Elected Officials Research Articles

Electoral colorism: Candidate skin color and list placement in Ecuador

To what extent does candidate skin color influence party list placement in proportional representation systems? While candidate skin color is increasingly understood to play an important role in politics, the extent to which it shapes electoral opportunities and outcomes remains unclear. In this paper, we investigate whether party elites in list proportional representation systems place darker-skinned candidates in lower, less advantageous list positions than their lighter-skinned copartisans. Drawing on party lists from Ecuador’s 2021 National Assembly elections and an original measure of candidate skin color, we find evidence that candidate skin color is a significant determinant of list placement. This finding indicates that party lists reinforce color-based inequalities in political representation and reveals that a candidate’s skin color shapes their chances of winning elected office.

Trust in Elections

Abstract The sometimes violent movement to reject the outcome of the 2020 U.S. presidential election draws our attention to the topic of trust in the institution of American election administration. An examination of this topic must make an important distinction between trust in elections (a psychological construct) and the trustworthiness of election results (a legal construct). The history of election administration in the United States is full of examples of efforts to increase the trustworthiness of elections to ensure that results are based on fair and competent administration. The resilience of these efforts was on display following the 2020 election, as formal institutions rejected claims that the election was fraudulent. Still, the past two decades have seen a decline in trust in American elections that has primarily been driven by a slow but steady decline in trust among Republicans. Surprisingly, the increased polarization in trust most recently has been due more to Democrats suddenly becoming more trusting. Election officials must continue to try to overcome attacks on trust in the system, but it is unclear how long they can sustain the legal system guaranteeing free and fair elections without broad-based public trust in how we administer elections.

It's about the type of career: The political ambition gender gap among youth wing members

AbstractOne of the main supply‐side explanations for women's underrepresentation in politics is the gender gap in nascent political ambition. While this has been examined in terms of electoral ambition, the aspiration to pursue non‐electoral careers within parties has been overlooked. In our study, we therefore investigate whether both types of ambition – electoral and non‐electoral – vary among young women and men participating in a key entry point for political careers in Western democracies: party youth wings. To do so, we surveyed almost 2,000 members of six centre‐left and centre‐right youth wings in Australia, Italy and Spain. We find that while, as expected, women in youth wings display lower levels of electoral ambition, they are almost as likely as men to express non‐electoral ambition. Furthermore, and contrary to our expectations, we show that women in centre‐right youth wings are no less interested in pursuing electoral and non‐electoral political careers than women in centre‐left ones. Our study thus provides new insights into the gendered nature of political ambition, highlighting that women's lower interest in electoral office does not necessarily reflect reduced interest in a political career.

COVID-19 in South Carolina: Experiences Using Facebook as a Self-Organizing Tool for Grassroots Advocacy, Education, and Social Support

This retrospective case study describes our experiences, processes, and lessons learned using social media for pandemic response. Our team created and maintained a large Facebook group, and we used this platform to support grassroots advocacy, public health messaging, and health equity during the COVID-19 pandemic in South Carolina. The Facebook group was initially formed to urge local and state leaders to implement a stay-at-home order, but we recognized a continued need for our virtual space. Group leaders performed tasks including data tracking/reporting and content review/approval. Initial advocacy successes included the stay-at-home order, efforts to limit transmission, and social/mental health support. As the Delta variant emerged, we posted vaccine education and access information and supported school mitigation, including a successful litigation effort that led to a mask requirement on school buses. With the Omicron variant, our group’s focus shifted to educating about immune evasion, transmissibility, and individual protection. This included updates on mask use, antigen testing, vaccine boosters, treatment, data reports, and vaccines. Throughout the pandemic, we addressed health equity, especially for those identifying as disabled. We learned that virtual communities could support each other and improve public health, even when disinformation was present and elected officials emphasized politics over science.

Does personal climate change mitigation behavior influence collective behavior? Experimental evidence of no spillover in the United States

Both lifestyle and structural changes are needed to reduce carbon emissions and limit the impacts of climate change. In a series of three studies, we examine whether undertaking behaviors at the personal level affects (i.e., spills over onto) people's willingness to engage in behaviors at the collective level. In Study 1, we find that none of the personal behaviors measured are negatively associated with collective behavior intentions (willingness to join a campaign to convince elected officials to take action to reduce climate change), but some of the personal behaviors are positively associated with collective behavior intentions. In Study 2, we find that increasing the salience of past personal behaviors does not spill over to collective behavioral intentions. In Study 3, we find that increasing the salience of past personal behavior does not spillover to collective behavioral intentions but does increase support for a carbon tax on companies. We also find that increasing the salience of past behavior increases environmental identity and the perception that one is already taking enough action to reduce climate change. Overall, the results suggest that there are no spillover effects of personal mitigation behaviors on collective mitigation behavioral intentions. Messages that directly encourage collective mitigation behaviors may be more effective at promoting these behaviors than messages that emphasize past personal behaviors.

Heavy Lifting: Emotional Labor and Election Administration

The American democratic system depends on the regular execution of free and fair elections, delivered by front-line public workers. Local election officials (LEOs), their staff, and temporary election workers are tasked with providing excellent constituent service and expertise with a high degree of professionalism. Following the 2020 U.S. presidential contest, the very institution of elections has been under attack. This exploratory study investigates the impact of emotional labor on election workers in this atmosphere. The authors uncover the presence and nuances of emotional labor in election administration and raise questions about what this means for the future of election administration.

Minority Rule: A Lethal Threat to the People's Health, Democracy, and our Planet.

When it comes to climate change, gun control, and abortion rights, the U.S. Supreme Court is on a minority rule roll, with grave consequences for the health of people and life on Earth. Its June 2022 decisions to limit the ability of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency to regulate climate-heating emissions, to overturn gun control legislation, and to overturn Roe v. Wade not only will harm health and increase health inequities, but also flout public opinion. The U.S. Supreme Court, however, is not alone in being out of step with majority views: so too are state and federal elected officials. For effective action, it is imperative for health professionals not only to marshal evidence of harms posed by actions such as the Supreme Court decisions, but also to contribute to efforts to understand and address how changing the "rules of the game"-for example, through gerrymandering and voter suppression-is enabling branches of the U.S. government to undermine not only use of scientific evidence but also majority rule.

Association for the Academic Study of New Religions

The Association for the Academic Study of New Religions, Inc. (AASNR) is an educational trust and a non-profit corporation under the Florida Corporations Not for Profit law set forth in Section 617 of the Florida Statutes to operate exclusively for charitable, historic and cultural purposes within the meaning of Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986. AASNR’s educational mission includes (but is not limited to) the following initiatives:AASNR is set up also to provide financial support, as needed, to ensure the long-term publication of Nova Religio.AASNR is administered by a Board of Directors, which meets as needed to decide policy and elect officers. Members of the current Board of Directors are: W. Michael Ashcraft, Eileen Barker, Marie W. Dallam, Eugene V. Gallagher, Massimo Introvigne, Joseph Laycock, Scott Lowe, Phillip Charles Lucas, Timothy Miller, Rebecca Moore, Jeremy Rapport, Bernadette Rigal-Cellard, Catherine Wessinger, Lydia E. N. Willsky-Ciollo, Stuart A. Wright, and Benjamin E. Zeller. The current officers are: Benjamin E. Zeller (President), Joseph Laycock (Vice-President), Phillip Charles Lucas (Treasurer), and Marie W. Dallam (Secretary).AASNR has received 501(c)(3) status from the Internal Revenue Service, meaning that any contributions are tax deductable. We hope that you will consider contributing to AASNR’s educational mission in support of research in the field of new and minority religions. Contributions can be sent to:Association for the Academic Study of New Religions, Inc.1085 Torchwood Drive,DeLand, Florida 32724

Relationship of political ideology of US federal and state elected officials and key COVID pandemic outcomes following vaccine rollout to adults: April 2021–March 2022

Scant research, including in the United States, has quantified relationships between the political ideologies of elected representatives and COVID-19 outcomes among their constituents. We analyzed observational cross-sectional data on COVID-19 mortality rates (age-standardized) and stress on hospital intensive care unit (ICU) capacity for all 435 US Congressional Districts (CDs) in a period of adult vaccine availability (April 2021-March 2022). Political metrics comprised: (1) ideological scores based on each US Representative's and Senator's concurrent overall voting record and their specific COVID-19 votes, and (2) state trifectas (Governor, State House, and State Senate under the same political party control). Analyses controlled for CD social metrics, population density, vaccination rates, the prevalence of diabetes and obesity, and voter political lean. During the study period, the higher the exposure to conservatism across several political metrics, the higher the COVID-19 age-standardized mortality rates, even after taking into account the CD's social characteristics; similar patterns occurred for stress on hospital ICU capacity for Republican trifectas and US Senator political ideology scores. For example, in models mutually adjusting for CD political and social metrics and vaccination rates, Republican trifecta and conservative voter political lean independently remained significantly associated with an 11%-26% higher COVID-19 mortality rate. Associations between the political ideologies of US federal elected officials and state concentrations of political party power with population health warrant greater consideration in public health analyses and monitoring dashboards. This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Valid Blockchain-Based E-Voting Using Elliptic Curve and Homomorphic Encryption

Improving the voting system has become a widely discussed issue. Paper-based elections are not safe because of the possibility of changing and adding ballots. Consequently, many countries use e-voting systems to ensure security, authenticity and time efficiency. Blockchain e-voting systems can be adopted to reduce fraud and increase voting access from home, especially in pandemics. This paper suggests a blockchain e-voting system that tackles two security and authentication issues. The security has been ensured using hybrid public-key cryptography; the voter information is encrypted using the regional election office elliptic public key, while the homomorphic public supreme election authority encrypts the vote. Using homomorphic encryption for voice enables the calculations of results as the authority encrypts it without revealing the vote itself. Authentication has been improved for home voting by a robust login system. This login system consists of two steps. In the first step, the voter enters the site using his unique QR code number scanned by webcam; in the second step, the system checks the voter's face using a face recognition system by web camera to be routed to the voting page. Voting public keys are also authenticated using a digital certificate schema. The system has been tested to show its efficiency and suitability in block establishment time and the encryption and key generator randomness using NIST tests.

Decentralization in Iraq: Addressing The State – Society Gap

The implementation of decentralization in Iraq was asymmetrical, leading to different forms and paces of implementation. Comparing four cases of Basra, Kirkuk, Nineveh, and Sulaymaniyah indicate that these cases differ in their political stability and autonomy in a way that led to a different forms of decentralization. This paper argues that the higher the level of political autonomy from the federal government, the more efficient the governance model, and the more efficient the governance model, the more legitimate the system (trust), and the more legitimate a system, the more accountable elected officials. Therefore, it recommends reforming the institutional setup of decentralization by having districts, instead of provinces, as the building block of decentralization.

Politics and planning: land take between the EU soil strategy and local policymaking in Lombardy

ABSTRACT While the democratic theory of party government contends the importance of accountable decisionmakers’ preferences for policy outputs, the post-politics thesis argues that political differences have become irrelevant after the triumph of neo-liberalism. This paper questions whether politics makes any difference in land-use policy, with specific regard to land take, focusing on attitudes and choices of local elected officers (LEOs) in Italy’s largest region, where legislation on the land take was introduced in 2014. Most LEOs favour limiting land consumption and do not expand developable land. However, such attitude appears to somehow vary according to LEOs’ political leanings, being less common for right-wing administrators. Furthermore, this does not contradict the established pro-development paradigm, as shown by land consumption rates. Typically, under the influence of special interests, local land-use decisions can undermine large-scale strategies aimed at sustainability, such as the European Union’s Soil Strategy.

Reversing delegation? Politicization, de‐delegation, and non‐majoritarian institutions

AbstractElected governments and states have delegated extensive powers to non‐majoritarian institutions (NMIs) such as independent central banks and regulatory agencies, courts, and international trade and investment organizations, which have become central actors in governance. But, far from having resolved the balance between political control and governing competence or removed certain issues from political debate, NMIs have faced challenges to their legitimacy by elected officials and sometimes attempts to reverse delegation through “de‐delegation”. Our special issue studies the politicization of NMIs, and then whether, why and how it leads to de‐delegation through reducing the formal powers of NMIs or increasing controls over them. In this article, we examine how to analyze de‐delegation, how politicization of NMIs has developed, and how it has affected de‐delegation. We underline not only institutional rules that constrain elected officials but also the actions of NMIs themselves and their relationships with other NMIs as part of multi‐level governance systems. We find that politicization has varied, but even when strong, elected officials have not introduced widespread and long‐lasting de‐delegation; on the contrary, they have frequently widened the powers of NMIs. Insofar as elected politicians have sought to curb NMIs, they have often preferred to use existing controls and non‐compliance. Finally, we consider the wider implications of the combination of politicization and lack of de‐delegation for broader issues of governance such as the division of powers between the elected and unelected and democratic accountability.

Developing a Secure and Trusted E-Voting System for Libyan Elections

Purpose: The aim of this study is to identify the issues and problems in the current Libyan voting system, and to develop a secure e-voting prototype system associated with the Libyan electoral system and the laws and legislation governing. Theoretical framework: E-voting systems allow greater participation of eligible voters to cast their vote remotely or any location that the voter could be during election. Design/methodology/approach: This study used mixed methodology. A qualitative method via interview would be used to collect qualitative data from citizens and election staff to determine functionalities and features of the proposed system. Using Semi-structured interviews with ten eligible voters, election officials. While a quantitative study conducted to evaluate users and elections of officials to determine how the systems fulfils the requirements and their expectations, to determine if the prototype proposed system offers practical solution to the Libyan voters and if the functionalities of the system fulfil the requirement gathered at the problem definition stage. The second prototype was regarded as meeting the key functional and non-functional requirement and ease of use criteria by users. After fixing the concerns found during the first prototype's evaluation in terms of the requirement criteria. The criterion for ease of use were met. Findings: As a result, 87% of the evaluators indicated that they would adopt the system if it was introduced. Whereas 87% of the evaluators suggested that they would recommend the E-Voting system to their friends, colleagues, and Libyan Election Council. Research, Practical & Social implications: Following the trial of the second prototype, the evaluators proposed that the Libyan E-Voting System (L-EVS) would assist them enable them to exercise their election rights. Originality/value: Concerns and issues from previous political elections have spawned over numerous studies regarding voter confidentiality, voting security, and voting accuracy.

Municipal climate leadership in Canada: the role of leadership in the expansion of municipal climate action

PurposeThe purpose of this empirical case study is to study and explain the role of public leadership in the expansion of municipal climate action in Canada.Design/methodology/approachIn 2017 and 2018, the authors conducted13 semi-directed interviews with municipal staff and elected officials from three municipalities, a documentary analysis of primary and secondary sources. Interviews and documentation collected were also coded using the software NVIVO 12. The authors compared three municipal case studies: the City of Toronto (Ontario), the City of Guelph (Ontario), and the Town of Bridgewater (Nova Scotia).FindingsThe authors found that leadership is a prominent factor explaining the expansion of municipal climate action in Canada. Municipal climate action is initiated and championed by an individual, elected officials or municipal staff, who lead and engage in the development of policy instruments to mitigate and/or adapt to climate change. These leaders facilitate the formulation and implementation of instruments, encourage a paradigm shift within the municipality, overcome structural and behavioural barriers, and foster collaboration around a common vision. Optimal municipal climate leadership occurs when the leadership of elected officials and municipal is congruent, though networks play a significant role by amplifying municipal sustainability leadership. They support staff and elected officials leadership within municipalities, provide more information and funding to grow the capacity of municipalities to develop instruments, to the point that conditions under which municipalities are driving climate action are changing.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper hopes to contribute to better understand under what conditions municipalities drive change.Originality/valueThere is an international scholarly recognition that municipalities should be further explored and considered important actors in the Canadian and international climate change governance. Gore (2010) and Robinson and Gore (2015) highlighted that we are yet to understand the extent to which municipalities are involved in climate governance in Canada. This article directly addresses this gap in the current scholarly literature and explores the expansion of climate municipal leadership with the aspects of interviews.

Automatic Voter Reregistration as a Housewarming Gift: Quantifying Causal Effects on Turnout Using Movers

How much can automatic voter registration (AVR) increase turnout? Unlike in many democracies, most American voters face the additional cost of registration, resulting in potential disenfranchisement. Automatic voter registration is naturally expected to promote turnout, but its causal effects have rarely been quantified due to violations of crucial assumptions. I show that a variation of AVR that targets existing registrants as opposed to eligible nonregistrants—termed automatic reregistration (ARR)—increases turnout by 5.8 percentage points. I exploit a natural experiment in a novel administrative dataset; election officials in Orange County, California, notified existing registrants who moved within-county that their residential addresses were automatically updated. The treatment alleviated registrants of reregistration burdens, but only for those who moved before the legal cutoff date, enabling a quasi-random treatment assignment. Contrary to the popular narrative, ARR had no significant effect on the turnout of registered Democrats, but Republicans’ and nonpartisans’ turnout increased by 8.1 and 7.4 percentage points, respectively.

Is There a Tradeoff Between Policy Responsiveness and Government Effectiveness? Evidence From the American States

Citizens in a democracy expect elected officials will be responsive to their political opinions and govern in an effective way that improves their quality of life. However, a government that is too responsive to public sentiments may, in practice, be unable to govern effectively and promote societal well-being. This study is the first attempt to date to empirically evaluate this important potential tradeoff. Using newly developed measures of public opinion and public policy liberalism in the American states over time and a diverse battery of societal outcomes as well as multiple estimation strategies and timeframes, I find a weak and directionally inconsistent statistical relationship between policy responsiveness and government effectiveness. These findings have significant normative and theoretical implications because they suggest there is not a tradeoff between a government responding to its citizens’ opinions and it governing effectively by promoting citizens’ well-being.

France’s party system in 2022

ABSTRACT The 2022 presidential election saw Emmanuel Macron win a widely-expected second term in a run-off against Marine Le Pen, confirming the demise of the pre-2017 party system. In the ensuing parliamentary elections, however, Macron’s party lost its majority, and the divided opposition forces staged a partial recovery. Most notably, the ‘republican front’, which had hitherto limited the far-right Rassemblement National’s access to elective office, crumbled. This article analyses the transformation and destabilization of France’s party system through the lenses of France’s electoral system, the evolution of socio-political cleavages, and the behaviour of key players before and during the election campaign.

Review: The Advantage of Disadvantage: Costly Protest and Political Representation for Marginalized Groups, by LaGina Gause

Review: <i>The Advantage of Disadvantage: Costly Protest and Political Representation for Marginalized Groups</i>, by LaGina Gause

Review: Nowhere to Run: Race, Gender, and Immigration in American Elections, by Christian Dyogi Phillips

Review: <i>Nowhere to Run: Race, Gender, and Immigration in American Elections</i>, by Christian Dyogi Phillips