Election Of Deputies Research Articles

16. On the Refusal to Accept for Consideration the Inquiry of a Group of Deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly and the Inquiry of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation Concerning Verification of the Constitutionality of a Number of Provisions of the Federal Law “On Elections of Deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly

16. On the Refusal to Accept for Consideration the Inquiry of a Group of Deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly and the Inquiry of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation Concerning Verification of the Constitutionality of a Number of Provisions of the Federal Law “On Elections of Deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly

7. On the Procedure for the Formation and Expenditure of Monetary Resources in the Election Funds of Candidates for Deputy, Electoral Associations, and Electoral Blocs for Elections of Deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation

7. On the Procedure for the Formation and Expenditure of Monetary Resources in the Election Funds of Candidates for Deputy, Electoral Associations, and Electoral Blocs for Elections of Deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation

5. On the Appointment of Elections of Deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the New Convocation

5. On the Appointment of Elections of Deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the New Convocation

2. On Elections of Deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation

2. On Elections of Deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation

11. In the Case Concerning Verification of the Constitutionality of Part Two of Article 42 of the Law of the Chuvash Republic “On Elections of Deputies to the State Council of the Chuvash Republic” as Amended on 26 August 1994

11. In the Case Concerning Verification of the Constitutionality of Part Two of Article 42 of the Law of the Chuvash Republic “On Elections of Deputies to the State Council of the Chuvash Republic” as Amended on 26 August 1994

Spanish electoral laws for the election of deputies to the Cortes 1810–70

Spanish electoral laws for the election of deputies to the Cortes 1810–70

The Social Geography of Rural Revolt at the Beginning of the French Revolution

The rural uprisings that were critical in the collapse of the Old Regime in 1789 have been intensively studied; the comparative analysis of rural revolt is currently a lively topic in American social science. This paper examines hypotheses on the social contexts likely to foster insurrection through the use of a variety of quantitative indicators. The principal tool is logistic regression. Several predictors of rural upheaval suggest some of the revolt-generating processes and structures: economic integration into the market; the political penetration of local institutions by the central state bureaucracy; conflict over land use; and the strength of local communal organization. Many other explanations are not confirmed: literacy does not generate revolt nor does variation in the level of hardship have the consequences expected in much of the literature. Beyond the specific findings, the rural turbulence of 1789 shows itself to be an amalgam of quite diverse conflicts. In the spring and summer of 1789 the peasants of France rose. Their mobilization took many forms and was directed against many targets. A central goal of the revolutionary legislature in that turbulent summer was the demobilization of the countryside, a goal that proved elusive for years to come. But already in the spring, the as yet scattered acts of peasant selfassertion testified to the potential storms, and formed a significant part of the context within which the elections of deputies to the Estates-General took place. The continuing rural turbulence, both demonstrating and aggravating the incapacity of the existing political order, made a major contribution to the sense of crisis that led the representatives of the Third Estate to abandon the concept of the EstatesGeneral to which they had been duly elected, and in an act of revolutionary self-assertion, led them to declare themselves the nucleus of a National Assembly. The wave of rural mobilization that starts in the middle of July, together with the turbulence of the towns, forms the backdrop to the National Assembly's ringing

The 12th Congress of the Communist Party of China

On 1 September 1982, 1,545 delegates and 145 alternates convened the 12th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party. The meeting was announced in advance (at the seventh plenum of the 11th Central Committee, held in Beijing 4–10 August) and proceeded with well-rehearsed smoothness to its scheduled adjournment 15 days later. The meeting agenda conformed closely to established protocol, consisting of speeches and work reports, discussion and adoption of a new Party constitution, culminating in the election of new members to the Central Committee and other “standing” (i.e. permanently tenured) positions and convention of the first plenary meetings of these organs. The meeting began on 1 September with a relatively brief opening speech by Deng Xiaoping, the presiding chairman (though in a typical gesture to collective leadership there were no less than nine other presiding chairmen), and was followed by Hu Yaobang's comprehensive report and by speeches or reports by Ye Jianying, Chen Yun, Li Xiannian and others. These documents were all published as part of a general effort at greater publicity that included prior announcement of the dates of convention and adjournment, invitation of more than 70 responsible persons from democratic parties, non-Party patriots and other well-known personages from various circles to attend as observers (as had been done previously during the Eighth Congress), fairly detailed reporting of the election of deputies, their assembly and daily activities, arrangements and so forth, and even a sort of press conference that Zhu Muzhi, spokesman of the conference, held for Chinese and foreign reporters – although no foreign Communist Party members or foreign journalists were permitted to attend the Congress itself.

Elective Kingship and Consensus Populi in Sixteenth-Century France

Previous articleNext article No AccessElective Kingship and Consensus Populi in Sixteenth-Century FranceRichard A. JacksonRichard A. Jackson Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 44, Number 2Jun., 1972 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/240747 Views: 4Total views on this site Citations: 3Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1972 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Peter Haldén Family Power, I (Mar 2020).https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108863612Anna Becker Gendering the Renaissance Commonwealth, 12 (Dec 2019).https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108765404J. Bel, C. Marinoni, B. R. Granett, L. Guzzo, J. A. Peacock, E. Branchini, O. Cucciati, S. de la Torre, A. Iovino, W. J. Percival, H. Steigerwald, U. Abbas, C. Adami, S. Arnouts, M. Bolzonella, D. Bottini, A. Cappi, J. Coupon, I. Davidzon, G. De Lucia, A. Fritz, P. Franzetti, M. Fumana, B. Garilli, O. Ilbert, J. Krywult, V. Le Brun, O. Le Fèvre, D. Maccagni, K. Małek, F. Marulli, H. J. McCracken, L. Paioro, M. Polletta, A. Pollo, H. Schlagenhaufer, M. Scodeggio, L. A. M. Tasca, R. Tojeiro, D. Vergani, A. Zanichelli, A. Burden, C. Di Porto, A. Marchetti, Y. Mellier, L. Moscardini, R. C. Nichol, S. Phleps, M. Wolk, G. Zamorani The VIMOS Public Extragalactic Redshift Survey (VIPERS), Astronomy & Astrophysics 563 (Feb 2014): A37.https://doi.org/10.1051/0004-6361/201321942

Les occupations d'usines en France de mai et juin 1936

The great strike movement in France in the summer of 1936, which took its peculiar form of action in a series of stay-in strikes, can only be explained by the general state of mind of the French working-class in the spring of 1936. France had found itself for the last two years in a state of growing social and political fermentation. The danger of the militant social and political reaction, which manifested itself particularly clearly in February 1934, had roused the socially and politically progressive elements in France and enabled the reconciliation of the two great labour parties. It also surmounted the discord in the trade-unions and led to the formation of the “Popular Front”, which gained a glorious victory at the elections of deputies on April 26th and May 3rd 1936. In the course of this development of events the social consciousness of the working-class was strengthened. The feeling no longer to have to accept meekly the privations they had had to suffer during the years of depression, and no longer to stand deprived of their rights by their employers, gradually grew stronger. The beginning of 1936 marked a tremendous growth of the membership in the trade-unions and everywhere in the working-class there was a state of ferment. Characteristic of this development is, above all, the fact that in the beginning of the movement of 1936 the material claims, the claims for raising wages, often played a less prominent part and fell back behind the aspiration for mitigation of the social inferiority of the working-class, that is to say, the actual acknowledgement of the workman's right to join a trade-union, the realization of the system of collective contracts, the admittance of representatives of the workers in the different industries.