Election Of Donald Trump Research Articles

TRUMP'S "DEAL OF THE CENTURY" AND THE LATIN AMERICAN RESPONSE

This article seeks to analyze the turn of US foreign policy, following the election of Donald Trump as the 45th president of the United States, with regard to Palestine and the imperialist interests in the region, investigate this new deal of the century to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It then intends to examine US pressures on Latin American countries due to their responses to the agreement and their relations with the “State of Israel” and with the Palestinian National Authority.

The Certainty of Uncertainty: Taiwanese Public Opinion on U.S.–Taiwan Relations in the Early Trump Presidency

The election of Donald Trump has injected new uncertainties into the conduct of U.S. foreign affairs in Asia. For Taiwan, regional security is challenging because it must simultaneously deal with an increasingly belligerent China and an America led by the unconventional Trump. Based on public opinion data, this study analyzes how the Taiwanese public perceives the state of U.S.–Taiwan relations, and how certain they are about America's overall commitment to Taiwan in this era. Results indicate that people in their 20s, pan‐Green partisans, and those favoring Taiwan independence perceive U.S.–Taiwan relations to be better under President Trump. Moreover, supporters of the pan‐Green coalition and of Taiwan independence, together with the more “ambivalent” respondents, likewise feel more certain about America's commitment to Taiwan's security. On the contrary, pan‐Blue partisans and Taiwanese citizens with mainland Chinese ethnicity are generally more pessimistic and skeptical about U.S.–Taiwan ties and partnership with Trump in the White House.

The Role of Nationalism in the 21st Century System of International Relations

Nationalism is one of the great ideologies of the 19th and 20th centuries, whose demise was widely expected with certainty at the end of the 20th century. But Brexit, the election of Donald Trump as the President of the United States and constant gaining force by the Radical Right political parties in Europe sparkled discussion on the role of nationalism in the international system of the 21st century. The article answers the question whether this reanimation of nationalism is a long-term trend or merely an episode that supports predictions of its fading away.

Comment: Reciprocity and the Rise of Populism

It has recently been contended that the rise of populism in the US, culminating in the election of Donald Trump, vindicates liberal political theory, and the liberal political theory of John Rawls in particular. For the election of someone like Trump is just what Rawls’s theory would lead us to expect. Rawls’s theory would lead us to expect it because Rawls thought that if a liberal democracy is to be stable, it must satisfy the demands of reciprocity. But there is ample evidence that the contemporary US flouts those demands, and so an angry backlash of the sort that carried Trump to the White House is not surprising. I draw on research sociologist Arlie Hochschild did among voters on the American right to show that the failure of reciprocity which explains Trump’s election is not a failure of exactly the form of reciprocity Rawls had in mind. The difference between the two forms of reciprocity is suggestive. It suggests the sort of policy conclusions liberals and progressives ought to draw from Rawls’s theory to address our current predicament.

Emotional foundations of the public climate change divide

The worldwide rise of climate skeptical political leaders endangers sorely needed political efforts to mitigate climate change. In addition, climate skepticism expressed by the political elites may spread to the electorate, thus ultimately affecting mitigation actions at the population level. It is crucial to better understand the psychological mechanisms underlying elite influences on public opinion formation and polarization. Here we show how affective processes contribute to these top-down influences using longitudinal data in the context of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Findings revealed a general decrease in climate change beliefs immediately after the presidential election (November 2016). We moreover found an increase in positive emotions and a decrease in negative emotions toward the Republican Party after the election of President Trump. Most importantly, the positive emotional shift towards the Republican Party mediated the decrease in climate change beliefs: Individuals with pronounced increases in positive emotions toward the Republican Party most strongly reduced their belief in climate change after the presidential election. The effect was intensified among Republican partisans, pointing towards a mechanism underlying political polarization. Using data based on a major real-world political event, our findings illustrate how partisans update their beliefs by referring to the positions of relevant political authorities. We moreover demonstrate how emotions drive top-down influences of political leaders on partisans’ opinions and beliefs. Finally, our findings reveal how intensified emotions can contribute to the aggravation of the public climate change divide.

Make Fossil Fuels Great Again? The Paris Agreement, Trump, and the US Fossil Fuel Industry

Theoretical advances suggest that international governance in general and the Paris Agreement in particular provide a strong signal guiding sociotechnical systems toward decarbonization. We assess this signal and its effects empirically, by examining the struggle of competing narratives as present in the communications of leading US fossil fuel industry associations and companies. The results are then discussed in the context of the national and international climate and energy policy debates in a study period from late 2014 until the announcement of withdrawal from the Paris Agreement in June 2017. We find that the Paris Agreement has institutionalized a narrative paradigm that is surprisingly resilient. While the election of Donald Trump and his climate and energy policy led to a narrative shift in the coal industry, the oil and gas industry remained conspicuously silent in its immediate response and maintained its narrative strategies despite its alignment with the Paris Agreement.

Googly eyes and yard signs: Deconstructing one professor’s successful rebuffing of a right-wing attack on an academic institution

Right-wing populism is on the rise worldwide, and political attacks against universities have increased in the United States since the election of Donald Trump. In 2017, an incident occurred at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln which resulted in accusations of hostility toward conservative students. Just over a year later, political forces again attempted to denigrate the university’s reputation, but this time they did not succeed. This (multimodal) positive discourse analysis/generative critique combines collaborative auto-ethnography to describe the way these events were represented in the media, deconstructing a professor’s methods of countering a right-wing attack on an academic institution. Findings demonstrate the use of multiple strategies such as controlling the narrative through social media savvy; using linguistic strategies such as refutation of strawman fallacies, syntax, deixis and emotional appeal; and use of image.

The Political Lives of Saints: Christian-Muslim Mediation in Egypt (By Angie Heo)

Reviewed by: The Political Lives of Saints: Christian-Muslim Mediation in Egypt by Angie Heo Aomar Boum (bio) The Political Lives of Saints: Christian-Muslim Mediation in Egypt Angie Heo Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2018. 316 Pages. In the last few decades ethnic and religious minorities in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have continued their long postcolonial migration outside of the region. These migratory trends risk to turn the region into a homogeneous ethnic and religious locality void of religious and ethnic diversity especially given the rising ideological extremism. In this context of growing rejection and [End Page 114] animosity towards minorities, more academic scholarship is needed to describe and analyze the histories and articulations of the “minority question” in the MENA region. The Political Lives of Saints provides one answer to this shortage of scholarship on the minority question in Egypt and a needed addition to the larger debates on Christian-Muslim relations in the MENA region where academia tends to focus mostly on Jewish-Muslim relations. The publication of this ethnographic work comes at a unique moment in the history of Middle Eastern Christians. The election of Donald Trump in 2016 set the stage for a new American human rights policy voiced publicly by Vice President Mike Pence and Secretary of State Michael Pompeo. It prioritizes mostly Christians of Iraq and Egypt and acknowledges, for instance, Middle Eastern dictators such as Egypt’s Abdel Fattah Sisi as the champion of minority rights for allowing the building of Coptic churches. The Political Lives of Saints is a major contribution to the study of minority politics in the Middle East and North Africa largely because of its focus on one of the most important Eastern Christian communities, especially at a time when Christians in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Egypt have undergone experiences of violence in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings. Nevertheless, while the media has largely focused on the bombings of churches, destruction of private property and sometimes individual killings, Heo’s fieldwork adds a complex dimension to our understanding of Coptic life in Egypt using media studies and semiotics. The ethnography showcases a life of marginalization where Coptic political involvement remains alive. The Political Lives of Saints is an anthropological approach to saints as a vehicle to understand Christian-Muslim relations in Egypt. For Heo, while the ethnographic subject is the Orthodox Coptic Church and Egyptian Christians, the central argument of the work is how Christian and Muslims mediate their daily social relations as members of a political, national, sectarian, and minority group. Heo claims that the two central players, the Church and the Egyptian State, in these social encounters use mostly saints to oversee and manage Egyptian Muslim and Coptic differences under the umbrella of the nation-state. By using the material culture and saints in particular as a subject of study, Heo re-shifts our ethnographic eye and analytical perspective from the human subject to holy figures, sites, material objects and places. Visual objects and iconographic materials, Heo claims, are vehicles through which people understand, interpret and express their views of the world. In this context, the book proposes to study Christian-Muslim relations by moving away from individual interviews and the Coptic Church hierarchy to “relics, apparitions and icons” (p. 6). Heo sees this approach a new way to add to our understanding of how Egyptians imagine their national and religious belonging through their “distinctive styles of material imagination” [End Page 115] (p. 6)). The semiotics of image-objects is therefore central to The Political Lives of Saints. Heo focuses on the categories of “nation” and “religion” to highlight the broader intersections of the Christian-Muslim relations. In her analysis of the different stages and aspects of Copts and state relations, Heo succeeds to a larger extent in demonstrating the extent to which both institutions support each other to maintain a sense of “Egyptian-ness” grounded on nationhood and sectarianism at the same time. Yet, while Heo manages to a large extent to explore the different aspects and features of Coptic relics and ritual memories, there are larger gaps within the broader analysis of Christian-Muslim relations. The focus on materiality...

Populist Narratives from Below: Occupy Wall Street and the Tea Party

The election of Donald Trump and the rise of anti-immigrant parties throughout Europe have led many to define populism as exclusionary and anti-democratic. Yet inclusive, grassroots, and left-wing varieties of populism have also surged across the world in the same period. This paper aims to conceptualize left populism through the discourse of its supporters. I draw on interviews and observations with supporters of Bernie Sanders and members of Occupy Wall Street in Northern Michigan, gathered before and after the 2016 presidential campaign. I find that left-wing populists feel that it has become harder for the average American to live a decent life due to growing corporate influence on institutions. Like right populists, they are outraged at the failures of elites to acknowledge people’s lived realities. However, unlike right populists, they acknowledge that minority populations face unique challenges. Contrary to theorists who claim that populism is incompatible with pluralism, I show that the left populist narrative of oppression by the “1%” allows for both difference and unity within the “people”.

Ответ на вопрос: что такое постправда? Перспектива проблематологии

<p>В статье поднимается вопрос о том, какими могут быть основания у рациональности и духовно-нравственных ценностных установок в XXI в. в мире, отмеченном господством так называемой «политики постправды». Для ответа автор обращается к концепциям постправды теоретика риторики Брюса Маккомиски и социального эпистемолога Стива Фуллера и производит их сравнение, более подробно останавливаясь на первой.</p><p>С точки зрения Маккомиски, ситуация постправды отличается от более ранней ситуации изменением преобладающего риторического режима — если ранее «брехня» (термин Гарри Франкфурта) политических деятелей, СМИ и медиа затрагивала этос и пафос коммуникации, оставляя логос по большей части нетронутым, то в наши дни, после референдума о Брексите и избрания Дональда Трампа президентом США, логос оказался подвергнут обесцениванию. Проанализировав подход Маккомиски с учетом концепции Фуллера, автор делает вывод, что рассмотрение предмета первым недостаточно, поскольку постправда обладает не только отрицательным (как полагает Маккомиски), но и положительным измерением.</p><p>Для того чтобы описать оба данных измерения, автор прибегает к риторической теории Мишеля Мейера — проблематологии. С ее помощью он демонстрирует, что упор, который Маккомиски делает на логосе, избыточен и что «объективные факты» (якобы оказавшиеся под угрозой в мире постправды) включают в себя не только логос, но и остальные риторические компоненты.</p><p>Автор приходит к заключению, что проблематологическая парадигма с ее акцентом на вопрошании способна дать основание для рациональности и нравственных ценностей в мире, вышедшем из «состояния постмодерна».</p>

“Don’t Give Up! Don’t Give in!” Gender in International Relations and “Curious” Feminist Questions

“Don’t Give Up! Don’t Give in!” Gender in International Relations and “Curious” Feminist Questions

The Nordic Region: Can Russia ‘Divide and Rule’? Four Russo-Nordic Relations After Crimea and Trump

The Nordic countries interact with Russia not only in the Baltic Sea region but also in the Barents region and the Polar Arctic. In order to get a full picture of the underlying dynamics, individual Nordic Russia-relations should be studied in a comprehensive framework. The framework applied here is one of great power wedging in regional dynamics. With geopolitical differences and mutual idiosyncracies, the Nordic soil has traditionally been fertile for great powers seeking to ‘divide and rule’, and Russia has apparently succeeded since about 2000. However, in the wake of Russia’s involvement in the Ukraine conflict and the election of Donald Trump as US president, geopolitical interests seem to be converging with fairly even threat perceptions being found in Nordic capitals. This will strengthen security and defence cooperation, although a common Nordic Russia-policy is unlikely. All four countries, in particular Sweden, face difficult dilemmas in this new situation.

Do Directors’ Mobility Restrictions Matter? An International Evidence

From business to politics and academia, the economic effects of restrictions of high-skilled migration are under scrutiny. We examine and quantify the effects of the restrictions on corporate directors’ mobility on the firm market value. Using two unexpected events – the outcome of the EU referendum in the UK and the election of Donald Trump as the US President and his decisions to restrict the entrance of nationals of several majority Muslim countries to the USA - we find that restricting international mobility of high-skilled workers has a negative impact on the firm value, measured as the cumulative abnormal returns (CARs). This result remains robust under alternative specifications and placebo tests. Moreover, we show that the firms that have foreign directors on boards that do not face additional mobility restrictions experience an increase in value around the aforementioned events, suggesting the transfer of usefulness between the two categories of foreign directors.

Economic Nationalism: US Trade Policy VS. BREXIT

In 2016, both the election of President Trump and the UK’s vote to leave the European Union represented important shifts in the approach of both countries to their international trading relationships. In the case of the US, the Trump administration has sought to target tariffs against countries such as China, while the UK is seeking to exit a highly integrated market and assert its sovereignty. In this article, it is shown that both events were a response to the China import shock, which in turn led to a dramatic rise in populism resulting in a substantive shift in each country’s trade policy, each generating substantive actual and expected economic costs. However, the policy responses to populism are quite different: the US has chosen to be explicitly protectionist, a feature of economic nationalism, while the UK is not seeking to raise trade barriers as it adjusts its trading arrangements. Nonetheless, both countries are following a path of economic “dis-integration”, the US undermining its multilateral obligations under the WTO, the UK seeking to leave the European Union of which it has been a member since 1973.

The Differential Effects of Economic Conditions and Racial Attitudes in the Election of Donald Trump – Corrigendum

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Everyday Racism and Racialized Experiences Among Indonesian Migrant Muslims in New York City: Perception, Resistance, and Self-Empowerment

The election of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States of America increased public conversations about the situations of immigrants living in the country. Trump employed the issue of immigrants as a powerful weapon to win the presidential race. In my view, the way the American people excitedly responded to and accepted Trump’s ideas indicates how racism against immigrants still plays a pivotal role in the US political and social realms. My reflection on this hot issue on immigration led me to wonder about some of my colleagues and friends from Indonesia who migrated to the US. How are they? Are they in a good situation?

Trade, conflict, and opportunity: taking advantage of others’ protectionism and isolationism – the case of MERCOSUL

ABSTRACT The election of President Trump, Brexit, and the amplifying of isolationist voices have signaled the possible emergence of a new era – one of retreat in the Liberal International Order. While this is one way of defining the present moment, it does not capture the full picture, as uncertainty has opened and/or widened new partnerships. In this scenario, MERCOSUL (Southern Common Market) has both sought and been sought by a growing number of countries and international organizations, recently (re)launching free trade negotiations with many partners, including Canada. This paper explores the empirical aspects of MERCOSUL’s apparently sudden growth in attractiveness, reflecting external and internal factors, with particular attention to Brazil recent negotiations. The case allows an opportunity to reflect if the world is witnessing indeed an “unravelling” of the multilateralist world order or rather a re-adjustment, whereby increasing diversification is pursued through untraditional and overlooked partnerships. The idea is not to minimize the significant worldwide impacts of the US’ inward-looking trade policies and discourse or deny the growth in appeal to isolationism, but to question whether such positions are still exceptions, or if reports on the open trade system’s death have only been greatly exaggerated.

From Computational Thinking to Political Resistance

Working with Latinx adolescents and providing informal learning experiences through a voluntary after school program aimed at developing their computational thinking and competencies, discussions around the election of Donald Trump emerged as it was important for many students. Emergent bilinguals internalized the xenophobic discourse that was amplified during the presidential election season. Thus, students feared deportation, discrimination, and other forms of violence. Many students experienced their friends and families facing deportation due to the increased Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids that occurred in 2016. The after-school program was a safe space in which we could provide a constructive and creative environment for students to comfortably explore these topics. In this paper, drawing on three pre-service teachers’ reflections, we explore how middle school urban Latinx students navigated their oppressors through computational thinking and show case a model of a critical pedagogy in an informal science education.

Ethnoracial Populism: An Alternative to Neoliberal Globalization?

ABSTRACTWorldwide emergence of strongmen leaderships and eroded or failed democracies suggest that the era of unchallenged neoliberal hegemony may be winding down and that alternatives are rising. The presidential election of Donald Trump has inspired rightwing populists at home and abroad. This paper will analyze the Trumpist fusion of authoritarian ethnoracial nationalism with neoliberal adventure capitalism and the broader matter of how neoliberal de-democratization opens way for right-wing populism and illiberal capitalism. The topics will be explored in part through discussions of earlier theories of Friedrich Hayek, Carl Schmitt, John Dewey, and Karl Polanyi that have been revived and deployed in the current debates over neoliberalism, populism, and democracy.

Questioning collaborative devising in a post-truth era: Crafting theatre with youth

ABSTRACT Devising often emphasizes nonhierarchical and collaborative modes of creating performance. As such, it holds promise for young people seeking to develop their agency as emergent artists. In 2016–17, Rachel Turner-King worked with The Belgrade’s Canley Youth Theatre (Coventry, UK) to explore their feelings about regional political issues, Brexit, the election of Donald Trump, and the rise of “fake news”. However, privileging democratic co-creation raises questions about the director’s role and responsibility in the creative process. Drawing on Richard Sennett’s discussion of craftsmanship, this paper focuses on the methods used to craft theatre with youth by considering the interconnections between an “ethics of care” and the artistic processes of dramaturgy.