the political will and resources for it. It is indicated that when implementing the process of the principle of openness and transparency in the civil service institute, it is important to achieve a balance between ensuring citizens' access to information and preserving confidentiality and security. An important aspect is the establishment of clear procedures and standards for the processing and disclosure of information that take into account the regulatory framework and the specifics of the work of civil servants. At the same time, it is necessary to provide the public with access to key information about the institute's activities, including decision-making and execution of tasks, ensuring the openness of intellectual property, a high level of trust in state institutions and increasing the efficiency of their functioning. At the same time, it should be concluded that some information may be limited to review due to its confidential nature or may affect the security of the state, such cases require reasonable measures to restrict access to information. In general, balance in the implementation of the principle of openness and transparency in the civil service institute is a factor for ensuring the effectiveness of management and trust in the power structures.

Novelty in News Search: A Longitudinal Study of the 2020 US Elections

The 2020 US elections news coverage was extensive, with new pieces of information generated rapidly. This evolving scenario presented an opportunity to study the performance of search engines in a context in which they had to quickly process information as it was published. We analyze novelty, a measurement of new items that emerge in the top news search results, to compare the coverage and visibility of different topics. Using virtual agents that simulate human web browsing behavior to collect search engine result pages, we conduct a longitudinal study of news results of five search engines collected in short bursts (every 21 minutes) from two regions (Oregon, US and Frankfurt, Germany), starting on election day and lasting until one day after the announcement of Biden as the winner. We find more new items emerging for election related queries (“joe biden,” “donald trump,” and “us elections”) compared to topical (e.g., “coronavirus”) or stable (e.g., “holocaust”) queries. We demonstrate that our method captures sudden changes in highly covered news topics as well as multiple differences across search engines and regions over time. We highlight novelty imbalances between candidate queries which affect their visibility during electoral periods, and conclude that, when it comes to news, search engines are responsible for such imbalances, either due to their algorithms or the set of news sources that they rely on.

EFEKTIVITAS SANKSI PIDANA BAGI PELANGGARAN TINDAK PIDANA PEMILU

In Indonesia, violations of election crimes are not something new. In fact, violations of election crime are almost always found in every election period that take place. During the last election period in 2019 to be exact, there were around 548 findings and reports of election crimes that reached the court examination stage. And in the previous period (2014 election) there were also around 70 findings of criminal violations. Even though there are regulations and sanctions that strictly regulate this matter, these violations still occur. This Article aims to analyze empirically regarding the effectiveness of criminal sanction for violations of election crimes. The research method used in this research is empirical research, where this research focuses on harmony between the reality that occurs in society and existing laws. This study concludes that the effectiveness of criminal sanction as a tool to evercome the occurrence of election crimes cannot be properly practiced if they are not supported by the existence of legal awareness in society, the legal culture that exists in society and a sense of nationalism in order to achieve honest, clean and fair election, fair and not concerned with power and victory alone.

Political monetary cycles: An empirical study

After decades of research, discussions related to the link between political events and monetary policy have been ongoing. The purpose of this study is to examine whether electorally induced cycles in monetary policy exist. To achieve this, a unique panel dataset comprising 110 countries over 32 periods (1985–2016) was constructed, incorporating election periods and political regimes. This study provides evidence that elections influence monetary policy in developed and developing countries. Specifically, the study reveals that the growth of monetary mass (measured as the growth rate of M1) is significantly higher during pre-electoral periods. On average, the growth of monetary mass is between 1.1% and 2% higher during the 12 months prior to a national election. Furthermore, the study conducts an extensive analysis on the type of institutional frameworks that may mitigate these political monetary cycles. it suggest that free and fair elections, left-wing incumbents and the seniority of central banks contributes to reducing the magnitude these political monetary cycles.

Influence of Ideological Themes in Social Media Political Campaigns on Voters’ Education and Participation in Nigeria’s 2023 General Elections

This study adopted mixed research methods to investigate how ideological themes in social media political campaigns have influenced voters’ education and participation in Nigeria’s 2023 general elections. Through questionnaire and interview research instruments, the study found that in the last 2023 General Elections, Facebook was more often used for political campaigns in Nigeria compared to Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, google+, Facebook, WhatsApp and Blogs. These social media platforms, as the findings demonstrated, were more accessible to the voters thus, have easily became tools for political campaigns and were used to a great extent for that purpose. Unfortunately, as finding indicated, the ideological themes dominant in these platforms (social media) were to a great extent, negative as they were dominated by insults, abuse of opponents, hate speeches, falsehood, blame shifting, ethnocentric and religious undertones, anxiety and apathy among others, thereby, to a great extent, contributing to apathy among majority of voters in participating in the elections. Posting, commenting and sharing were the various ways through which those ideological campaign messages were spread to voters during the period of the last elections. The study concluded that social media has come to stay as platforms for use among stakeholders during political campaigns but its influence is abused by negative ideological construction which to a great extent, affects voters’ education and turn up in elections in Nigeria.

2020 Parliamentary Elections in Online News Dailies: Do the Media Tend to Criticize the Ruling Party More

Voters tend to criticise and punish the ruling party for mistakes made during the term of office and therefore never vote for the same party twice in a row. However, there are no studies on whether the ruling party receives more criticism in the media during election periods.
 The article focuses on the portrayal of the opposing political parties – the Lithuanian Peasant and Green Union and the Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats – in online news dailies during the 2020 parliamentary elections.
 The study shows that the media publishes more negative news about the ruling party, but that the communication strategy chosen by the politicians themselves also contributes to this. A link can also be found between the presentation of parties in the media and the final results of the parliamentary elections.

An Investigation About Political Budget Cycle in the Electoral Period in American Countries

An Investigation About Political Budget Cycle in the Electoral Period in American Countries

GAGASAN PENATAAN PILKADA CALON TUNGGAL

The existence of single candidate in the 2015-2020 simultaneous Local Election (Pilkada) period tends to dramatically increase along with the rise of the political parties coalition supporting single candidate, thus closing the opportunity for other candidates to advance through a political party. In the practice of organizing single-candidate elections, several cases have been exposed to the public, which suggests that there were problems before the single candidate was decided. This study describes the various phenomena that arise in the organization of single-candidate elections and formulates appropriate structuring strategies. This research was normative and sociological legal research. Normatively using a statute approach and case approach, while sociologically using a qualitative approach. Several phenomena were found, namely; the increasing support of political parties for single candidate is due to the pragmatic political parties that are oriented towards victory and instant profit (political dowry), resulting in a large financial burden that must be prepared by prospective candidates. This condition is exceptionally favorable for candidates with sufficient financial capabilities which then motivates political parties to smooth the victory. Appropriate structuring measures are needed, including; first, the need to reduce the nomination threshold for political parties. Second, organizing party coalitions both related to the time of formation and the maximum limit of the coalition, and third, tightening the eligibility requirements for single candidate by considering the level of voter turnout.

The sophistry of the neutral tool. Weaponizing artificial intelligence and big data into threats toward social exclusion

In late modernity societies, the double meaning of ‘monitoring’ is not a coincidence insofar, it can be a subject or an object attribution, thus suggesting a phenomenological intersection between surveillance studies and technological deployments in mass media. Emerging applications of Artificial Intelligence (AI) tools corroborate an intensified and optimized collection of personal data, either objective ones granted by individuals themselves or subject ones silently taken by algorithmic learning. From an eventual possibility to an invisible probability, Big Data may be used from devising purchase preference profiles to political bias in election periods and to reinforce bigotry against social minorities, especially transphobia. This paper’s objective is to address the use of AI and Big Data as social surveillance systems tools for the establishment of more sophisticated strategies of social control. Before late modernity, disciplinary discursive power was an addressed tool to perform social control in Western societies by institutions such the Roman Catholic Church. Currently, AI technologies are tooled to perform a security-based society regulation, potentially deploying gathered data as threats against social categories that deviate from moral-based norms. Incapable of broadly embracing all cultural and social developments throughout history, such norms refer to social regulation and standardization that turn out to be exclusionary for the existence of distinctive individuals whose identities don’t conform to such moral standards. The issue of ethical AI regulation is therefore grounded in questioning to what extent Western culture values and practices are still consistent in the standardized and global deployment of social and ethical policies addressed to cultures that may hold distinctive cultural perceptions and values. Theoretical reflections on post-modern panoptic frameworks, such as synoptic and banoptic devices, were carried out to assess the impact of emerging surveillance technologies as social control strategies for the reinforced marginalization of categories of exclusion. Instances of recent technology-based violence discriminations, such as misogyny, religious intolerance, racism, xenophobia, and transphobia, are provided and seen through the lens of current AI development and transphobia. The efforts of global, universal, and unilateral influence of Western culture’s values on AI ethical regulation is counteracted with a reflection on decentralized bottom-up approaches to culture by means of applied ethnographic research to bring the potential of local culture into AI policy making. It is expected to corroborate future research on local-based ethical AI approaches designed within a specific culture’s values to mitigate and avoid social vulnerability and violence.

Young Adults Disparate Experiences of Elections and Civic Engagement: How does Sociopolitical Stress get under the Skin?

Macro-level sociopolitical events, such as elections, may differentially affect youth’s day-to-day functioning depending on their social positions, identities, and experiences. In a set of studies of young adult college students across the USA, we explored psychological and physiological responses to the 2016 presidential election (Study 1) and trajectories of sociopolitical stress and civic engagement during the 2020 election (Study 2). Study 1 included salivary cortisol and daily diary data from 286 students (M=20.24 years; 73% women; 56% white) from two universities collected on consecutive days before/during/after the 2016 election. Study 2 included three waves of self-report survey data from 588 students (Mage =20.24; 72% women; 68% white) from ten universities in fall 2020. Piecewise trajectory analyses for Study 1 revealed that different facets of a young person’s identity (e.g., political preference, gender, race/ethnicity) moderated trajectories of mood and diurnal cortisol during election week. For example, youth who disapproved of President Trump showed significant increase in bedtime cortisol after he won the election (b=0.21, p<.05). In Study 2, growth mixture modeling pointed to four profiles of sociopolitical stress over the election period (i.e., high, high/decreasing, medium/increasing, low). Youth in the “low” profile were more likely to identify as white, heterosexual, and male, and reported the lowest levels of civic action. Integrating key findings from both studies with theories from developmental science and psychoneuroendocrinology, we suggest a framework to study mechanisms between sociopolitical stress and civic engagement in the 2024 election.